History of the Buccaneers of America Part 4

CHAP. VII.

_=Thomas Peche=. Attempt of =La Sound= to cross the =Isthmus of America=. Voyage of =Antonio de Vea= to the =Strait of Magalhanes=. Various Adventures of the Buccaneers, in the =West Indies=, to the year 1679._

[Sidenote: 1673. Thomas Peche.] In 1673, Thomas Peche, an Englishman, fitted out a ship in _England_ for a piratical voyage to the _South Sea_ against the Spaniards. Previous to this, Peche had been many years a Buccaneer in the _West Indies_, and therefore his voyage to the _South Sea_ is mentioned as a Buccaneer expedition; but it was in no manner connected with any enterprise in or from the _West Indies_. The only information we have of Peche's voyage is from a Spanish author, _Seixas y Lovera_; and by that it may be conjectured that Peche sailed to the _Aleutian Isles_.[12]

[Sidenote: 1675.] About this time the French West-India Company was suppressed; but another Company was at the same time erected in its stead, and under the unpromising t.i.tle of _Compagnie des Fermiers du domaine d'Occident_.

[Sidenote: La Sound attempts to cross the Isthmus.] Since the plundering of _Panama_, the imaginations of the Buccaneers had been continually running on expeditions to the _South Sea_. This was well known to the Spaniards, and produced many forebodings and prophecies, in _Spain_ as well as in _Peru_, of great invasions both by sea and land. The alarm was increased by an attempt of a French Buccaneer, named La Sound, with a small body of men, to cross over land to the _South Sea_. La Sound got no farther than the town of _Cheapo_, and was driven back. Dampier relates, 'Before my going to the _South Seas_, I being then on board a privateer off _Portobel_, we took a packet from _Carthagena_. We opened a great many of the merchants' letters, several of which informed their correspondents of a certain prophecy that went about _Spain_ that year, the tenor of which was, _That the English privateers in the West Indies would that year open a door into the South Seas_.'

[Sidenote: Voyage of Ant. de Vea to the Strait of Magalhanes.] In 1675, it was reported and believed in _Peru_, that strange ships, supposed to be Pirates, had been seen on the coast of _Chili_, and it was apprehended that they designed to form an establishment there. In consequence of this information or rumour, the Viceroy sent a ship from _Peru_, under the command of Don Antonio de Vea, accompanied with small barks as tenders, to reconnoitre the _Gulf de la Santissima Trinidada_, and to proceed thence to the West entrance of the _Strait of Magalhanes_. De Vea made examination at those places, and was convinced, from the poverty of the land, that no settlement of Europeans could be maintained there. One of the Spanish barks, with a crew of sixteen men, was wrecked on the small Islands called _Evangelists_, at the West entrance of the _Strait_. De Vea returned to _Callao_ in April 1676[13].

[Sidenote: 1676.] The cattle in _Hispaniola_ had again multiplied so much as to revive the business of hunting and the _boucan_. In 1676, some French who had habitations in the _Peninsula of Samana_ (the NE part of _Hispaniola_) made incursions on the Spaniards, and plundered one of their villages. Not long afterwards, the Spaniards learnt that in _Samana_ there were only women and children, the men being all absent on the chace; and that it would be easy to surprise not only the habitations, but the hunters also, who had a boucan at a place called the _Round Mountain_.

[Sidenote: Ma.s.sacre of the French in Samana.] This the Spaniards executed, and with such full indulgence to their wish to extirpate the French in _Hispaniola_, that they put to the sword every one they found at both the places. The French, in consequence of this misfortune, strengthened their fortifications at _Cape Francois_, and made it their princ.i.p.al establishment in the Island.

