Life of St. Francis of Assisi Part 59

II. THOMAS OF SPALATO

An archdeacon of the Cathedral of Spalato, who in 1220 was studying at Bologna, has left us a very living portrait of St. Francis and the memory of the impression which his preachings produced in that learned town.[5]

Something of his enthusiasm has pa.s.sed into his story; we feel that that day, August 15, 1220, when he met the Poverello of a.s.sisi, was one of the best of his life.[6]

III. DIVERS CHRONICLES

The continuation of William of Tyre[7] brings us a new account of Francis's attempt to conquer the Soudan. This narrative, the longest of all three we have on this subject, contains no feature essentially new, but it gives one more witness to the historic value of the Franciscan legends.

Finally, there are two chronicles written during Francis's life, which, without giving anything new, speak with accuracy of his foundation, and prove how rapidly that religious renovation which started in Umbria was being propagated to the very ends of Europe. The anonymous chronicler of Monte Sereno[8] in fact wrote about 1225, and tells us, not without regret, of the brilliant conquests of the Franciscans.

Burchard,[9] Abbot Premontre d'Ursberg (died in 1226), who was in Rome in 1211, leaves us a very curious criticism of the Order.

The Brothers Minor appeared to him a little like an orthodox branch of the Poor Men of Lyons. He even desires that the pope, while approving the Franciscans, should do so with a view to satisfy, in the measure of the possible, the aspirations manifested by that heresy and that of the Humiliati.

It is impossible to attribute any value whatever to the long pages given to St. Francis by Matthew Paris.[10] His information is correct wherever the activities of the friars are concerned, and he could examine the work around him.[11] They are absolutely fantastic when he comes to the life of St. Francis, and we can only feel surprised to find M. Hase[12] adopting the English monk's account of the stigmata.

The notice which he gives of Francis contains as many errors as sentences; he makes him born of a family ill.u.s.trious by its n.o.bility, makes him study theology from his infancy (_hoc didicerat in litteris et theologicis disciplinis quibus ab aetate tenera incubuerat, usque ad not.i.tiam perfectam_), etc.[13]

It would be useless to enlarge this list and mention those chroniclers who simply noticed the foundation of the Order, its approbation, and the death of St. Francis,[14] or those which spoke of him at length, but simply by copying a Franciscan legend.[15]

It suffices to point out by way of memory the long chapter consecrated to St. Francis in the Golden Legend. Giachimo di Voraggio ([Cross]

1298) there sums up with accuracy but without order the essential features of the first legends and in particular the Second Life by Celano.[16]

As for the inscription of Santa Maria del Vescovado at a.s.sisi it is too unformed to be anything but a simple object of curiosity.[17]

I have given up preparing a complete bibliography of works concerning St. Francis, that task having been very well done by the Abbe Ulysse Chevalier in his _Repertoire des sources historiques du moyen age_, Bio-Bibliographie, cols. 765-767 and 2588-2590, Paris, 1 vol., 4to, 1876-1888. To it I refer my readers.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] He was born at Vitry sur Seine, became Cure of Argenteuil, near Paris; Canon of Oignies, in the diocese of Namur, preached the crusade against the Albigenses, and accompanied the Crusaders to Palestine; having been made Bishop of Acre, he was present in 1219 at the siege and at the capture of Damietta and returned to Europe in 1225; created Cardinal-bishop of Frascati in 1229, he died in 1244, leaving a number of writings. For his life, see the preface of his _Historiae_, edition of Douai, 1597.

[2] This letter may be found in (Bongars) _Gesta Dei per Francio_, pp. 1146-1149.

[3] _Jacobi de Vitriaco Libri duo quorum prior Orientalis, alter Occidentalis Historiae nomine inscribitur studio Fr. Moschi Duaci ex officina Balthazaris Belleri_, 1597, 16mo, 480 pp. Chapter x.x.xii. fills pages 349-353, and is ent.i.tled _De ordine et praedicatione fratrum Minorum_. See above, p. 229.

[4] This appears from the pa.s.sage: _Videmus primus ordinis fundatorem magestrum cui tanquam summo Priori suo omnes alii obediunt._ _Loc. cit._, p. 352.

