History of the Buccaneers of America Part 12

[Sidenote: 26th. Meeting between Spanish Ships of War and the Buccaneers.]

On the 26th, they quitted the road of _Puna_, and joined Davis. In the evening of the same day, two large Spanish ships came in sight. Davis's ship mounted 36 guns; and her crew, which had been much diminished by different engagements, was immediately reinforced with 80 men from Le Picard's party. Besides Davis's ship, the Buccaneers had only a small ship and a _barca-longa_ fit to come into action. Their prize vessels which could do no service, were sent for security into shallow water.

[Sidenote: A Sea Engagement of seven days.] On the morning of the 27th, the Buccaneers and Spaniards were both without the Island _S^{ta} Clara_.

The Spaniards were the farthest out at sea, and had the sea-breeze first, with which they bore down till about noon, when being just within the reach of cannon-shot, they hauled upon a wind, and began a distant cannonade, which was continued till evening: the two parties then drew off to about a league asunder, and anch.o.r.ed for the night. On the morning of the 28th, they took up their anchors, and the day was spent in distant firing, and in endeavours to gain or to keep the wind of each other. The same kind of manoeuvring and distant firing was put in practice on each succeeding day, till the evening of the 2d of June, which completed the seventh day of this obstinate engagement. The Spanish Commander, being then satisfied that he had fought long enough, and hopeless of prevailing on the enemy to yield, withdrew in the night. [Sidenote: June. The Spaniards retire.] On the morning of the 3d, the Buccaneers were surprised, and not displeased, at finding no enemy in sight.

During all this fighting, the Buccaneers indulged their vanity by keeping the Governor of _Guayaquil_, and other prisoners of distinction, upon deck, to witness the superiority of their management over that of the Spaniards. It was not indeed a post of much danger, for in the whole seven days battle, not one Buccaneer was killed, and only two or three were wounded.

It may be some apology for the Spanish Commander, that in consequence of Davis's junction with the captors of _Guayaquil_, he found a much greater force to contend with than he had been taught to expect. Fortune had been peculiarly unfavourable to the Spaniards on this occasion. Three ships of force had been equipped and sent in company against the Buccaneers at _Guayaquil_. One of them, the Katalina, by accident was separated from the others, and fell in with Davis, by whom she was driven on the coast, where she stranded. The Spanish armament thus weakened one-third, on arriving in the _Bay of Guayaquil_, found the buccaneer force there increased, by this same Davis, in a proportion greater than their own had been diminished.

[Sidenote: At the Island De la Plata.] Davis and Le Picard left the choice of distance to the Spaniards in this meeting, not considering it their business to come to serious battle unless forced. They had reason to be satisfied with having defended themselves and their plunder; and after the enemy disappeared, finding the coast clear, they sailed to the Island _De la Plata_, where they stopped to repair damages, and to hold council.

They all now inclined homewards. The booty they had made, if it fell short of the expectations of some, was sufficient to make them eager to be where they could use or expend it; but they were not alike provided with the means of returning to the _North Sea_. Davis had a stout ship, and he proposed to go the Southern pa.s.sage by the _Strait of Magalhanes_, or round _Cape Horne_. No other of the vessels in the possession of the Buccaneers was strong enough for such a voyage. All the French therefore, and many of the English Buccaneers, bent their thoughts on returning overland, an undertaking that would inevitably be attended with much difficulty, enc.u.mbered as they were with their plunder, and the Darien Indians having become hostile to them.

Almost all the Frenchmen in Davis's ship, left her to join their countrymen, and many of the English from their party embarked with Davis.

All thoughts of farther negociation with the Spaniards for the ransom of prisoners, were relinquished. Le Picard had given notice on quitting the _Bay of Guayaquil_, that payment would be expected for the release of the remaining prisoners, and that the Buccaneers would wait for it at _Cape Santa Elena_; but they had pa.s.sed that _Cape_, and it was apprehended that if they returned thither, instead of receiving ransom, they might find the Spanish ships of war, come to renew the attack on them under other Commanders. On the 10th, they landed their prisoners on the Continent.