[Sidenote: 1678. French Fleet wrecked on the Isles de Aves.] In 1678, the French again undertook an expedition against the Dutch Island _Curacao_, with a large fleet of the French king's ships, under the command of Admiral the Count d'Etrees. The French Court were so earnest for the conquest of _Curacao_, to wipe off the disgrace of the former failure, that the Governor of _Tortuga_ was ordered to raise 1200 men to join the Admiral d'Etrees. The king's troops within his government did not exceed 300 men; nevertheless, the Governor collected the number required, the Flibustiers willingly engaging in the expedition. Part of them embarked on board the king's ships, and part in their own cruising vessels. By mistake in the navigation, d'Etrees ran ash.o.r.e in the middle of the night on some small Isles to the East of _Curacao_, called _de Aves_, which are surrounded with breakers, and eighteen of his ships, besides some of the Flibustier vessels, were wrecked. The crews were saved, excepting about 300 men.

The _Curacao_ expedition being thus terminated, the Flibustiers who had engaged in it, after saving as much as they could of the wrecks, went on expeditions of their own planning, to seek compensation for their disappointment and loss. [Sidenote: Granmont.] Some landed on _Cuba_, and pillaged _Puerto del Principe_. One party, under Granmont, a leader noted for the success of his enterprises, went to the Gulf of _Venezuela_, and the ill-fated towns _Maracaibo_ and _Gibraltar_ were again plundered; but what the Buccaneers obtained was not of much value. In August this year, _France_ concluded a treaty of peace with _Spain_ and _Holland_.

The Government in _Jamaica_ had by this time relapsed to its former propensities, and again encouraged the Buccaneers, and shared in their gains. One crew of Buccaneers carried there a vessel taken from the Spaniards, the cargo of which produced for each man's share to the value of 400_l._ After disposing of the cargo, they burnt the vessel; and 'having paid the Governor his duties, they embarked for _England_, where,'

added the author, 'some of them live in good reputation to this day[14].'

As long as the war had lasted between _France_ and _Spain_, the French Buccaneers had the advantage of being lawful privateers. An English Buccaneer relates, 'We met a French private ship of war, mounting eight guns, who kept in our company some days. Her commission was only for three months. We shewed him our commission, which was for three years to come.

This we had purchased at a cheap rate, having given for it only ten pieces of eight; but the truth of the thing was, that our commission was made out at first only for three months, the same date as the Frenchman's, whereas among ourselves we contrived to make it that it should serve for three years, for with this we were resolved to seek our fortunes.' Whenever _Spain_ was at war with another European Power, adventurers of any country found no difficulty in the _West Indies_ in procuring commissions to war against the Spaniards; with which commission, and carrying aloft the flag of the nation hostile to _Spain_, they a.s.sumed that they were lawful enemies. Such pretensions did them small service if they fell into the hands of the Spaniards; but they were allowed in the ports of neutral nations, which benefited by being made the mart of the Buccaneer prize goods; and the Buccaneers thought themselves well recompensed in having a ready market, and the security of the port.

[Sidenote: 1678. Darien Indians.] The enterprises of the Buccaneers on the _Tierra Firma_ and other parts of the American Continent, brought them into frequent intercourse with the natives of those parts, and produced friendships, and sometimes alliances against the Spaniards, with whom each were alike at constant enmity. But there sometimes happened disagreements between them and the natives. The Buccaneers, if they wanted provisions or a.s.sistance from the Indians, had no objection to pay for it when they had the means; nor had the natives objection to supply them on that condition, and occasionally out of pure good will. The Buccaneers nevertheless, did not always refrain from helping themselves, with no other leave than their own. Sometime before Morgan's expedition to _Panama_, they had given the Indians of _Darien_ much offence; but shortly after that expedition, they were reconciled, in consequence of which, the Darien Indians had a.s.sisted La Sound. In 1678, they gave a.s.sistance to another party of Flibustiers which went against _Cheapo_, under a French Captain named Bournano, and offered to conduct them to a place called _Tocamoro_, where they said the Spaniards had much gold. Bournano did not think his force sufficient to take advantage of their offer, but promised he would come again and be better provided.

