Mellifont Abbey, Co. Louth Part 2

It would appear from another letter of St. Bernard to St. Malachy, that he had sent some monks from Clairvaux to make preparations for those who were to immediately follow, and that already their number was augmented at Mellifont by the accession of new members from the surrounding district, who had joined them on their appearance in that locality. In this same letter St. Bernard writes: "We send back to you your dearly-beloved son and ours, Christian, as fully instructed as was possible in those rules which regard our Order, hoping, moreover, that he will henceforth prove solicitous for their observance." This Christian is commonly supposed to have been archdeacon of the diocese of Down. He was certainly first Abbot of Mellifont, and his name shall turn up in connection with important national events later on. With Christian came a certain Brother Robert, a Frenchman, a skilful architect, who constructed the monastery after the model of Clairvaux.

That these were the pioneers of the Cistercian Order in Ireland cannot for one moment be doubted, both from the very important fact, that the Abbot of Mellifont took precedence of all the Abbots of his Order in this country, and also, because it is an historical fact, that St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin, the other claimant for priority, did not exchange the Benedictine for the Cistercian Rule till, at earliest, 1148, when the Abbot of Savigni in France, with the thirty houses of his Order (Benedictine) subject to his jurisdiction, were admitted into the Cistercian family by Pope Eugenius III., who presided at the General Chapter of the Cistercians that year. St. Mary's was founded from Buildewas, in Shropshire, and this latter was subject to Savigni.

Various reasons are a.s.signed for the adoption by these ancient monks of the name Mellifont, which signifies "The Honey Fountain." Some are of opinion it had a spiritual signification, and had reference to the abundance of blessings which would flow, and be diffused over the whole country from this centre, through the unceasing and fervent intercessory prayer of its holy inmates; for next to their own sanctification, their neighbour's wants claimed and received their practical sympathy. Like divine charity it gushed forth from hearts totally devoted to G.o.d's service and interests, and this zeal would be halting and incomplete did it not embrace the spiritual and temporal concerns of their fellow mortals. Others derive the name from a limpid spring which supplied the monks with a copious, unfailing stream of sweet water, which had its source in Mellifont Park about one quarter of a mile distant, and which was conducted by pipes through the various parts of the monastery. This seems a very plausible account, and as the spring rose at a high level, it had sufficient pressure to obviate the necessity of a cistern as was erroneously supposed in connection with the Lavabo.

It was customary with the old Irish Cistercians to give their monasteries symbolical names at their foundation, and these names often denoted some local feature or peculiarity. Thus, Newry was called of the "Green Wood,"

from the abundance of yew trees around the monastery there; Corcomroe, Co.

Clare, was known under the t.i.tle of the "Fertile Rock;" Baltinglas, Co.

Wicklow, as the "Valley of Salvation," etc.

It is said that the "Honey Fountain" had its source in Mellifont Park, but it seems that few of the present generation living in the vicinity of Mellifont know or appreciate its virtues. In the Ordnance Survey, it is stated that it rose in Mellifont Park, which was formerly a wood, and that to the north of the well, a few trees still remained at the time of the Survey, when the farm belonged to a Mr. James Curran.

CHAPTER III.

AN EPITOME OF THE RULE OBSERVED AT MELLIFONT AT ITS FOUNDATION AND FOR ABOUT A CENTURY AND A HALF AFTERWARDS.

"Here man more purely lives; less oft doth fall; More promptly rises; walks with stricter heed; More safely rests; dies happier; is freed Earlier from cleansing fires; and gains withal A brighter crown."