[Sidenote: Division of Plunder.] The next day they shared the plunder taken at _Guayaquil_. The jewels and ornaments could not well be divided, nor could their value be estimated to general satisfaction: neither could they agree upon a standard proportion between the value of gold and silver. Every man was desirous to receive for his share such parts of the spoil as were most portable, and this was more especially of importance to those who intended to march overland. The value of gold was so much enhanced that an ounce of gold was received in lieu of eighty dollars, and a Spanish pistole went for fifteen dollars; but these instances probably took place in settling their gaming accounts. In the division of the plunder these difficulties were obviated by a very ingenious and un.o.bjectionable mode of distribution. The silver was first divided: the other articles were then put up to auction, and bid for in pieces of eight; and when all were so disposed of, a second division was made of the silver produced by the sale.

Davis and his company were not present at the taking of _Guayaquil_, but the services they had rendered, had saved both the plunder and the plunderers, and gave them a fair claim to share. Neither Wafer nor Lussan speak to this point, from which it may be inferred that every thing relating to the division was settled among them amicably, and that Davis and his men had no reason to be dissatisfied. Lussan gives a loose statement of the sum total and of the single shares. 'Notwithstanding that these things were sold so dearly, we shared for the taking of _Guayaquil_ only 400 pieces of eight to each man, which would make in the whole about fifteen hundred thousand _livres_.' The number of Buccaneers with Grogniet and Hutt immediately previous to the attack of _Guayaquil_, was 304.

Davis's crew at the time he separated from Knight, consisted of eighty men. He had afterwards lost men in several encounters, and it is probable the whole number present at the sharing of the plunder of _Guayaquil_ was short of three hundred and fifty. Allowing the extra shares to officers to have been 150, making the whole number of shares 500, the amount of the plunder will fall short of Lussan's estimate.

[Sidenote: They separate to return home by different Routes.] On the 12th, the two parties finally took leave of each other and separated, bound by different routes for the _Atlantic_.

CHAP. XVII.

_=Edward Davis=; his Third visit to the =Galapagos=. One of those Islands, named =Santa Maria de l'Aguada= by the Spaniards, a Careening Place of the Buccaneers. Sailing thence Southward they discover Land. Question, whether Edward Davis's Discovery is the Land which was afterwards named =Easter Island=? =Davis= and his Crew arrive in the =West Indies=._

[Sidenote: 1687. Davis sails to the Galapagos Islands.] Davis again sailed to the _Galapagos Islands_, to victual and refit his ship. Lionel Wafer was still with him, and appears to have been one of those to whom fortune had been most unpropitious. Wafer does not mention either the joining company with the French Buccaneers, or the plunder of _Guayaquil_; and particularises few of his adventures. He says, 'I shall not pursue all my coasting along the sh.o.r.e of _Peru_ with Captain Davis. We continued rambling about to little purpose, sometimes at sea, sometimes ash.o.r.e, till having spent much time and visited many places, we were got again to the _Galapagos_; from whence we were determined to make the best of our way out of these seas.'

At the _Galapagos_ they again careened; and there they victualled the ship, taking on board a large supply of flour, curing fish, salting flesh of the land turtle for sea store; and they saved as much of the oil of the land turtle as filled sixty jars (of eight gallons each) which proved excellent, and was thought not inferior to fresh b.u.t.ter.

[Sidenote: King James's Island.] Captain Colnet was at the _Galapagos Isles_ in the years 1793 and 1794, and found traces, still fresh, which marked the haunts of the Buccaneers. He says, 'At every place where we landed on the Western side of _King James's Isle_, we might have walked for miles through long gra.s.s and beneath groves of trees. It only wanted a stream to compose a very charming landscape. This Isle appears to have been a favourite resort of the Buccaneers, as we found seats made by them of earth and stone, and a considerable number of broken jars scattered about, and some whole, in which the Peruvian wine and liquors of the country are preserved. We also found daggers, nails, and other implements.

The watering-place of the Buccaneers was at this time (the latter part of April or beginning of May) entirely dried up, and there was only found a small rivulet between two hills running into the sea; the Northernmost of which hills forms the South point of _Fresh Water Bay_. There is plenty of wood, but that near the sh.o.r.e is not large enough for other use than fire-wood. In the mountains the trees may be larger, as they grow to the summits. I do not think the watering-place we saw is the only one on the Island, and I have no doubt, if wells were dug any where beneath the hills, and not near the lagoon behind the sandy beach, that fresh water would be found in great plenty[59].'