[Sidenote: 1679. Porto Bello surprised by the Buccaneers.] In 1679, three Buccaneer vessels (two of them English, and one French) joined in an attempt to plunder _Porto Bello_. They landed 200 men at such a distance from the town, that it occupied them three nights in travelling, for during the day they lay concealed in the woods, before they reached it.

Just as they came to the town, they were discovered by a negro, who ran before to give intelligence of their coming; but the Buccaneers were so quickly after him, that they got possession of the town before the inhabitants could take any step for their defence, and, being unacquainted with the strength of the enemy, they all fled. The Buccaneers remained in the town collecting plunder two days and two nights, all the time in apprehension that the Spaniards would; 'pour in the country' upon their small force, or intercept their retreat. They got back however to their ships unmolested, and, on a division of the booty, shared 160 pieces of eight to each man.

CHAP. VIII.

_Meeting of Buccaneers at the =Samballas=, and =Golden Island=.

Party formed by the English Buccaneers to cross the =Isthmus=.

Some account of the Native Inhabitants of the =Mosquito Sh.o.r.e=._

Immediately after the plundering of _Porto Bello_, a number of Buccaneer vessels, both English and French, on the report which had been made by Captain Bournano, a.s.sembled at the _Samballas_, or _Isles of San Blas_, near the coast of _Darien_. One of these vessels was commanded by Bournano. The Indians of _Darien_ received them as friends and allies, but they now disapproved the project of going to _Tocamoro_. The way thither, they said, was mountainous, and through a long tract of uninhabited country, in which it would be difficult to find subsistence; and instead of _Tocamoro_, they advised going against the city of _Panama_. [Sidenote: 1680. Golden Island.] Their representation caused the design upon _Tocamoro_ to be given up. The English Buccaneers were for attacking _Panama_; but the French objected to the length of the march; and on this difference, the English and French separated, the English Buccaneers going to an Island called by them _Golden Island_, which is the most eastern of the _Samballas_, if not more properly to be said to the eastward of all the _Samballas_.

Without the a.s.sistance of the French, _Panama_ was too great an undertaking. They were bent, however, on crossing the _Isthmus_; and at the recommendation of their Darien friends, they determined to visit a Spanish town named _Santa Maria_, situated on the banks of a river that ran into the _South Sea_. The Spaniards kept a good garrison at _Santa Maria_, on account of gold which was collected from mountains in its neighbourhood.

The Buccaneers who engaged in this expedition were the crews of seven vessels, of force as in the following list:

Guns Men A vessel of 8 and 97 commanded by John c.o.xon.

-- 25 - 107 ---- Peter Harris.

-- 1 - 35 ---- Richard Sawkins.

-- 2 - 40 ---- Bart. Sharp.

-- 0 - 43 ---- Edmond Cook.

-- 0 - 24 ---- Robert Alleston.

-- 0 - 20 ---- ---- Macket.

It was settled that Alleston and Macket, with 35 men, themselves included, should be left to guard the vessels during the absence of those who went on the expedition, which was not expected to be of long continuance. These matters were arranged at _Golden Island_, and agreement made with the Darien Indians to furnish them with subsistence during the march.

William Dampier, a seaman at that time of no celebrity, but of good observation and experience, was among these Buccaneers, and of the party to cross the _Isthmus_; as was Lionel Wafer, since well known for his _Description of the Isthmus of Darien_, who had engaged with them as surgeon.