(_Saint Bernard._)

In the foregoing verses St. Bernard summarises the manifold advantages accruing from the profession and practice of the rule which he and his fellow abbots drew up for their followers. In that age of chivalry and wide extremes, men's minds were profoundly moved by the world-wide reputation and discourses of an outspoken, fearless monk, who confirmed his words by incontestable and stupendous miracles. Then, it was nothing unusual to see the impious sinner of yesterday become a meek repentant suppliant for admission into some monastery to-day, where he could expiate and atone for his former grievous excesses. The innocent, also, sought the shelter of the cloister from the contaminating influences of a corrupt and corrupting world; and in the spirit of sacrifice presented themselves as victims to G.o.d's outraged justice. At that same period, that is, about the middle of the twelfth century, there was witnessed an unwonted movement towards monasticism in its regenerated condition, as the Church Annals abundantly testify. This happy tendency was mainly due to St. Bernard's influence and popularity, and was well ill.u.s.trated by the saying of the historian: "The whole world became Cistercian."

In essaying to reform St. Benedict's Rule, the first Fathers of the Cistercian Order sought only to restore its primitive simplicity and austerity, but they, nevertheless, added some wise provisions which established their reform on a firm basis, and which the experience of ages proved to be indispensable. First of all, it was ordained, that all houses of the Order should be united under one central controlling power, and that all the Superiors should meet annually for deliberation on matters appertaining to the maintenance of discipline and the correction of abuses. This a.s.sembly was called the General Chapter, over which the Abbot of Citeaux presided as recognised head of the Order. Till then, no such inst.i.tution existed, and an Abbot General, as we may call him, had it in his power, from incapacity or any other cause, to disorganise a whole Order. Under the General Chapter such a catastrophe was impossible.

Besides this wise enactment, St. Stephen drew up what he called the "Chart of Charity," by which it was ordained that the abbot of a monastery who had filiations (that is, offshoots or houses founded directly from that monastery) subject to him, should visit them annually either in person or by proxy, and minutely inquire into their spiritual, disciplinary, and financial condition. The abbots of those filiations were bound to return the visit during the year; but they did so in quality of guest and not as "Visitor," the official t.i.tle of the Abbot of the Parent House; or, "Immediate Father," as he is called. Thus the bands of discipline were kept tightly drawn, and harmony, with uniformity of observance, was maintained throughout the entire Order.

[Ill.u.s.tration: INTERIOR OF LAVABO (OCTAGON.) See p. 26. _From Photo by W.

Lawrence, Dublin._]

The denizens of the Cloister at that time consisted of two great cla.s.ses, who, indeed, enjoyed alike all the advantages of the state, but differed in their functions and employments. One was busied with the cares of Martha, the other was admitted to the privilege of Mary. The former were employed chiefly in domestic duties, and various trades, and were entrusted with the charge of the granges or outlying farms. These were the Lay Brothers. Frequently their ranks were augmented by the n.o.ble and the learned, who, unnoticed and unknown till their holy death, guided the plough, delved the soil, or tended the sheep and oxen in the glades of the forest. The other cla.s.s resided in the monastery and devoted their time to the chanting of the Divine Office, alternating with study in the Cloister and manual labour in the fields and gardens. These were the choir monks.

Their dress was white. By vigorous toil and strict economy, these good old monks wrested a competency from their farms, and freely shared their substance with the needy and the stranger. They exhibited to an astonished world a practical refutation of its corrupt maxims and habits. Thus by their very lives, they preached most efficaciously; for by their contempt of worldly honours and pleasures they gave proof abundant of the faith that enlightened them to recognise the sublimity of the Gospel truths; of the hope that sustained them to courageously endure temporal privations for the sake of future rewards; and of the charity that prompted them to liken themselves to Jesus Christ, their Master, who, being rich, became poor for their sakes. Some may be inclined to consider all this as the effect of monkish extravagance, weak-mindedness, and folly; but modern investigation, inst.i.tuted and carried to a successful issue by honest Protestant writers, has brushed aside such calumnies as hackneyed catch-words, and has proved that beneath the monk's cowl, there were found hearts as warm and minds as broad as in any state or grade of society. It must also be remembered, that for centuries the monks were the teachers who moulded and fashioned the youth of the upper and middle cla.s.ses.

