Mellifont Abbey, Co. Louth Part 4

That the Abbots of the Order exercised that privilege in this country cannot be doubted. We read an instance of it in the _Triumphalia_, so ably edited by the late Father Denis Murphy, S.J., where, even after the Council of Trent and so recently as 1621, a certain secular priest, who had been appointed by the Abbot of Holy Cross to the pastoral charge of the parish attached to that abbey and of one or more outlying parishes subject to the same Abbot, denied after some time, that he had his faculties from the said Abbot, but rather from the Archbishop, or his Vicar. The controversy lasted long, but finally, it was decided in the Abbot's favour, and Dr. Kearney, then Archbishop of Cashel, acknowledged the Abbot's t.i.tle. And again, in the _Spicelegium Ossoriense_ there is a letter from Dr. O'Reilly, Archbishop of Armagh, written to the Propaganda in 1633, in which he complained that the Cistercians claimed the privilege of "_Visitation, Correction, Summoning to Synods, Approbation to hear confessions, together with entire and absolute episcopal jurisdiction_."

And a further proof in favour of the practice is found in the fact that laymen who acquired the suppressed monasteries of the Order claimed and exercised that same privilege. Thus, in 1622, Archbishop Ussher in a Report of Bective parish said it belonged to Bartholomew Dillon, Esq. of Riverstown, his Majesty's farmer of the impropriate property. "This church belongeth to the Abbey of Bectiffe, in the possession of the said Mr.

Dillon, who pretendeth to have an exemption from the Lord Bishop's jurisdiction, and doth prove wills and grant administrations." And in 1744, Harris writes of Newry, where once was a Cistercian Abbey also: "A mitred Abbot formerly possessed the lordships of Newry and Mourne, and exercised therein Episcopal Jurisdiction, which after the dissolution of the Abbey was done by the temporal proprietor, and at the present Robert Needham, Esq., to whom the town and manor belong, enjoys an exempt Jurisdiction within the said manors, and the seal of his court is a Mitred Abbot in his Albe sitting in a chair, and supported by two yew trees with this inscription: '_Sigillum exemptae Jurisdictionis de Viride Ligno alias Newry et Mourne_.'" Which in English means, the seal of the Exempt Jurisdiction of Newry and Mourne. Verily! this savours of Popery; for, it was from the Pope the monks received their exemption. A modern example of this Papal concession, exercised in the Anglican Church, is to be found in the case of the Dean of Westminster who is immediately under the jurisdiction of her Gracious Majesty the Queen, and consequently exempt from that of the Archbishop of Canterbury. It is as successor to the Abbot of Westminster that he claims and is allowed that privilege of exemption; for the Abbot was immediately subject to the Pope in pre-Reformation times.

The Abbot of Mellifont was implicated in the rebellion of Lambert Simnel; for in 1488, he received pardon from the King for his offences in that connection. The close of the fifteenth century found Mellifont recovering and maintaining its old prestige amongst the Religious Orders of this country, and with the dawning of a new century, it had regained its former level, from which a host of circ.u.mstances had conspired to drag it down and to degrade it. These circ.u.mstances have been already detailed and need not be here repeated.

In civil matters, Ireland in the first quarter of the sixteenth century, presented the same, or nearly the same, condition as she did more than three centuries before, when the English first landed on her sh.o.r.es. The Pale was literally bounded by the Liffey and the Boyne, and the old feuds, the long-protracted wars between the Anglo-Irish and the natives still subsisted. The regular administration of the law was limited to the four counties adjoining the capital, called the "Four Obedient Counties." It seems incontestable that religion was in a flourishing condition in this country during the period; for an unwonted activity and fervour animated both clergy and people, as can be inferred from the number of religious houses established; the frequency of Synods held denoting zeal and regularity on the part of the prelates convening them; and the common practice, so much then in vogue, of visiting, through a spirit of penance and devotion, the Holy Places at home and in far-off countries. Our Annals prove this to demonstration. But, it must be borne in mind that the spirit of exclusion was still in full force amongst the Anglo-Irish clergy, and no Irishman was eligible for benefices within the Pale. Learning, which is ever the handmaid of true piety, found its home as in ancient times amongst the two cla.s.ses of the clergy, the secular and regular. The number of learned works published at that time clearly proves it. Amongst the many eminent men who then adorned the Church in Ireland, Maurice O'Fihely, Archbishop of Tuam, ranks foremost. His biographers, for he had many, inform us, that he "was eminent for his extraordinary knowledge in Divinity, Logic, Philosophy, and Metaphysics," that he published a Dictionary of the Holy Scriptures, and was styled by his contemporaries at home and abroad, "The Flower of the World." He had been a Franciscan Friar before his promotion to the See of Tuam, but did not long survive his appointment.

Now, capital has been made by some writers out of a description of the Church in Ireland taken from the State Papers, Part III., Vol. II., pp.