[5] It is inserted in the treatise of Sigonius on the bishops of Bologna: _Caroli Sigonii de episcopis Bononiensibus libri quinque c.u.m notis L. C. Rabbii_, a work which occupies cols.

353-590 of t. iii. of his _Opera omnia_, Milan, 1732-1737, 6 vols., f^o. We find our fragment in col. 432.

[6] This pa.s.sage will be found above, p. 241.

[7] _Guillelmi Tyrensis arch. Continuala belli sacri historia_ in Martene: _Amplissima Collectio_, t. v. pp. 584-572. The piece concerning Francis is cols. 689-690.

[8] _Chronicon Montis Sereni_ (at present Petersberg, near Halle), edited by Ehrenfeuchter in the _Mon. Germ. hist.

Script._, t. 23, pp. 130-226, 229.

[9] _Burchardi et Cuonradi Urspergensium chronicon_ ed., A. Otto Abel and L. Weiland, _apud Mon. Germ, hist._, t. 23, pp.

333-383. The monastery of Ursperg was half-way between Ulm and Augsburg. Vide p. 376.

[10] _Matthaei Parisiensis monachie Albanensis, Historia major_, edition Watts, London, 1640. The Brothers Minor are first mentioned in the year 1207, p. 222, then 1227, pp. 339-342.

[11] See the article, _Minores_, in the table of contents of the _Mon. Germ. hist. Script._, t. xxviii.

[12] _Franz von a.s.sisi_, p. 168 ff.

[13] See above, p. 97, his story of the audience with Innocent III.

[14] For example, _Chronica Albrici trium fontium_ in Pertz: _Script._, t. 23, _ad ann. 1207_, 1226, 1228. Vide Fragment of the chron. of Philippe Mousket ([Cross] before 1245). _Recueil des historiens_, t. xxii., p. 71, lines 30347-30360. The number of annalists in this century is appalling, and there is not one in ten who has omitted to note the foundation of the Minor Brothers.

[15] For example, Vincent de Beauvais ([Cross] 1264) gives in his _Speculum historiale_, lib. 29, cap. 97-99, lib. 30, cap.

99-111, nearly every story given by the Bollandists under the t.i.tle of _Secunda legenda_ in their _Commentarium praevium_.

[16] _Legenda aurea_, Graesse, Breslau, 1890, pp. 662-674.

[17] A good reproduction of it will be found in the _Miscellanea francescana_, t. ii., pp. 33-37, accompanied by a learned dissertation by M. Faloci Pulignani.

APPENDIX

CRITICAL STUDY OF THE STIGMATA AND THE INDULGENCE OF AUGUST 2

I. THE STIGMATA

A dissertation upon the possibility of miracles would be out of place here; a historic sketch is not a treatise on philosophy or dogmatics.

Still, I owe the reader a few explanations, to enable him with thorough understanding to judge of my manner of viewing the subject.

If by miracle we understand either the suspension or subversion of the laws of nature, or the intervention of the first cause in certain particular cases, I could not concede it. In this negation physical and logical reasons are secondary; the true reason--let no one be surprised--is entirely religious; the miracle is immoral. The equality of all before G.o.d is one of the postulates of the religious consciousness, and the miracle, that good pleasure of G.o.d, only degrades him to the level of the capricious tyrants of the earth.

The existing churches, making, as nearly all of them do, this notion of miracle the very essence of religion and the basis of all positive faith, involuntarily render themselves guilty of that emasculation of manliness and morality of which they so pa.s.sionately complain. If G.o.d intervenes thus irregularly in the affairs of men, the latter can hardly do otherwise than seek to become courtiers who expect all things of the sovereign's _favor_.

The question changes its aspect, if we call miracle, as we most generally do, all that goes beyond ordinary experience.

Many apologists delight in showing that the unheard of, the inexplicable, are met with all through life. They are right and I agree with them, on condition that they do not at the close of their explanation replace this new notion of the supernatural by the former one.

It is thus that I have come to conclude the reality of the stigmata.

They may have been a unique fact without being more miraculous than other phenomena; for example, the mathematical powers or the musical ability of an infant prodigy.