Two o'clock A.M. was the usual hour for rising, when the monks, obedient to the Sacristan's signal, rising from their straw pallets and slipping on their sandals (for they slept fully dressed, as the poorer cla.s.ses of the time are said to have done,) they left the Dormitory by the stairs that led down to the southern transept, and proceeding noiselessly, they reached the Choir where they immediately renewed the oblation of themselves to G.o.d. Then the Office of Matins was commenced, and it with Lauds occupied about one hour. On solemn festivals the monks rose at midnight, and the Office lasted over three hours; for then the whole of it was sung. Matins and Lauds over, they proceeded to the Reading-cloister to study the Psalms, or Sacred Scripture, or the Fathers: some prolonged their devotions in the church, where with clean, uplifted hands, they became powerful mediators between G.o.d and His creatures; too many of whom, alas, ignore their personal obligations. At that time, too, the priests might celebrate their Ma.s.ses, as the ancient Rule gave them liberty to select that hour if they felt so inclined. We do not know how many priests were amongst the Religious at Mellifont soon after its establishment, but they must have numbered about twenty, since there were ten altars in the church. And judging by the number of priests in other monasteries of the Order at that period, this figure is not too high. We know that in 1147, there were fifty priests at least at Pontigny, one of the four first houses of the Order. About five o'clock the monks a.s.sembled in Choir for Prime, after which they went to Chapter, where the Martyrology and portion of the Rule were sung, as has been already explained. Chapter over, they entered the Auditorium, where they took off and hung up their cowls, and each went thence to the manual labour a.s.signed him by the Prior. In winter, nearly all went out to work in the fields, grubbing up brushwood and burning it, and so preparing the ground for cultivation. After some hours spent in labour, they returned to the monastery where they had time for reading; they then went to Choir for Tierce and High Ma.s.s. During winter the Ma.s.s was sung before going out to work. In summer they dined at 11.30, after which an hour was allowed for repose, and None being sung they resumed their labour in the fields. In winter, dinner was at half-past two; the evening was spent in study and in chanting the Offices of Vespers and Compline, and at seven they retired to rest. In summer the hour for repose was eight o'clock. The Office of Completorium or Compline always closed the exercises of the day, and all pa.s.sed before the Abbot, from whom they received holy water as they left the church. Each went straight to his simple couch where sweet repose awaited him after his day of toil and penitential works. His frugal vegetable fare, without seasoning or condiment, barely sufficed for the wants of nature, and even this was sparingly doled out to him; for during the winter exercises, that is, from the 14th of September to Easter, he got only one refection daily except on Sundays, when he always got two. Wine, though allowed in small quant.i.ties at meals in countries where it was the common drink, was not permitted here, but in its stead, the monks used beer of their own brewing. Their raiment consisted of a white woollen tunic of coa.r.s.e material and a strip of black cloth over the shoulders, and reaching to below the knees, gathered in at the waist with a leathern girdle. Over these, when not employed in manual labour, was worn the long white garment with wide sleeves, called the cowl. The tunic was the ordinary dress of peasantry in the twelfth century, and was retained by the reformers of St.

Benedict's Rule, partly because it was the prescribed dress of the monks, and partly as an incentive to humility; a mark of the perfect equality which reigned in monasteries, and which removed all distinction of cla.s.s.

[Ill.u.s.tration: ARCH OF LAVABO (OCTAGON.) See p. 26. _From Photo by W.

Lawrence, Dublin._]

Such was the ordinary routine of life led at Mellifont, but then certain officials filled important offices which necessarily brought them in constant contact with the outer world. Such, for instance, was the Cellarer, who had charge under the Abbot of the temporalities of the monastery, and catered for all the wants of the community. Some were deputed to wait on the guests and strangers, while others cared the sick poor in the hospice with all charity and tenderness. For the maintenance of the sick poor large tracts of land or revenues arising from house-property were very often bequeathed by pious people, and the monks were then their almoners; but, with or without such a provision from outside, the monks did maintain these establishments from their own resources.