[Sidenote: Account of the Mosquito Indians.] In this party of Buccaneers were also some native Americans, of a small tribe called Mosquito Indians, who inhabited the sea coast on each side of _Cape Gracias a Dios_, one way towards the river _San Juan de Nicaragua_, the other towards the _Gulf of Honduras_, which is called the _Mosquito Sh.o.r.e_. If Europeans had any plea in justification of their hostility against the Spaniards in the _West Indies_, much more had the native Americans. The Mosquito Indians, moreover, had long been, and were at the time of these occurrences, in an extraordinary degree attached to the English, insomuch that voluntarily of their own choice they acknowledged the King of _Great Britain_ for their sovereign. They were an extremely ingenious people, and were greatly esteemed by the European seamen in the _West Indies_, on account of their great expertness in the use of the harpoon, and in taking turtle. The following character of them is given by Dampier: 'These Mosquito Indians,'

he says; 'are tall, well made, strong, and nimble of foot; long visaged, lank black hair, look stern, and are of a dark copper complexion. They are but a small nation or family. They are very ingenious in throwing the lance, or harpoon. They have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a sail at sea, farther than we. For these things, they are esteemed and coveted by all privateers; for one or two of them in a ship, will sometimes maintain a hundred men. When they come among privateers, they learn the use of guns, and prove very good marksmen. They behave themselves bold in fight, and are never seen to flinch, or hang back; for they think that the white men with whom they are, always know better than they do, when it is best to fight; and be the disadvantage never so great, they do not give back while any of their party stand. These Mosquito men are in general very kind to the English, of whom they receive a great deal of respect, both on board their ships, and on sh.o.r.e, either in _Jamaica_, or elsewhere. We always humour them, letting them go any where as they will, and return to their country in any vessel bound that way, if they please. They will have the management of themselves in their striking fish, and will go in their own little canoe, nor will they then let any white man come in their canoe; all which we allow them. For should we cross them, though they should see shoals of fish, or turtle, or the like, they will purposely strike their harpoons and turtle-irons aside, or so glance them as to kill nothing. They acknowledge the King of England for their sovereign, learn our language, and take the Governor of _Jamaica_ to be one of the greatest princes in the world. While they are among the English, they wear good cloaths, and take delight to go neat and tight; but when they return to their own country, they put by all their cloaths, and go after their own country fashion.'

In Dampier's time, it was the custom among the Mosquito Indians, when their Chief died, for his successor to obtain a commission, appointing him Chief, from the Governor of _Jamaica_; and till he received his commission he was not acknowledged in form by his countrymen[15].

How would Dampier have been grieved, if he could have foreseen that this simple and honest people, whilst their attachment to the English had suffered no diminution, would be delivered by the British Government into the hands of the Spaniards; which, from all experience of what had happened, was delivering them to certain destruction.

Before this unhappy transaction took place, and after the time Dampier wrote, the British Government took actual possession of the Mosquito Country, by erecting a fort, and stationing there a garrison of British troops. British merchants settled among the Mosquito natives, and magistrates were appointed with authority to administer justice. Mosquito men were taken into British pay to serve as soldiers, of which the following story is related in Long's History of _Jamaica_; 'In the year 1738, the Government of _Jamaica_ took into their pay two hundred Mosquito Indians, to a.s.sist in the suppression of the Maroons or Wild Negroes.

During a march on this service, one of their white conductors shot a wild hog. The Mosquito men told him, that was not the way to surprise the negroes, but to put them on their guard; and if he wanted provisions, they would kill the game equally well with their arrows. They effected considerable service on this occasion, and were well rewarded for their good conduct; and when a pacification took place with the Maroons, they were sent well satisfied to their own country.'

In the year 1770, there resided in the _Mosquito Country_ of British settlers, between two and three hundred whites, as many of mixed blood, and 900 slaves. On the breaking out of the war between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_, in 1779, when the Spaniards drove the British logwood cutters from their settlements in the _Bay of Honduras_, the Mosquito men armed and a.s.sisted the British troops of the line in the recovery of the logwood settlements. They behaved on that occasion, and on others in which they served against the Spaniards, with their accustomed fidelity. An English officer, who was in the _West Indies_ during that war, has given a description of the Mosquito men, which exactly agrees with what Dampier has said; and all that is related of them whilst with the Buccaneers, gives the most favourable impression of their dispositions and character.

