History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century Volume II Part 23

[373] Ab ordinis et Papae legibus solutus....quod gaudeo et amplector.

(Ibid., p. 568.)

[374] ....Compos mei non sum, rapior nescio quo spiritu, c.u.m nemini me male velle conscius sim. (Ibid, p. 555.)

[Sidenote: CONQUESTS BY THE WORD OF G.o.d.]

Thus both the Reformer and the Reformation hastened on in the direction in which G.o.d called them. The movement extended. Men who might have been expected to be most faithful to the hierarchy began to be shaken. "Even those," says Eck, ingenuously enough, "who hold of the pope the best benefices and the richest canonries remain mute as fishes. Several among them even extol Luther as a man filled with the Spirit of G.o.d, and call the defenders of the pope sophists and flatterers."[375] The Church, apparently great in power, supported by the treasures, the powers and the armies of the world, but in reality emaciated and enfeebled, without love to G.o.d, without Christian life, without enthusiasm for the truth, found herself in presence of men, simple, but bold, men who, knowing that G.o.d is with those who combat for His Word, had no doubt of victory? Every age has experienced how powerful an idea is in penetrating the ma.s.ses, in arousing nations, and, if need be, hurrying thousands to the field of battle and to death; but if such is the influence of a human idea, what must be the power of an idea sent down from heaven when G.o.d opens the door of the human heart. The world has not often seen such a power in operation.

It did see it, however, in the first days of Christianity and in those of the Reformation; and it will see it in days yet to come. Men who disdained the world's wealth, and grandeur, and were contented to lead a life of pain and poverty, began to move in behalf of the holiest thing upon the earth--the doctrine of faith and of grace. In this heaving of society, all the religious elements were brought into operation, and the fire of enthusiasm hurried men boldly forward into a new life an epoch of renovation which had just opened so majestically, and towards which Providence was hastening the nations.

[375] Reynald. Epist. J. Eckii ad Cardinal Contarenum.

BOOK SEVENTH.

THE DIET OF WORMS.

1521. (_January--May._)

CHAP. I.

Conquests by the Word of G.o.d--The Diet of Worms--Difficulties--Charles demands Luther--The Elector to Charles--State of Men's minds--Aleander's Alarm--The Elector sets out without Luther--Aleander awakens Rome--Excommunication of the Pope, and Communion with Christ--Fulmination of the Bull--Luther's motives in the Reformation.

The Reformation, which commenced with the struggles of an humble soul in the cell of a convent at Erfurt, had never ceased to advance. An obscure individual, with the Word of life in his hand, had stood erect in presence of worldly grandeur, and made it tremble. This Word he had opposed, first, to Tezel and his numerous host, and these avaricious merchants, after a momentary resistance, had taken flight. Next, he had opposed it to the legate of Rome at Augsburg, and the legate, paralysed, had allowed his prey to escape. At a later period he had opposed it to the champions of learning in the halls of Leipsic, and the astonished theologians had seen their syllogistic weapons broken to pieces in their hands. At last he had opposed it to the pope, who, disturbed in his sleep, had risen up upon his throne, and thundered at the troublesome monk; but the whole power of the head of Christendom this Word had paralysed. The Word had still a last struggle to maintain. It behoved to triumph over the emperor of the West, over the kings and princes of the earth, and then, victorious over all the powers of the world, take its place in the Church to reign in it as the pure Word of G.o.d.

[Sidenote: THE DIET OF WORMS.]

The whole kingdom was agitated. Princes and n.o.bles, knights and citizens, clergy and laity, town and country, all were engrossed. A mighty religious revolution, of which G.o.d himself was the prime mover, but which was also deeply rooted in the minds of the people, was threatening to overthrow the long venerated head of the Roman hierarchy. A new generation, of a grave, profound, active, and energetic spirit, filled the universities, towns, courts, and castles, the rural districts, and not unfrequently cloisters also. The feeling that a great social transformation was at hand animated all minds with holy enthusiasm. In what relation will the new emperor stand to this movement of the age, and what will be the issue of the mighty impulse, by which all feel that they are borne along?

A solemn Diet was about to be opened. It was the first imperial a.s.sembly over which the youthful Charles was to preside. Nuremberg, where, in virtue of the Golden Bull, it ought to have been held, being desolated by the plague, it had been summoned to meet at Worms, on the 6th of January, 1521.[376] Never had a Diet been attended by so many princes. All desired to be present at this first act of the government of the young emperor, and to make a display of their power. Among others, the young Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, who was afterwards to play so important a part in the Reformation, arrived at Worms in the middle of January, with six hundred cavaliers, among them men of renowned valour.

[376] Sleidan, vol. i, p. 80.