The Abbot entertained the guests of the monastery at his own table, dispensing to them such frugal fare as was in keeping with the Rule; for meat was not allowed to be served, except to the sick. He had his kitchen and dining-hall apart, but in every other respect, he shared in all the exercises with his brethren. Though he occupied the place of honour and of pre-eminence in the monastery, yet he was constantly reminded in the Rule, that he must not lord it over his monks, but must cherish them as a tender parent. His object in all his ordinances should be to promote the welfare of the flock entrusted to him, for which he should render an account on the last day.

From this relation of the manner of life at Mellifont, we see that it was in strict conformity with St. Bernard's definition of the Cistercian Inst.i.tute, when he writes: "Our Order is humility, peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. Our Order is silence, fasting, prayer, and labour, and above all, to hold the more excellent way, which is charity."

CHAPTER IV.

MELLIFONT TAKES ROOT AND FOUNDS NEW HOUSES OF THE ORDER.

"Even thus of old Our ancestors, within the still domain Of vast Cathedral or Conventual church, Their vigils kept; where tapers day and night On the dim altars burned continually, In token that the House was evermore Watching to G.o.d. Religious men were they: Nor would their reason tutored to aspire Above this transitory world, allow That there should pa.s.s a moment of the year When in their land the Almighty's service ceased."

(_Wordsworth._)

The history of Mellifont may be justly said to reflect the concurrent history of Ireland. It is so intimately connected and interwoven with that of our country, that they touch at many points, and we can collect matter for both as we travel back along the stream of time and observe the footprints on the sands, where saint, and king, chieftain, bishop, and holy monk, have left their impress and disappeared, to be succeeded later on by the baron and his armed retainers. How different the Ireland of to-day from the Ireland that Christian, the first Abbot of Mellifont, beheld when he and his companions settled down in the little valley, in the land of the O'Carroll! How many changes have pa.s.sed over it since, leaving it the poorest country in Europe, though one of the richest in natural resources! But these considerations appertain to the politician; they do not lie within the scope of the present writer. Next to building their church and monastery, the first care of the monks on their immediate arrival at Mellifont, was to prepare the soil for tillage; for, judging from the nature of the surroundings, it must have been overrun with dense brushwood, unbroken, save at distant intervals, by patches of green sward.

Most houses of the Order in Ireland had to contend with similar conditions at their foundation; of Dunbrody, Co. Wexford, we are expressly told, that the monk sent by the Abbot of Buildewas to examine the site of the future monastery, found on it only _a solitary oak surrounded by a swamp_. But these old monks were adepts in the reclamation of waste lands, and soon the hills rang with the instruments of husbandry. Pleasant gardens and fertile meadows rewarded their toil, and their example gave a stimulus to agriculture, which, till then, was neglected by a pastoral people. At the same time, they manufactured bricks in the locality, and employed them in their buildings. Then rumour on her many wings flew far and near, and spread the fame of the new-comers to that remote valley, and soon the monastery was crowded with visitors intent on seeing the strangers and observing closely their manner of life. The sight pleased them. The ways of these monks accorded with the traditions handed down of the inhabitants of the ancient monasteries, before the depredations of the Danes, and the hearts of a highly imaginative race, with quick spiritual instincts, were attracted towards St. Bernard's children. Immediately began an influx of postulants for the Cistercian habit, and every day brought more, till the stalls in the Choir were filled, and Abbot Christian's heart overflowed with gladness. In consultation with St. Malachy, Abbot Christian decided on founding another monastery, as his own could no longer contain the now greatly-increased community. A new colony was sent forth from it, and thus in two years from the foundation of Mellifont, was established "Bective on the Boyne." Some say that Newry, which was endowed by Maurice M'Loughlin, King of Ireland, at St. Malachy's earnest entreaty, was the first filiation of Mellifont. The charter of its (Newry) foundation happily has come down to us, but it bears no date. However, O'Donovan, who translated it into English from the Latin original in MS. in the British Museum, says it was written in 1160. As it is the only extant charter granted to a monastery by a native king before the Invasion, a copy of the translation is given in the Appendix.