15, 16. If it reflected a true picture, a Reformation would indeed have been needed, but not the kind introduced by Henry VIII., nurtured by Edward VI., and propagated with fire and sword by Elizabeth. The Report states: "Some sayeth, that the prelates of the Church and the clergy is much the cause of all the mysse order of the land, for there is no archbyshop, ne bysshop, abbot, ne prior, parson ne vicar, ne any other person of the church, high or lowe, greate or smalle, Englysh or Irishe, that usythe to preach the worde of G.o.dde, saveing the poor fryers beggars."... "Some sayeth"--Who were these "Some," or what was their a.s.sertion worth? Were they parties who benefited by the disturbance of the old order of things at the Suppression, and so suspected of having been partial, and eager to seek any and every palliation for the State Church as by law established. Now every student of Irish history, as contained in our Annals, knows that that anonymous statement is unwarranted by fact. It will suffice to take two instances, as we find them recorded in Dowling's _Annals_ about this time, to show the fallacy of the accusation of wholesale neglect of preaching the Word of G.o.d. Of Nicholas Maguire, Bishop of Leighlin, 1490-1512, Dowling (Protestant Chancellor of Leighlin) writes: "When he was Prebendary of Ullard, he preached and delivered great learning with no less reverence, being in favour with the King and n.o.bility of Leinster, who, together with the Dean and Chapter, elected him Bishop of Leighlin." And of Maurice Deoran, or Doran, who a few years later succeeded him in Leighlin, Dowling again writes: "He was a most eloquent preacher." It cannot be denied that at that time some Church dignitaries affected the airs and magnificence of worldly magnates, nor that they gave scandal to their flocks by their absenteeism. Other abuses, no doubt, existed, but the watchful providence of G.o.d had made provision for their removal through His authorised ministers. But, alas! a new condition of affairs shall soon arise. The most powerful political engine ever fabricated for the extension of the English power in Ireland shall be introduced, one which shall eventually break up the tribe lands, annihilate the sway of the ancient chieftains, and reduce their impoverished descendants to the condition of serfs and menials. And this shall be called reforming the Church! Even in this revolution, Mellifont shall play her part, and become revolutionized and misappropriated.

CHAPTER VII.

THE SUPPRESSION OF MELLIFONT.

"No more shall Charity with sparkling eyes, And smiles of welcome, wide unfold the door, Where pity listening still to nature's cries, Befriends the wretched and relieves the poor."

(_Keats._)

The Religious Orders, which succeed each other in the Catholic Church, are subject to laws similar to those that govern the productions of nature.

They grow from feeble and imperceptible seeds, increase, flourish, and bear fruit; then decrease, fade, and fall to the ground. But they have produced a fruit, which contains within it the germs of a new seed-time, and which bursts forth vigorously from the decaying sheath to reproduce its never-failing kind. This work of reproduction and subsequent expansion is aided, directed, and encouraged by him, to whom is divinely committed the government of the Church; and when pseudo, self-styled reformers essay the difficult task, their true character is unmasked in the inevitable ruin and desolation which follow, instead of the order and rehabilitation which were promised. Bluff King Hal, or the Merrie Monarch, as Henry VIII.

was familiarly and affectionately called by his loving subjects in the beginning of his reign, was in need of money to squander on his pa.s.sions and pleasures. In his newly a.s.sumed character, therefore, of Head of the Church in his dominions (which, by Act of Parliament, he made it high treason to deny), he suppressed the lesser monasteries whose annual income did not exceed 200. This was done, forsooth, in the interests of religion!!! The proceeds of the confiscation were soon dissipated, and the wily Cromwell, whom the King had appointed his _Vicar General_, suggested the suppression and appropriation to the King's uses, of all the monasteries within the realm. Again it is his zeal for the promotion of G.o.d's glory that is pleaded as his motive for the nefarious deed. Three years before, when addressing the Houses of Parliament in behalf of the measure for the suppression of the lesser monasteries, he publicly gave thanks to G.o.d, that in the large communities "religion is right well kept and observed." And yet, what a metamorphosis in such a short s.p.a.ce! All had now fallen away, and had inexplicably sunk into all manner of iniquity! Spelman, in his _History of Sacrilege_, tells the mode adopted by this model Reformer to carry his motion for investing in the Crown the property of all the Religious Orders. "The King sent for the Commons," he tells us, "and informed them he would have the Bill pa.s.s, or take off some of their heads." This they knew to be no empty threat; and pa.s.s the Bill they did on that memorable day of May 13, 1539. The Lords, as a body, voted for it; partly through a feeling of jealousy towards the Churchmen, who enjoyed no inconsiderable share of the monarch's confidence and favour, and so they rejoiced at whatever promised to destroy this good understanding between them; and partly through cupidity, for they hoped for a share in the booty. The Bishops at that juncture are blamed for their weakness in complying with so unjust a proceeding; but they were divided in their councils; some considering it the less of two evils to sacrifice the Religious houses, in the hope that the misunderstanding between the King and the Pope would be soon adjusted and the monks restored, yielded to the King; others, unworthy of their office, as it must be admitted, worldly men, courtly prelates, who dreaded the King's displeasure, obsequiously obeyed his mandate.

Besides his greed for gold, the King had another potent motive for suppressing the monasteries, one that gave a zest to this disgraceful act: he wanted the further to spite the Pope by inflicting such an unheard-of injury on religion. Other motives, too, were not wanting, such as state policy, so the King alleged, and the want of constant affection towards his person on the part of the Religious, particularly in his new capacity.

This, Lord Herbert (who was no friend of the monks) admits in his Life of the King. His Lordship writes: "The monks were looked upon as a body of reserve for the Pope, and always ready to appear in his quarrels."