But there was a still more powerful motive which induced the electors, dukes, archbishops, landgraves, margraves, bishops, barons, and lords of the empire; as well as the deputies of towns, and the amba.s.sadors of the kings of Christendom, at this moment, to throng the roads leading to Worms with their brilliant equipages. It had been announced that the Diet would be occupied with the nomination of a council of regency to govern the empire during the absence of Charles, with the jurisdiction of the imperial chamber, and other important questions.

But the public attention was particularly directed to another matter, which the emperor had also mentioned in his letter convening the Diet, viz., the Reformation. The great interests of politics trembled before the cause of the Monk of Wittemberg. This cause was the princ.i.p.al subject of conversation among all personages who arrived at Worms.

[Sidenote: CHARLES DEMANDS LUTHER.]

Every thing announced that the Diet would be difficult and stormy.

Charles, scarcely twenty years of age, pale and sickly, yet as skilful as any one in the graceful management of his horse and in breaking a lance, of a character imperfectly developed, and with a grave and melancholy but still benevolent expression of countenance, gave no proof as yet of distinguished talent, and seemed not to have adopted a decided course. The able and active William of Croi, Lord of Chievres, who was his grand chamberlain, his governor, and prime minister, and possessed absolute authority at the court, died at Worms. Numerous ambitious projects were competing with each other. Many pa.s.sions were in collision. The Spaniards and Belgians were eager to insinuate themselves into the counsels of the young prince. The nuncios multiplied their intrigues, while the princes of Germany spoke out boldly. A struggle might have been foreseen, yet a struggle in which the princ.i.p.al part would be performed by the secret movements of factions.[377]

[377] Es gieng aber auf diesem Reichstag gar schlupferig zu...

Seckend. p. 326.

Charles opened the Diet on the 28th of January, 1521, being the festival of Charlemagne. He had a high idea of the importance of the imperial dignity. In his opening address he said, that no monarchy could be compared to the Roman empire, to which of old almost the whole world had been subject; that, unhappily, the empire was now only the shadow of what it had been; but that he hoped, by means of his kingdoms and powerful alliances, to re-establish it in its ancient glory.

But numerous difficulties immediately presented themselves to the young emperor. How will he act, placed, as he is, between the papal nuncio and the Elector to whom he owes his crown? How can he avoid dissatisfying Aleander or Frederick? The former urged the emperor to execute the papal bull, and the latter begged him to undertake nothing against the monk without giving him a hearing. Wishing to please these two opposite parties, the young prince, during a sojourn at Oppenherm, had written to the Elector to bring Luther to the Diet, a.s.suring him that no injustice would be done him, that he would meet with no violence, and that learned men would confer with him.

This letter of Charles, accompanied by letters from Chievres and the Count of Na.s.sau, threw the Elector into great perplexity. An alliance with the pope might at any instant become necessary to the young and ambitious emperor, and in that case it was all over with Luther.

Frederick, by taking the Reformer to Worms, was perhaps taking him to the scaffold; and yet the orders of Charles were express. The Elector ordered Spalatin to acquaint Luther with the letters which he had received. "The enemy," said the chaplain to him, "is putting every thing in operation to hasten on the affair."[378]

[378] Adversarios omnia moliri ad maturandum id negotii. (L. Ep. i, p.

534.)

[Sidenote: THE ELECTOR'S LETTER TO CHARLES V.]

Luther's friends trembled, but he trembled not. He was then in very feeble health; no matter. "If I cannot go to Worms in health," replied he to the Elector, "I will make myself be carried; since the emperor calls me, I cannot doubt but it is a call from G.o.d himself. If they mean to employ violence against me, as is probable, (for a.s.suredly it is not with a view to their own instruction that they make me appear,) I leave the matter in the hands of the Lord. He who preserved the three young men in the furnace, still lives and reigns. If He is not pleased to save me, my life is but a small matter; only let us not allow the gospel to be exposed to the derision of the wicked, and let us shed our blood for it sooner than permit them to triumph. Whether would my life or my death contribute most to the general safety? It is not for us to decide. Let us only pray to G.o.d that our young emperor may not commence his reign with dipping his hands in my blood; I would far rather perish by the sword of the Romans. You know what judgments befel the emperor Sigismund after the murder of John Huss. Expect every thing of me--save flight and recantation;[379] I cannot fly, still less can I recant."

[379] Omnia de me praesumas praeter fugam et palinodiam.... (L. Ep. i, p. 536.)

Before receiving this letter from Luther, the Elector had taken his resolution. As he was advancing in the knowledge of the gospel, he began to be more decided in his measures. Seeing that the conference of Worms could not have a happy result, he wrote to the emperor. "It seems to me difficult to bring Luther with me to Worms; relieve me from the task. Besides, I have never wished to take his doctrine under my protection, but only to prevent him from being condemned without a hearing. The Legates without waiting for your orders, have proceeded to take a step insulting both to Luther and to me, and I much fear, that in this way they have hurried him on to an imprudent act which might expose him to great danger were he to appear at the Diet." The Elector alluded to the pile which had consumed the Papal bull.