Under the patronage, then, of St. Malachy and the native princes, and by the skill, industry, and piety of its inmates, Mellifont rose and prospered, and merited an exalted place in popular esteem. The monastery was in course of construction, and their new church nearing completion, when a heavy trial befell the monks in the death of their unfailing friend, wise counsellor, and loved father, St. Malachy, which took place at Clairvaux, in the arms of St. Bernard, A.D. 1148. St. Bernard delivered a most pathetic discourse over the remains of his friend, and wrote a consoling letter to the Irish Cistercians, condoling with them on the loss they and the whole Irish Church had sustained on the death of St. Malachy.

He, later on, wrote his life, and willed, that as they tenderly loved each other in life, so in death they should not be separated. Their tombs were side by side in the church of Clairvaux, till their relics, enshrined in magnificent altars, with many costly lamps burning before them, were scattered at the French Revolution, and the rich shrines were smashed and plundered. Portions of their bodies were, however, preserved by the good, pious people of the locality, and their heads are now preserved with honour in the cathedral of Troyes, France. The writers of the Cistercian Order claim St. Malachy as having belonged to them; for, they say that being previously a Benedictine, he received the Cistercian habit from St.

Bernard during one of his visits to Clairvaux. They add that St. Bernard exchanged cowls with him, and that he wore St. Malachy's ever after on solemn festivals. The Saint's life is so well known that it needs no further notice here. Before his death, he saw three houses founded from Mellifont, namely, Bective, Newry, and Boyle.

Two years after St. Malachy's death, that is, in 1150, the monks of Mellifont experienced another serious loss when their venerated Abbot, Christian, was appointed Bishop of Lismore, and Legate of the Holy See in Ireland, by Pope Eugenius III., who had been his fellow-novice in Clairvaux. Christian's brother, Malchus, was elected to the abbatial office in his stead. Malchus proved himself a very worthy superior, and Mellifont continued on her prosperous course, so much so, that in 1151, or nine years from its own establishment, it could reckon as many as six important filiations, namely, Bective, Newry, Boyle, Athlone, Baltinglas, and Manister, or Manisternenay, Co. Limerick.

In 1152, St. Bernard pa.s.sed to his reward, after having founded 160 houses of his Order, having edified Christendom by the splendour of his virtues, and astonished it by his rare natural gifts, which elevated him far above all his contemporaries. From the moment that he accepted the pastoral staff as Abbot of Clairvaux, till his death, that is, during the s.p.a.ce of forty years, he was the figurehead of his Order in whom its whole history was merged during that long period. In fact, he became so identified with the Order to which he belonged, that it was often called from him, Bernardine; or, of Claraval, from his famous monastery; and it was in a great measure owing to his influence, and in grateful acknowledgment of the splendid services which he rendered the Church in critical times, that Sovereign Pontiffs heaped so many favours on it. He was the fearless and successful champion of the oppressed in all grades of society, and all looked up to him as their guide and instructor. And yet this paragon of wisdom, this stern judge of the evil-doer, was remarkable for his naturalness and affectionate disposition. On the occasion of his brother Gerard's death, he attempted to preach a continuation of his discourses on the Canticle of Canticles, but his affection for his brother overcame him, and after giving vent to his grief, he delivered a most touching panegyric on his beloved Gerard. To the last moment of his life he entertained a most vivid recollection of his mother, and cherished the tenderest affection towards her memory. It may be doubted, that any child of the Church ever defended her cause with such loyalty and success. One stands amazed on reading what the Rev. Mr. King writes in his _Church History of Ireland_, where he taxes St. Bernard with superst.i.tion, because the Saint relates in his Life of St. Malachy, how that holy man wrought certain miracles. So evident were St. Bernard's own miracles, that Luden, a German Protestant historian, calls them "incontestable." 'Twere supreme folly to accuse a man of St. Bernard's endowments and culture, of the weakness that admits or harbours superst.i.tion, which generally flows from ignorance, or incapacity to sift matters, and to test them in their general or particular bearings. On the whole, Protestant writers speak and write approvingly of him.