Perhaps, their opposition to the King's a.s.sumption of spiritual power precipitated matters. At all events, one of them, zealous for G.o.d's law, had the courage to reproach him to his face in a sermon preached at Greenwich before the King's marriage with Anne Boleyn. This fearless champion of justice, this intrepid son of St. Francis, thus addressed the dissolute monarch:--"I am that Micheas, O King, whom you will hate because I must tell you truly that this marriage is unlawful; and I know that I shall eat the bread of affliction and drink the water of sorrow; yet, because our Lord has put it in my mouth, I must speak it." And when he and another faithful brother friar were brought before the King's council, who rebuked them, and declared them deserving of being shut up in a sack, and thrown into the Thames, for the boldness of their language in the matter of the King's marriage, his companion smiling said: "Threaten these things to the rich and dainty persons, who are clothed in purple, and fare deliciously, and have their chiefest hope in this world; for we esteem them not, but are joyful, that, for the discharge of our duty we are driven hence; and, with thanks to G.o.d, we know the way to heaven to be as ready by water as by land." (Stowe, _Church Chronicle_.)

It was not, then, for dissoluteness of morals, nor for illiteracy, nor for backwardness in preaching the Word of G.o.d, nor yet for being drones in society, that the monks were turned from their peaceful homes. The true cause was, that the King knew, and his criminal advisers also knew, that the monasteries were as impregnable fortresses, which in defence of truth and justice, would hold out firm against seductive bribes, and the most appalling threats; hence they must be swept away under plea of general corruption of morals, etc., and their properties held up as a bait to draw over proselytes to the new order of things. The historian, Lingard, writing of the att.i.tude of the monks towards the King's supremacy in spiritual matters, says: "Secluded from the world, the Religious felt fewer temptations to sacrifice their consciences to the commands of their Sovereign, and seemed more eager to court the crown than to flee the pains of martyrdom."

Here, in Ireland, one of the King's advisers counselled him to suppress some of the monasteries, and to convert them into residences for young n.o.blemen, who would promote and defend the King's interests. Patrick Finglas, created by Henry VIII. Chief Baron of the King's Exchequer, and afterwards Lord Chief Justice, wrote a book ent.i.tled: "A Breviate of the getting of Ireland and of the decay of the same," in which he recommends the suppression of the monasteries bordering on the Pale, "because they were giving more aid and supportacion to the Irish than to the King." "Let the Abbeys," he goes on to say, "be given to young lords, knights, and gentlemen out of England, which shall dwell upon the same." This advice seemed good to the King, and it was literally carried out, but to far greater extent than this astute lawyer had antic.i.p.ated.

Mellifont, in common with the other Religious establishments in Ireland within grasp of the King (for in Ulster, they were free from molestation under O'Neil and O'Donnell), must have heard with dismay the rumours afloat about a general suppression, and grief and consternation must have filled the hearts of the monks. Was it possible, they asked, that the King, whose person they respected, whose laws they obeyed, would drive them forth, wanderers over the world, which many of them had renounced in early youth; and now, without adequate provision, were they, in their declining years, to perish by the roadside? Were their beautiful church, their loved cloister, their shady groves, no more to shelter them, and were they to sever connection with a spot endeared to them by so many holy a.s.sociations? Yes, it is true, alas! for the Abbot of St. Mary's, Dublin, being nearer authentic sources of information, has heard it and has sent word, that sentence is pa.s.sed on all, and their doom has sounded; for the following Royal Commission was forwarded to the Deputy, with peremptory orders to have it executed forthwith:--

Royal Commission directed to John Allen, Chancellor; George, Archbishop of Dublin; William Brabazon, Vice-Treasurer; Robert Cowley, Master of the Rolls; and Thomas Cusacke, Esq.; reciting, "That from the information of trustworthy persons, it being manifestly apparent that the monasteries, abbeys, priories, and other places of Religious or Regulars, in Ireland, are at present in such a state, that in them, the praise of G.o.d and the welfare of man are next to nothing regarded; the Regulars and nuns dwelling there being so addicted, partly to their own superst.i.tious ceremonies, partly to the pernicious worship of idols, and to the pestiferous doctrines of the Roman Pontiff, that unless an effectual remedy be promptly provided, not only the weak, low order, but the whole Irish people, may be speedily infected to their total destruction. To prevent, therefore, the longer continuance of such Religious men and nuns in so d.a.m.nable a state, the King (having resolved to resume into his hands all the monasteries and Religious houses, for their better reformation, to remove from them the Religious men and women, and to cause them to return to some honest mode of living and to true religion,) directs the Commissioners to signify this his intention to the heads of Religious houses; to receive their resignations and surrenders willingly tendered; to grant to those tendering it liberty of exchanging their habit and of accepting benefices under the King's authority; to apprehend and punish such as adhere to the Roman Pontiff and contumaciously refuse to surrender their houses; to take charge for the King's use of the possession of those houses, and a.s.sign competent pensions to those who willingly surrender."

(_Patent and Close Rolls, Chancery, Ireland_, Morrin, 1539-40, April 30, Henry VIII., 30o, p. 55.)