It was natural to the Spaniards to be eagerly desirous to get the Mosquito Country and people into their power; but it was not natural that such a proposition should be listened to by the British. Nevertheless, the matter did so happen.

When notice was received in the _West Indies_, that a negociation was on foot for the delivery of the _Mosquito Sh.o.r.e_ to _Spain_, the Council at _Jamaica_ drew up a Report and Remonstrance against it; in which was stated, that 'the number of the Mosquito Indians, so justly remarkable for their fixed hereditary hatred to the Spaniards, and attachment to us, were from seven to ten thousand.' Afterwards, in continuation, the Memorial says, 'We beg leave to state the nature of His Majesty's territorial right, perceiving with alarm, from papers submitted to our inspection, that endeavours have been made to create doubts as to His Majesty's just claims to the sovereignty of this valuable and delightful country. The native Indians of this country have never submitted to the Spanish Government. The Spaniards never had any settlement amongst them. During the course of 150 years they have maintained a strict and uninterrupted alliance with the subjects of _Great Britain_. They made a free and formal cession of the dominion of their country to His Majesty's predecessors, acknowledging the King of _Great Britain_ for their sovereign, long before the American Treaty concluded at _Madrid_ in 1670; and consequently, by the eighth Article of that Treaty, our right was declared[16].' In one Memorial and Remonstrance which was presented to the British Ministry on the final ratification (in 1786) of the Treaty, it is complained, that thereby his Majesty had given up to the King of _Spain_ 'the Indian people, and country of the _Mosquito Sh.o.r.e_, which formed the most secure West-Indian Province possessed by _Great Britain_, and which we held by the most pure and perfect t.i.tle of sovereignty.' Much of this is digression; but the subject unavoidably came into notice, and could not be hastily quitted.

Some mercantile arrangement, said to be advantageous to _Great Britain_, but which has been disputed, was the publicly a.s.signed motive to this act.

It has been conjectured that a desire to shew civility to the Prime Minister of _Spain_ was the real motive. Only blindness or want of information could give either of these considerations such fatal influence.

The making over, or transferring, inhabited territory from the dominion and jurisdiction of one state to that of another, has been practised not always with regard for propriety. It has been done sometimes unavoidably, sometimes justly, and sometimes inexecusably. Unavoidably, when a weaker state is necessitated to submit to the exactions of a stronger. Justly, when the inhabitants of the territory it is proposed to transfer, are consulted, and give their consent. Also it may be reckoned just to exercise the power of transferring a conquered territory, the inhabitants of which have not been received and adopted as fellow subjects with the subjects of the state under whose power it had fallen.

The inhabitants of a territory who with their lands are transferred to the dominion of a new state without their inclinations being consulted, are placed in the condition of a conquered people.

The connexion of the Mosquito people with _Great Britain_ was formed in friendship, and was on each side a voluntary engagement. That it was an engagement, should be no question. In equity and honour, whoever permits it to be believed that he has entered into an engagement, thereby becomes engaged. The Mosquito people were known to believe, and had been allowed to continue in the belief, that they were permanently united to the British. The Governors of _Jamaica_ giving commissions for the instalment of their chief, the building a fort, and placing a garrison in the country, shew both acceptance of their submission and exercise of sovereignty.

Vattel has described this case. He says, 'When a nation has not sufficient strength of itself, and is not in a condition to resist its enemies, it may lawfully submit to a more powerful nation on certain conditions upon which they shall come to an agreement; and the pact or treaty of submission will be afterwards the measure and rule of the rights of each.

For that which submits, resigning a right it possessed, and conveying it to another, has an absolute power to make this conveyance upon what conditions it pleases; and the other, by accepting the submission on this footing, engages to observe religiously all the clauses in the treaty.

When a nation has placed itself under the protection of another that is more powerful, or has submitted to it with a view of protection; if this last does not effectually grant its protection when wanted, it is manifest that by failing in its engagements it loses the rights it had acquired.'