In that year (1152), a Synod was held at Mell, which, according to Ussher, is identical with Mellifont, though now a suburb of Drogheda is known by that name. Other Irish writers say that this Synod was held at Kells. At it Christian, then Bishop of Lismore and Legate of the Holy See, presided.

In the _Annals of the Four Masters_ it is related, that a "Synod was convened at Drogheda, by the bishops of Ireland, with the successor of Patrick, and the Cardinal, John Paparo," etc. O'Donovan, quoting Colgan, tells us that Mellifont was known as the "Monastery at Drogheda."

In this same year occurred the elopement of Dervorgilla, wife of Tiernan O'Rourke, Prince of Brefny, with Dermod M'Murchad, King of Leinster. She is styled the Helen of Erin, as it is commonly supposed that her flight with Dermod occasioned the English Invasion. When O'Rourke heard of her departure, he was "marvellously troubled and in great choler, but more grieved for the shame of the fact than for sorrow or hurt, and, therefore, was fully determined to be avenged." It is mentioned in the _Annals of Clonmacnois_ that O'Rourke had treated her harshly some time previous, and that her brother M'Laughlin connived at her conduct. Dervorgilla (which means in Irish, The True Pledge), was forty-four years of age at the time, whilst O'Rourke (who was blind of one eye) and M'Murchad, were each of them sixty-two years old. O'Rourke was the most strenuous opponent of the English at the Invasion, and was treacherously slain by a nephew of Maurice Fitzgerald at the Hill of Ward, near Athboy, in 1172. He was decapitated, and his head hung over the gates of Dublin for some time. It was afterwards sent to King Henry, in England.

From 1152 to 1157 the monks attracted no attention worth chronicling; for during these five years they pa.s.sed by unnoticed in our Annals. It is, however, certain that they were busily engaged in the completion of their church and in making preparations for its solemn consecration. And what a day of rejoicing that memorable day of the consecration was, when Mellifont beheld the highest and holiest in Church and State a.s.sembled to do her honour! This ceremony far eclipsed any that had been witnessed before that in Ireland. What commotion and bustle filled the abbey, the valley, and the surrounding hills! A constantly increasing crowd came thronging to behold a sight which gladdened their hearts and aroused their piety and admiration. For, there stood the Ard Righ (High King) of Erin, surrounded by his princes and n.o.bles in all the pride and pageantry of state, the Primate Gelasius, and Christian, the Papal Legate, with seventeen other bishops, and almost all the abbots and priests in Ireland.

Then the solemn rite was performed, and many precious offerings were made to the monks and to their church--gold and lands, cattle, and sacred vessels, and ornaments for the altars, were bestowed with a generosity worthy of the princely donors. O'Melaghlin gave seven-score cows and three-score ounces of gold to G.o.d and the clergy, for the good of his soul. He granted them, also, a townland, called Finnabhair-na-ninghean, a piece of land, according to O'Donovan, which lies on the south side of the Boyne, opposite the mouth of the Mattock, in the parish of Donore, Co.

Meath. O'Carroll gave sixty ounces of gold, and the faithless but now repentant Dervorgilla presented a gold chalice for the High Altar, and cloths for the other nine altars of the church.

Mellifont looked charming on that propitious occasion, and presented a truly delightful picture, with its beautiful church and abbey buildings glistening in the sun in all the purity and freshness of the white, or nearly white, sandstone of which they were composed. Yet, beautiful as were the material buildings, far more so were those stones of the spiritual edifice, the meek and prayerful cen.o.bites, who were gathered there to adore and serve their G.o.d in spirit and in truth. From that valley there arose a pleasing incense to the Lord--the prayers, and hymns, and canticles, which unceasingly resounded in that church from hearts truly devoted to G.o.d's worship, and dead to the world and themselves.

CHAPTER V.

MELLIFONT CONTINUES TO FLOURISH UNDER SUCCESSIVE EMINENT SUPERIORS.

"This is no common spot of earth, No place for idle words or mirth; Here streamed the taper's mystic light; Here flashed the waving censers bright; Awhile the Church's ancient song Lingered the stately aisles along, And high mysterious words were said Which brought to men the living Bread."