But the rumour of Luther's journey to Worms had already spread. Men eager for novelty rejoiced at it. The emperor's courtiers were alarmed, but no one felt so indignant as the papal legate. Aleander on his journey had seen how deep an impression the gospel which Luther preached had made on all cla.s.ses of society. Literary men, lawyers, n.o.bles, the lower clergy, the regular orders, and the people, were gained to the Reformation.[380] These friends of the new doctrine carried their heads erect, and were bold in their language, while fear and terror froze the partizans of Rome. The papacy still stood, but its props were shaking. A noise of devastation was already heard, somewhat resembling the creaking which takes place at the time when a mountain begins to slip.[381]

[380] Mult.i.tudo..turba paperum, n.o.bilium...grammatici causidici...inferiores ecclesiastici..factio multorum regularium...

(Pallavicini, i, p. 93.)

[381] Hae omnes conditiones petulanter gra.s.santium..metum cuilibet incutiebant... (Ibid., p. 93.)

[Sidenote: ALEANDER'S ALARM.]

Aleander, during his journey to Worms, was sadly annoyed. When he had to dine or sleep, neither literary men nor n.o.bles nor priests, even among the supposed friends of the pope, durst receive him, and the proud nuncio was obliged to seek an asylum in taverns of the lowest cla.s.s.[382] He was thus in terror, and had no doubt that his life was in great danger. In this way he arrived at Worms; and, thenceforth, to his Roman fanaticism was added resentment for the personal injuries which he had received. He immediately put every means in operation to prevent the audacious compearance of the redoubtable Luther. "Would it not be scandalous," said he, "to see laics re-investigating a cause which the pope had already condemned?" Nothing alarms a Roman courtier so much as an investigation; and, moreover, an investigation to take place in Germany, and not at Rome. How humiliating even should Luther's condemnation be unanimously decided! And it was not even certain that such would be the result. Will not the powerful word of Luther, which has already done such havoc, involve many princes and n.o.bles in inevitable ruin? Aleander, when before Charles, insisted, implored, threatened, and spoke out as nuncio of the head of the Church.[383] Charles yielded; and wrote to the Elector that the time granted to Luther having already elapsed, the monk was under papal excommunication; and that therefore unless he were willing to retract his writings, Frederick must leave him at Wittemberg. Frederick had already quitted Saxony without Luther. "I pray the Lord to be favourable to our Elector," were the words of Melancthon on seeing him depart; "on him our hopes of the restoration of Christendom repose.

His enemies dare every thing, ?a? pa?ta ?????

????s?e????;[384] but G.o.d will bring to nought the counsel of Ahithophel. As for us, let us do our part in the combat by our lessons and our prayers." Luther was deeply grieved at being prohibited to appear at Worms.[385]

[382] Neminem nactus qui auderet ipsum excipere ad vilia sordidaque hospitia aegre divert.i.t. (Pallavicini, i, p. 93.)

[383] Legati Romani nolunt ut audiatur h.o.m.o haereticus. Minantur multa.

(Zw. Ep. p. 157.)

[384] There is not a stone which they will not move. (Corp. Ref., i, p. 279. 24th Jan.)

[385] c.u.m dolore legi novissimas Caroli litteras. (L. Ep. i, p. 542.)

Aleander did not consider it enough that Luther should not come to Worms--he wished him to be condemned. Returning incessantly to the charge before the princes, prelates, and different members of the Diet, he accused the Augustin monk not only of disobedience and heresy, but also of sedition, rebellion, impiety, and blasphemy. The very accent in which he spoke betrayed the pa.s.sions by which he was actuated; so that men exclaimed, it is hatred and love of vengeance, rather than zeal and piety, that excite him.[386] However frequent, however vehement his discourses were, he made no converts.[387]

[386] Magis invidia et vindictae libidine quam zelo pietatis. (Historia Johnnis Cochli de actis et scriptis Martini Lutheri. _Parisus_, 1565, p. 27, verso. Cochlus was all his life one of Luther's greatest enemies. We will soon see him appear.)

[387] Vehementibus suis orationibus parum promovit. (Ibid.)

[Sidenote: ALEANDER AWAKENS ROME.]

Some pointed out to him that the papal bull had condemned Luther only conditionally; others did not altogether conceal the joy which they felt at seeing Roman pride humbled. The ministers of the emperor, on the one hand, and the ecclesiastical electors, on the other, affected great coldness--the former to make the pope more sensible how necessary it was for him to league with their master, the latter in order to induce him to pay better for their favour. A conviction of Luther's innocence prevailed in the a.s.sembly, and Aleander could not restrain his indignation.