Most marvellous, indeed, and sudden, and quite unprecedented in history, was this utter decadence from G.o.dliness to "idolatry and the pestiferous doctrine of the Roman Pontiff" on the part of 100,000 persons within the s.p.a.ce of three short years! But, behold! the G.o.dly monarch will reform them (supposing they needed reform) in the fashion recorded in the old English proverb: "The devil amended his dame's leg; when he should have set it right, he brake it quite in pieces." That the Deputy, Lord Gray, did not consider the monks and nuns an effete body, addicted to evil practices, will appear evident from the letter he addressed to Cromwell, and which was signed by his Council. It bears date 21st May 1539:--

"May it please your honourable Lordship to be advertised, that by the report of Thomas Cusacke and others repaired lately out of the realm of England into this land, it hath been openly bruited the King's grace's pleasure to be, that all the monasteries within this land should be suppressed, none to stand. Amongst which, for the common weal of this land, if it might stand with King's most gracious pleasure by your good Lordship's advertis.e.m.e.nt, in our opinion it were right expedient that six houses should stand and continue, changing their habit and rule into such sort as the King's grace shall will them: which are namely, St. Mary's Abbey, adjoining Dublin, a house of white monks (Cistercians); Christ Church, a house of canons situated in the middle of the City of Dublin; Grace Dieu Nunnery, in the County Dublin; Connell, in the County Kildare; Kenlys or Kells, and Jerpoint (this latter Cistercian also), in the County Kilkenny. _For in these commonly, and in others such like_, in default of common inns, which are not in this island the King's Deputy and all others his Grace's Council and Officers, also Irishmen and others resorting to the King's Deputy in these quarters is and hath been most commonly lodged at the cost of the said houses. _Also, in them, young men and children, both gentlemen's children and others, both of man kind and woman kind be brought up in virtue and in the Englishe tongue and behaviour to the great charge of the said houses_; that is to say, the woman kind of the whole Englishie of this land, for the most part, in the said nunnery, and the man kind in the other houses."

And the Abbot of St. Mary's, pet.i.tioning soon after for exemption from the general suppression, pleads in a letter to the same Cromwell: "Verily we be but stewards and purveyors to other men's uses for the King's honour, keeping hospitality, and many poor men, scholars and orphans."

All pet.i.tions are unavailing; the King is inexorable; and St. Mary's and Mellifont, and the others included in the original list must go down before the despot's unholy will, untried, unheard, but with the nation's regret, those alone excepted, who thirsted for and shared the sacrilegious booty. Before the lamp of piety and learning be extinguished for ever in Mellifont, let us take a parting glance at it, so that the contrast may be the more marked as we note its vicissitudes later on.

In that bright July morning (1539), when the bell summoned the monks of Mellifont to matins for the last time, the sun rose over as fair a picture as could well be conceived, when its brilliant rays shot floods of light through the woods and valley, and gilt the quivering tree-tops with l.u.s.trous gold. And the enormous piles of white masonry looked whiter for the glinting of the sun-beams, and many a fantastic shadow was cast on the tesselated pavement in the church by the "dim religious light" of the gorgeous stained gla.s.s windows. The statues of the Twelve Apostles looked down patronisingly from lofty pedestals, and bore the minds of the beholders aloft, to where the guerdon awaits the faithful soldier of Christ when his term of service here below shall have expired. Loud rose the rhythmic measure of the majestic Gregorian Chant rendered by over one hundred full-voiced singers on that beautiful morning, ere yet the skylark shook the dew-drops from his wings, or intoned his early carol o'er the meadows by the Boyne. The pealing of the organ sounded loud and louder as they chanted their solemn Ma.s.s, but to many who then took part in that sacred function, its plaintive notes presaged the speedy end of their time-honoured establishment, which at any moment may receive the fatal visit of the Commissioners. In its internal economy it was wisely and worthily governed, its community numbered 150 Choir monks, besides Lay Brothers and familiars, its schools were prosperous, and from their widespread reputation, merited the t.i.tle of "famous" which was accorded them. The children of the monks' tenants received a free education here; moreover, the monks conducted a school, which we would now call a seminary, where gentlemen's children and others were taught the higher branches suited to prepare them for their career in after-life. Their peaceful valley was screened on every side from wintry blasts by tasteful plantations, useful and ornamental; for a thickly planted orchard, chiefly of apple and pear trees, which covered both sides of the River Mattock from the mill to where the bridge now spans the river, survived till within the memory of many still living who describe it as having been so dense that one could cross the valley on the tops of them. The grounds surrounding the monastery were laid out with commendable taste; the lands yielded plentiful crops, and supported numerous herds of cattle. The hill south-east of the abbey was covered over with oak of gigantic size--the growth of centuries--and on the Meath side were screens of valuable timber. Their tenants were contented and prosperous; for the monks were indulgent landlords. Their rents were paid in kind, and for the rest, they found a ready market always at the abbey, where a huge supply of provisions was constantly needed for the strangers and the poor who sought and found a ready welcome there.

The spiritual wants of the tenants and dependants were attended to by one of the monks, John Byrrel, whose name occurs first in the list of those belonging to Mellifont to whom pensions were granted. He is styled Parson of Mellifont. It is probable, too, that others of the abbey priests ministered to Tullyallen parish (though it is scarcely probable that the present parish is conterminous with the old one), to Monknewtown and Donore; for in the English Episcopal Registers, twelve volumes of which have been recently published, it is noted that their brethren in England served the parishes in the immediate vicinity of the monasteries; and, moreover, we find in the list of pensioners of other Cistercian houses in Ireland, the names of three or more, in the same monastery, who are called parsons. Medical advice and medicine were dispensed gratis at the Abbey.