(_W. Chatterton Dix._)

After the consecration of their church the monks settled down to their ordinary quiet way. The erection of the monastic buildings had hitherto kept them occupied; now that these were completed, they devoted their attention to the improvement of their farms, which they tilled with their own hands, and to the embellishment of their immediate surroundings. Even at this early period of her history, Mellifont was a hive of industry where all the trades flourished and many important arts were encouraged.

At that time hired labour was sparingly employed by the monks; for they themselves bore a share in the work of the artisans as well as in the ordinary drudgery of tillage. Labour placed all on a footing of equality whilst it gave vigour to the body by healthy exercise in the open air.

Perhaps, this healthy exercise was one of the secrets of the longevity for which the monks were remarkable. Regularity of life continued for years contributes to a state of health which dispenses with physicians. Wherever monks settled down they immediately erected mills for grinding corn, for preparing and finishing the fabrics of which their garments were made, etc. St. Benedict enjoined on his monks the necessity of practising all the trades and arts within the walls of the monastery, so that they need never leave their enclosure for the purpose, or under the pretext, of having their work done by externs.

Eleven years pa.s.sed without Mellifont receiving any notice from our native chroniclers, and then at the year 1168, it is recorded, that Prince Donogh O'Carroll, the Founder, died and was buried in the church there. Ware tells us that his tomb and those of other remarkable personages had been in the church. As it was an almost general custom in Ireland, that the Founders of religious houses were interred on the north, or Gospel side of the High Altar, so it may be justly inferred that he was buried within the chancel, and that the recess on the north side is where his monument was erected. Thus, King Charles O'Connor's tomb occupies the same place in Knockmoy Abbey, Co. Galway, of which he was Founder. So, too, in Corcomroe Abbey, Co. Clare, the tomb of Conor O'Brien, King of Th.o.m.ond, grandson of the Founder of that abbey, is still to be seen in a niche in the wall on the north side of the High Altar. No doubt they were buried under the pavement. The ancient Statutes of the Order permitted kings and bishops to be buried in the churches, but a.s.signed no particular part as proper to them.

In 1170, a monk named Auliv, who had been expelled[7] from Mellifont, instigated Ma.n.u.s, the King of Ulster, to commit an "unknown and attrocious crime," as the _Annals of the Four Masters_ call it; that is, to banish the monks whom St. Malachy brought to Saul, Co. Down, and to deprive them of everything they were possessed of. Instances of wicked men deceitfully entering monasteries, at that time and at other periods of monastic history, are given, but invariably the guilty party is severely censured, and it is related that his fellow-monks rid themselves of him. St. Bernard himself was deceived by his secretary, Nicholas, who afterwards left the Order. "He went out from us," said the Saint, "but he did not belong to us."

The Order was spreading rapidly in Ireland, and the filiations from Mellifont in their turn sent out new filiations, till most of the picturesque valleys in this country sheltered and nurtured thriving establishments; so much so, that O'Daly tells us "there were twenty-five grand Cistercian abbeys in Ireland at the Invasion." But then a new era dawned on this unhappy nation, and might usurped the place of right, cruel unending strife and fierce jealousies were imported into the country, and it became one vast battle-field. Ireland would have a.s.similated the two contending races, but their amalgamation would have been detrimental to English interests in this kingdom, and hence by statute, by bribe, by all means available, the representatives of that Crown only too successfully kept the feuds alive. Fain would they have made the Church an instrument for the furtherance of these ulterior purposes, but, whilst she stood firm as an integral part of Peter's Rock, neither English bribes nor English wiles could subjugate her. True, Englishmen were appointed to the richest benefices within the Pale to which the English kings had the right of presentation, and these strove, with as much zeal as the knight or baron, to extend the boundaries of the shire-lands. But the Irish prelates, by their disinterestedness, and their personal and episcopal virtues, saved the Church from the degradation that imperilled her. We shall see the result of this policy as we proceed.