Since Captain Colnet's Voyage, Captain David Porter of the American United States' frigate Ess.e.x, has seen and given descriptions of the _Galapagos_ Islands. He relates an anecdote which accords with Captain Colnet's opinion of there being fresh water at _King James's Island_. He landed, on its West side, four goats (one male and three female) and some sheep, to graze. As they were tame and of their own accord kept near the landing-place, they were left every night without a keeper, and water was carried to them in the morning. 'But one morning, after they had been on the Island several days and nights, the person who attended them went on sh.o.r.e as usual to give them water, but no goats were to be found: they had all as with one accord disappeared. Several persons were sent to search after them for two or three days, but without success.' Captain Porter concluded that they had found fresh water in the interior of the Island, and chose to remain near it. 'One fact,' he says, 'was noticed by myself and many others, the day preceding their departure, which must lead us to believe that something more than chance directed their movements, which is, that they all drank an unusual quant.i.ty of water on that day, as though they had determined to provide themselves with a supply to enable them to reach the mountains[60].'

Davis and his men had leisure for search and to make every kind of experiment; but no one of his party has given any description or account of what was transacted at the _Galapagos_ in this his third visit. Light, however, has been derived from late voyages.

[Sidenote: The Island S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada, a Careening Place of the Buccaneers.] It has been generally believed, but not till lately ascertained, that Davis pa.s.sed most of the time he was amongst the _Galapagos_, at an Island which the Spaniards have designated by the name of _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_, concerning the situation of which the Spaniards as well as geographers of other countries have disagreed. A Spanish pilot reported to Captain Woodes Rogers that _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ lay by itself, (i. e. was not one of a groupe of Islands) in lat.i.tude 1 20' or 1 30' S, was a pleasant Island, well stocked with wood, and with plenty of fresh water[61]. Moll, DeVaugondy, and others, combining the accounts given by Dampier and Woodes Rogers, have placed a _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ several degrees to the Westward of the whole of Cowley's groupe. Don Antonio de Ulloa, on the contrary, has laid it down as one of the _Galapagos Isles_, but among the most South-eastern of the whole groupe. More consonant with recent information, Pascoe Thomas, who sailed round the world with Commodore Anson, has given from a Spanish ma.n.u.script the situations of different Islands of the _Galapagos_, and among them that of _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_. The most Western in the Spanish list published by Thomas is named _S^{ta} Margarita_, and is the same with the _Albemarle Island_ in Cowley's chart. The _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ is set down in the same Spanish list in lat.i.tude 1 10' S, and 19 minutes in longitude more East than the longitude given of _S^{ta} Margarita_, which situation is due South of Cowley's _King James's Island_.

Captain Colnet saw land due South of _King James's Island_, which he did not anchor at or examine, and appears to have mistaken for the _King Charles's Island_ of Cowley's chart. On comparing Captain Colnet's chart with Cowley's, it is evident that Captain Colnet has given the name of _Lord Chatham's Isle_ to Cowley's _King Charles's Island_, the bearings and distance from the South end of _Albemarle Island_ being the same in both, i. e. due East about 20 leagues. It follows that the _Charles Island_ of Colnet's chart was not seen by Cowley, and that it is the _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ of the Spaniards. It has lately been frequented by English and by American vessels employed in the South Sea Whale Fishery, who have found a good harbour on its North side, with wood and fresh water; and marks are yet discoverable that it was formerly a careening place of the buccaneers. Mr. Arrowsmith has added this harbour to Captain Colnet's chart, on the authority of information communicated by the master of a South Sea whaler.

From Captain David Porter's Journal, it appears that the watering-place at _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ is three miles distant from any part of the sea-sh.o.r.e; and that the supply it yields is not constant. On arriving a second time at the _Galapagos_, in the latter part of August, Captain Porter sent a boat on sh.o.r.e to this Island. Captain Porter relates, 'I gave directions that our former watering-places there should be examined, but was informed that they were entirely dried up.'

[Ill.u.s.tration: GALLAPAGOS ISLANDS, _Described by_ Ambrose Cowley _in 1684_.]