The sick poor were visited and cared for in their homes by physicians employed by the monks; they were also admitted into the hospital at the gate. On fixed days weekly, the poor of the locality came for and received loaves of bread which were specially baked for them, and meat in abundance, with beer, was distributed to them. In those days there were no poor laws; for the monks provided for all the wants of the indigent. The monks were in constant touch with all cla.s.ses of society, at least the princ.i.p.al officers were, and they were the advisers, as well as the instructors, of all. The History of the English Abbeys of the Order, or the fragments that have survived the vandalism of the Dissolution, and which have been published by impartial Protestants, clearly prove that this picture of far-reaching and ungrudging beneficence is by no means fanciful. (_See Ruined Abbeys of Britain, by Frederick Ross._) The Abbot of Mellifont took a prominent place in the councils of the nation. He ranked as a Peer, and had a seat in the House of Lords before all the other Religious superiors, twenty-three more of whom were privileged to sit there. He was bound to supply a certain number of hors.e.m.e.n for the King's musters, and to maintain them at his own charge. Tradition has it that he could ride on his own territory from the sea at Drogheda to the Shannon at Athlone, but this requires confirmation. He owned some 4,000 acres at the suppression, extending on the south side of the Boyne from Drogheda to Rossnaree, and on the north, to Slane, including the fisheries and five salmon weirs on the river. He rented the fishing of sixteen corraghs at Oldbridge, for which he got 13 13s. 4d. annually. The _town_ of Tullyallen belonged to him. It was then in a flourishing condition, but has fallen since from its rank as a town to that of a mere village, composed of a few scattered cottages. The district was then populous; for another village grew up near the Abbey occupied by tradesmen and dependants who were constantly employed by the monks. It was called Doagh.

It is now level with the field. It stood a quarter of a mile north-west of Mellifont, beyond the Mattock. Its site is an elevated plateau, locally known as the Doagh Meadows. The entire annual revenue of the Abbey was estimated at 316, which, allowing for the difference in value of money since, would be equivalent to an income of close on 4,000 at the present day. On that the monks maintained themselves and a large staff of servants, "kept hospitality, and many poor men, scholars, and orphans."

The Abbot entertained his guests daily at his own table in a s.p.a.cious building apart from the monks' quarters, and was a man of light and leading, unlike the helpless imbecile portrayed by Scott in his novels.

The Abbot was chosen, often from some distant monastery, for his apt.i.tude "in governing souls," which was the paramount consideration with St.

Benedict in the selection of a superior. He should be learned, and sound both in doctrine and morals, to be entrusted with such a charge. It is only too true that unworthy persons, contrary to the Canons, were sometimes intruded into the position by powerful relatives, and they, alas! generally brought disgrace on religion.

As to the spiritual condition of Mellifont at the time of its suppression, it was certainly on a high level. No charge was brought against that community, on that score, even by its worst enemies; none but the general ones mentioned in the Commission. In truth and in fact, the observances then in force at Mellifont were identical with those introduced by Abbot Christian and practised at Clairvaux by St. Bernard and his saintly companions. If they were "idolatrous," and "superst.i.tious," and savouring of the "pestiferous doctrines of the Roman Pontiff," so must have been the ancient practices of the Cistercians; and wonderful indeed was it, that till King Henry and his advisers discovered it, our ancestors, for four hundred years at least, approved of and took part in these same practices without a suspicion of the "pernicious" errors they were now found to contain! In the matter of discipline alone was there any decadence, and then the altered conditions of the times demanded some modifications. The use of flesh meat three days in the week was introduced, and instead of manual labour, other duties were subst.i.tuted, such as teaching, copying, study, etc. In their daily lives, we are told by Rev. Dr. Gasquet, O.S.B., perhaps the greatest living authority in such matters, that the Cistercians at that time differed little from the Benedictines.

Such was the condition of Mellifont on that fatal day, the 23rd July 1539, when the Commissioners, with an armed band, demanded admission and surrender, in the King's name. Remonstrance with them was vain, and the usual formality was gone through. They seized on the charters, registers, ledgers, etc., together with the keys of the treasury and store-rooms; took an inventory of all the possessions of the monastery, and sealed the Library and strong room. They, then, summoned the Abbot and all the monks to the Chapter-house, to sign the Act of Surrender. In the Calendar of Patent and Close Rolls, Chancery, Ireland, Henry VIII. (edited by James Morrin), the synopsis of it is given as follows at p. 135:--"Surrender of the Abbey or House of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Mellyfount, in the County of Louth, by Richard Contoure, Abbot, with the consent of the Convent; and of the church, belfry, cemetery, manors, lands, and all its possessions in the counties of Dublin, Kildare, and Carlow, with all charters, evidences, muniments, goods, utensils, ornaments and jewels."--July 23, 31o. (1539).

"Endorsed on the preceding surrender is a memorandum that the Abbot and Convent, a.s.sembled in the Chapter-house, voluntarily acknowledged the preceding surrender, delivered it into the hands of the Lord Chancellor, and prayed it might be enrolled in Chancery, _in perpetuam rei memoriam_.

Witness, George, Archbishop of Dublin; Wm. Brabazon, Vice-Treasurer; Robert Cowley, Master of the Rolls." July 23, 31o.