The rights lost or relinquished by _Great Britain_ might possibly be of small import to her; but the loss of our protection was of infinite consequence to the Mosquito people. Advantages supposed or real gained to _Great Britain_, is not to be pleaded in excuse or palliation for withdrawing her protection; for that would seem to imply that an engagement is more or less binding according to the greater or less interest there may be in observing it. But if there had been no engagement, the length and steadiness of their attachment to _Great Britain_ would have ent.i.tled them to her protection, and the nature of the case rendered the obligation sacred; for be it repeated, that experience had shewn the delivering them up to the dominion of the Spaniards, was delivering them to certain slavery and death. These considerations possibly might not occur, for there seems to have been a want of information on the subject in the British Ministry, and also a want of attention to the remonstrances made. The Mosquito Country, and the native inhabitants, the best affected and most constant of all the friends the British ever had, were abandoned in the summer of 1787, to the Spaniards, the known exterminators of millions of the native Americans, and who were moreover incensed against the Mosquito men, for the part they had always taken with the British, by whom they were thus forsaken. The British settlers in that country found it necessary, to withdraw as speedily as they had opportunity, with their effects.

If the business had been fully understood, and the safety of _Great Britain_ had depended upon abandoning the Mosquito people to their merciless enemies, it would have been thought disgraceful by the nation to have done it; but the national interest being trivial, and the public in general being uninformed in the matter, the transaction took place without attracting much notice. A motion, however, was made in the British House of Lords, 'that the terms of the Convention with _Spain_, signed in July 1786, did not meet the favourable opinion of this House;' and the n.o.ble Mover objected to that part of the Convention which related to the surrender of the British possessions on the _Mosquito Sh.o.r.e_, that it was a humiliation, and derogating from the rights of _Great Britain_. The first Article of the Treaty of 1786 says, 'His Britannic Majesty's subjects, and the other Colonists, who have hitherto enjoyed the protection of _England_, shall evacuate the Country of the Mosquitos, as well as the Continent in general, and the Islands adjacent, without exception, situated beyond the line hereafter described, as what ought to be the extent of territory granted by his Catholic Majesty to the English.'

In the debate, rights were a.s.serted for _Spain_, not only to what she then possessed on the Continent of _America_, but to parts she had never possessed. Was this want of information, or want of consideration? The word 'granted' was improperly introduced. In truth and justice, the claims of _Spain_ to _America_ are not to be acknowledged rights. They were founded in usurpation, and prosecuted by the extermination of the lawful and natural proprietors. It is an offence to morality and to humanity to pretend that _Spain_ had so clear and just a t.i.tle to any part of her possessions on the Continent of _America_, as _Great Britain_ had to the _Mosquito_ Country. The rights of the Mosquito people, and their claims to the friendship of _Great Britain_, were not sufficiently made known; and the motion was negatived. It might have been of service in this debate to have quoted Dampier.

In conclusion, the case of the Mosquito people deserves, and demands the reconsideration of _Great Britain_. If, on examination, it shall be proved that they have been ungenerously and unjustly treated, it may not be too late to seek to make reparation, which ought to be done as far as circ.u.mstances will yet admit. The first step towards this would be, to inst.i.tute enquiry if there are living any of our forsaken friends, or of their posterity, and what is their present condition. If the Mosquito people have been humanely and justly governed since their separation from _Great Britain_, the enquiry will give the Spaniards cause for triumph, and the British cause to rejoice that evil has not resulted from their act. On the other hand, should it be found that they have shared in the common calamities heaped upon the natives of _America_ by the Spaniards, then, if there yet exist enough of their tribe to form a nation, it would be right to restore them, if practicable, to the country and situation of which their fathers were deprived, or to find them an equivalent; and at any price or pains, to deliver them from oppression. If only few remain, those few should be freed from their bondage, and be liberally provided with lands and maintenance in our own _West-India Islands_.