How often have these "voluntary" surrenders been flaunted by writers hostile to the monks, as if the farce of signing the doc.u.ment which made them beggars were a free act! They were anxious, forsooth, to shake off the burden of their religious obligations, through the facile dispensation so liberally accorded by the new Head of the Church, in the flush of his accession to ecclesiastical supremacy! The late scholarly and liberal-minded Dean Butler, Protestant Rector of Trim, wrote thus on the subject:--"The form of surrender then executed omitted no property which could belong to the house.... There were added their charters, evidences, writings and ma.n.u.scripts, their goods, chattels, utensils, ornaments, jewels, and debts, all these were granted to the King, to be disposed of at his good pleasure, without appeal or complaint, and the unhappy men _were forced to declare_, that they thus deprived themselves of house and home _of their own free will_, and that they put an end to a venerable inst.i.tution, to which they were bound by so many solemn obligations, certain just and reasonable causes thereto moving their minds and their consciences." (_Register of the Priory of All Hallows._ Preface, p. xxix.)

The next step was, there and then, to auction off all the moveables of the monastery, except the jewels of the rich reliquaries, chalices, and other sacred vessels, with the plate and bells, which formed the King's special perquisite. The whole artistic woodwork of the church (choir and wainscotting) was smashed in pieces, and even the very tombs of the founders and others interred there, were sold and carted off. For a description of the work of destruction, as related by an eye-witness of such vandalism at the suppression of an English Cistercian monastery, see _The Irish Cistercians_, p. 45. The sale realised 141 7s. 3d., but no detailed account is given of the sum that each article fetched. According to another Commission addressed to John Allen, Chancellor; William Brabazon, Vice-Treasurer; and Robert Cowley, Master of the Rolls; dated May 20, 1539, the proceeds of such sales were ordered to be allocated "to pay the officers and servants of the Crown." When the church and monastery were dismantled, and every article of value, no matter how trifling, had been removed, the order to clear out the monks was promptly given and executed; and the gates were shut behind them. Whither they went n.o.body cared, and whither to go was a problem to themselves difficult to be solved; for without money or provision, they were in a worse condition than the most dest.i.tute of beggars. The h.o.a.ry old walls caught up their groans and lamentations on that day, as with breaking hearts they looked upon each familiar spot for the last time. This is one of the secrets the old stones of the few remaining buildings yet withhold from us. Mellifont beheld many moving spectacles during the four centuries of her existence, but none, perhaps, so deeply affecting as when her 150 children, amongst whom were the aged, tottering on the brink of the grave and leaning for support on some younger brethren, turned their back upon their happy home where they enjoyed an antic.i.p.ated paradise. As the sad procession slowly gained the top of the hill, many a time they turned to take a last farewell look at their beloved monastery, till it faded from their view for ever. A few shillings each were allowed them for their immediate wants, but of that mult.i.tude only thirteen and the Abbot received pensions. This grant was fixed for them three days after their expulsion, after which they all disappear from the scene as effectually as if the Boyne had engulphed them.

The following entries are found in the Patent and Close Rolls Calendar, Henry VIII., pp. 59, 60: "Pension of 40 Ir. to Richard Contour, late Abbot of Mellyfount, payable out of the parishes of Knockmohan, Donowre, and Monkenewton, with clause of distress."--Sept. 10, 1539. And at p. 60, _ibid._, "Pension to John Byrrell, late parson of Mellifount, 3 6s. 8d.; to Thomas Bagot, 4; to Peter Rewe, 40/-; to Thomas Alen, 53/4; to William Norreis, 40/-; to Robert Nangle, 40/-; to Patrick Contour, 53/4; to William Veldon, 3 6s. 8d.; to Patrick Lawles, 40/-; to John Ball, 40/-; to Clement Bartholomewe, 20/-; to Phelim O'Neil, 20/-; payable out of the rents and lands of the parishes of Knockamowan, Donower, and Montnewton" (Monknewtown), 26 July, 1539.

Thus, then, were these fourteen provided for, but, of the others, not one received a single shilling, except, as has been said, a mere pittance that sufficed to procure them a few nights' shelter. This is no picture drawn from fancy; it is a well-authenticated fact, that where a peaceful surrender was not given or signed, no provision whatsoever was made for those who so refused. They were given a trifle at their expulsion, and turned adrift to swell the army of beggars, or to perish, as they did in hundreds, of hardships to which they were unaccustomed. The imagination cannot now well conceive the heartless, wanton cruelty then practised on the expelled Religious; who, if they had betrayed their consciences and taken the oath of Supremacy, might have staved off, at least for a time, the calamities that befell them. But only for a time; for in some instances where the monks, through mistaken notions, obeyed the Royal mandate, they shared the fate of their more steadfast brethren, owing to the insatiable rapacity of the King and his advisers. To those of the expelled who were priests, the hope was held out to them, in case of "free surrender," that they should be promoted to the first vacant benefices. As not one of the Religious expelled from Mellifont is enrolled on the list of those promoted to vacancies during that or the subsequent reigns, it is obvious that they held fast to their principles, and denied the King's Supremacy, an acknowledgment of which was indispensable before promotion. All honour to them for their generous sacrifices, which made them worthy to be the last who saw the venerable inst.i.tution reel and fall beneath the despot's blows. Their n.o.ble att.i.tude was befitting the close of a work which was inaugurated with such splendour amid a nation's rejoicing. Like the setting sun, Mellifont disappeared in a halo of glory.

CHAPTER VIII.

MELLIFONT BECOMES THE HOME OF A n.o.bLE FAMILY--IS SOLD, AND IS DELIVERED UP TO RUIN AND DECAY.

"Mute is the matin bell, whose early call Warn'd the grey fathers from their humble beds; No midnight taper gleams along the wall, Or, round the sculptur'd saint its radiance sheds."

(_Keats._)

The long line of distinguished men being thus rudely and abruptly terminated at Mellifont, with the suppression of the monastery, all memorials of their history were lost, and no trace of them has been left.

Not a book, nor cross, nor chalice, register, nor chartulary remains. It appears that Mellifont had its Annalist and its Annals like _all_ the other monasteries of the Order in Ireland; for Bishop Nicolson, who wrote his "Irish National Library" in 1724, says: "The Annals of Ireland from the foundation of this Abbey in 1142 to the year 1500, are, or were lately, in the hands of some of the learned men of this kingdom." He does not tell us the name of the compiler, but only the fact that they had been written at Mellifont. These are not cited by later writers, so they, also, must have perished long since. At the suppression of monasteries, the archives, chronicles, and registers were carefully sought by the Commissioners, because they contained correct information on the value and extent of the possessions of each house respectively; and the more extensive these were, the more sedulously were the records sought for.

Hence it is that because the Cistercian Order had large possessions, the ma.n.u.scripts were all seized and handed over with the monasteries to the grantees. The monks could not possibly take one away with them. So their history is now derivable from other sources, which, at best, are very meagre. Mellifont, which occupied so prominent and respected a position during its career, would not be found inferior to other houses of the Order in the number of its learned and remarkable men, were its ancient doc.u.ments now available; and, judging from the long roll of distinguished men, who in every department of knowledge rendered the Order ill.u.s.trious in other countries, we may safely allot a respectable quota of the same to Mellifont. De Visch compiled his _Writers of the Cistercian Order_ in 1656, and Sartorius published a large tome in 1700, each containing notices of the ill.u.s.trious men of the Order. No less than sixty-three large folio pages of this latter work are occupied with the names of the learned men, and the dates at which they flourished. He places all in distinct categories, and so we have St. Bernard heading the list, after whom come the Grammarians, next follow the Poets, Orators, Historians, Philosophers, Mathematicians, Astronomers, Musicians, then Doctors of Canon and Civil Law, and Doctors of Theology; finally, Professors in universities, and others, whose general attainments precluded cla.s.sification. As these works were written after the suppression of the monasteries in these countries, the materials relating to the Irish and English monasteries having pa.s.sed into hostile hands or been destroyed, were no longer accessible. Ireland was ever remarkable for the thirst for learning displayed by her children, and for the singular proficiency attained by them, when the opportunity for it was afforded; we may, then, justly conclude that learning and the polite arts found a home at Mellifont. For this latter branch, the beautiful buildings would, of themselves, suffice as an argument in favour of an advanced state of culture and refinement.

It is worthy of note, that neither the Irish people, nor the representatives of the Government in this country, brought, much less substantiated, any direct charges against the Irish monks, prior to the suppression. Hence it is, that their maligners had to import, for use against them, the staple arguments commonly used in England, and there only by venal scribblers, and those who profited by the downfall of the monks. To such the learned and impartial Protestant historian, the Rev.

Doctor Maitland, adverts, when after giving credit to the monks for their having been benefactors to mankind, he writes in his preface to the _Dark Ages_:--"In the meantime, let me thankfully believe that thousands of the persons at whom Robertson, and Jortin, and other such very miserable second-hand writers, have sneered, were men of enlarged minds, purified affections, and holy lives, that they were justly reverenced by men, and, above all, favourably accepted by G.o.d, and distinguished by the highest honours which He vouchsafes to those whom He has called into existence, that of being the channels of His love and mercy to their fellow-creatures." And in our own time, the _Guardian_, an English Protestant newspaper, when reviewing the Rev. Doctor Gasquet's, O.S.B., learned work, _Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries_, approvingly cites, amongst others, the following paragraph:--"The voices raised against the monks were those of Cromwell's agents, of the cliques of the new men and of his hireling scribes, who formed a crew of as truculent and as filthy libellers as ever disgraced a revolutionary cause. The later centuries have taken their tale in good faith, but time is showing that the monasteries, up to the day of their fall, had not forfeited the goodwill, the veneration, the affection of the English people." Mr. Lecky, too, with his usual candour and liberality, writes:--"Monastic inst.i.tutions were the only refuges of a pacific civilisation; the only libraries, the only schools, the only centres of art, the only refuges for gentle and intellectual natures; the chief barriers against violence and rapine; the chief promoters of agriculture and of industry." (_The Political Value of History_, p. 14. London, 1892.)

The monks being now expelled, Mellifont was delivered up to desecration and ruin; the silence of the tomb reigned supreme, and the voice of prayer was heard no more; no longer did the bells from the tower send forth their cheering notes over the surrounding district to raise the hearts of the toiler to Heaven. These sweet toned bells, the gift of some princely benefactor, had been, with all the other moveable property, carried off by the spoiler. The Abbey, with all its spiritual and temporal possessions, was given, in 1541, to Laurence Townley, for 21 years. They pa.s.sed by reversionary lease to ---- Brabazon, in 1546. In 1551, they were leased to the same for 21 years more, and in 1566, they came by reversionary lease to Edward Moore, the founder of the Drogheda family, who, at that time, came into Ireland, as a soldier of fortune. (_Appendix to the Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Rolls and Grants of Elizabeth._)

This Edward Moore, who was accompanied by his brother John, the founder of the Charleville family (now extinct), was descended from an ancient Kentish House. He fixed his residence at Mellifont, changing the church into a dwelling, which he strongly fortified against the attacks of the Ulster Irish. The statues of the Twelve Apostles, which once occupied places in the church, he caused to be removed to the hall, clad in red uniforms, with muskets on their shoulders, as a protest, no doubt, against "Popish idolatry." It is even said that he suffered the Founder's tomb, and those of others, or such portions of them as still were left, to remain as part of his domestic arrangements, without his being disturbed by such solemn surroundings. He was knighted by the Deputy, Sir Wm. Drury, and dying soon after, was succeeded by his son, Sir Garret, to whom Mellifont, with six other dissolved monasteries, and all their spiritualities (that is, the revenues of them, right of patronage, etc.) and temporalities, were granted in fee. By these means, was adhesion to the Crown purchased and services to it rewarded--services, which bore no equivocal meaning ever since the Invasion, as the Irish knew by long and bitter experience.

At this time, the Church, as by Law Established, became part and parcel of the State, and its most obsequious servant. Its ministers looked to the civil power for patronage, and even hoped for promotion through the officials of the Court; but only in a few instances were the livings worth the asking, as the greater part of their temporalities were bestowed on laymen, favourites of the Queen. We have a picture of the state of that Church in Ireland, soon after the suppression of monasteries, drawn by the Lord Deputy himself, in a letter to Queen Elizabeth. They who would fain believe in the blessed advantages which flowed from the Dissolution of Monasteries, and the introduction of the new religion, may take to heart the lesson it teaches. Sir Henry Sydney wrote to the Queen in April, 1576, on the condition of the diocese of Meath:--"There are within this diocese," he writes, "224 parish churches, of which number, 105 are impropriated to sundry possessions; no parson or vicar resident on any of them, and a very simple or sorry curate for the most part appointed to serve them; among which number of curates, only eighteen were found to be able to speak English, the rest being Irish ministers, or rather, Irish rogues, having very little Latin and less learning and civility.... In many places the very walls of the churches are thrown down, very few chancels covered; windows and doors ruined and spoiled. There are 52 parish churches in the same diocese which have vicars endowed upon them, better served and maintained than the others, yet badly. There are 52 parish churches here, residue of the first number of 224, which pertain to divers particular lords; and these, though in better state than the others commonly, are yet far from well." He concludes by saying:--"But yet your Majesty may believe it, that upon the face of the earth where Christ is professed, there is not a church in so miserable a case." Lord Grenville, in his _Past and Present Policy of England towards Ireland_, when commenting on Sydney's letters, from one of which the above is an extract, writes:--"Such was the condition of a church which was half a century before rich and flourishing, an object of reverence and a source of consolation to the people. It was now despoiled of its revenues; the sacred edifices were in ruins, the clergy were either ignorant of the language of their flocks, or illiterate and uncivilised intruders; and the only ritual permitted by the laws was one of which the people neither comprehended the language nor believed the doctrines; and this is called establishing a reformation." That this condition of affairs was not confined to any particular diocese, but rather was the state in all, is evident from the sketch given by Spenser in his _View of the State of Ireland_. "They" (the ministers), he says, "neither read the Scriptures nor preach to the people, nor administer the Communion ... only they take the t.i.thes and offerings, and gather what fruit else they may of their livings.... It is a great wonder to see the zeal between the Popish priests and the ministers of the Gospel; for they spare not to come out of Spain, from Rome, and from Rheims, by long toil and dangerous travelling thither, where they know peril of death awaiteth them, and no reward or riches are to be found, only to draw people to the Church of Rome." Such were the immediate fruits of the Reformation as admitted and described by Protestant contemporaries.

One of the first proprietary acts of Sir Edward Moore, on his acquiring Mellifont, seems to have been to cut down and sell some of the magnificent timber planted by the monks. The old wooden house, so long an object of curiosity in Drogheda, and which was taken down in 1824, was chiefly composed of oak obtained from Mellifont Park. It was situated at the angle formed by the junction of Laurence Street and Shop Street, and was erected by Nicholas Bathe, as an inscription in raised characters, each six inches in length, testified. This inscription was on the Laurence Street side.

"Made. Bi. Nicholas. Bathe. in. the. ieare. of. our. Lord. G.o.d. 1570. Bi.

Hiu. Mor. Carpenter."

In 1592, Red Hugh O'Donnell, fleeing from Dublin Castle, where he had been detained a close prisoner, was received and kindly treated by Sir Edward Moore, at Mellifont. His reception is thus related in the Life of Red Hugh, edited with notes by the late Father Denis Murphy, S.J.:--"After crossing the Boyne near Drogheda, Red Hugh and his companion mounted their horses, and proceeded about two miles from the river, where they saw a dense bushy grove in front of them on the road they came, and a large rampart all around it, as if it was a kitchen-garden. There was a fine mansion (called the great monastery), belonging to an ill.u.s.trious youth of the English, by the side of the wood. He was much attached to O'Neil....