Cowley's chart, being original, a buccaneer performance, and not wholly out of use, is annexed to this account; with the insertion, in unshaded outline, of the _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_, according to its situation with respect to _Albemarle Island_, as laid down in the last edition of Captain Colnet's chart, published by Mr. Arrowsmith. This unavoidably makes a difference in the lat.i.tude equal to the difference between Cowley's and Captain Colnet's lat.i.tude of the South end of _Albemarle Island_. In Captain Colnet's chart, the North end of _S^{ta} Maria de l'Aguada_ is laid down in 1 15' S.

The voyage of the Ess.e.x gives reasonable expectation of an improved chart of the _Galapagos Isles_, the Rev. Mr. Adams, who sailed as Chaplain in that expedition, having employed himself actively in surveying them.

[Sidenote: 1687. Davis sails from the Galapagos to the Southward.] When the season approached for making the pa.s.sage round _Cape Horne_, Davis and his company quitted their retreat. The date of their sailing is not given.

Wafer relates, 'From the _Galapagos Islands_ we went again for the Southward, intending to touch no where till we came to the Island _Juan Fernandez_. In our way thither, being in the lat.i.tude of 12 30' S, and about 150 leagues from the main of _America_, about four o'clock in the morning, our ship felt a terrible shock, so sudden and violent that we took it for granted she had struck upon a rock. When the amazement was a little over, we cast the lead and sounded, but found no ground, so we concluded it must certainly be some earthquake. The sea, which ordinarily looks green, seemed then of a whitish colour; and the water which we took up in the buckets for the ship's use, we found to be a little mixed with sand. Some time after, we heard that at that very time, there was an earthquake at _Callao_, which did mischief both there and at _Lima_.'

[Sidenote: Island discovered by Edw. Davis.] 'Having recovered our fright, we kept on to the Southward. We steered SbE 1/2 Easterly, until we came to the lat.i.tude of 27 20' S, when about two hours before day, we fell in with a small low sandy Island, and heard a great roaring noise, like that of the sea beating upon the sh.o.r.e, right ahead of the ship. Whereupon, fearing to fall foul upon the sh.o.r.e before day, the ship was put about. So we plied off till day, and then stood in again with the land, which proved to be a small flat Island, without the guard of any rocks. We stood in within a quarter of a mile of the sh.o.r.e, and could see it plainly, for it was a clear morning. To the Westward, about twelve leagues by judgement, we saw a range of high land, which we took to be Islands, for there were several part.i.tions in the prospect. This land seemed to reach about 14 or 16 leagues in a range, and there came thence great flocks of fowls. I, and many of our men would have made this land, and have gone ash.o.r.e at it, but the Captain would not permit us. The small Island bears from _Copiapo_ almost due East [West was intended] 500 leagues, and from the _Galapagos_ under the line is distant 600 leagues[62].'

Dampier was not present at this discovery; but he met his old Commander afterwards, and relates information he received concerning it in the following words. 'Captain Davis told me lately, that after his departing from us at _Ria Lexa_, he went, after several traverses, to the _Galapagos_, and that standing thence Southward for wind to bring him about the _Tierra del Fuego_, in the lat.i.tude of 27 S, about 500 leagues from _Copayapo_ on the coast of _Chili_, he saw a small sandy Island just by him; and that they saw to the Westward of it a long tract of pretty high land, tending away toward the NW out of sight[63].'

[Sidenote: Question whether Edward Davis's Land and Easter Island are the same Land, or different.] The two preceding paragraphs contain the whole which either in Wafer or Dampier is said concerning this land. The apprehension of being late in the season for the pa.s.sage round _Cape Horne_ seems to have deterred Davis from making examination of his discovery. The lat.i.tude and specified distance from _Copiapo_ were particulars sufficient to direct future search; and twenty-five years afterwards, Jacob Roggewein, a Dutch navigator, guided by those marks, found land; but it being more distant from the American Continent than stated by Davis or Wafer, Roggewein claimed it as a new discovery. A more convenient place for discussing this point, which has been a lasting subject of dispute among geographers, would be in an account of Roggewein's voyage; but a few remarks here may be satisfactory.

Wafer kept neither journal nor reckoning, his profession not being that of a mariner; and from circ.u.mstances which occur in Davis's navigation to the _Atlantic_, it may reasonably be doubted whether a regular reckoning or journal was kept by any person on board; and whether the 500 leagues distance of the small Island from the American coast mentioned by Davis and Wafer, was other than a conjectured distance. They had no superior by whom a journal of their proceedings would be required or expected. If a regular journal had really been kept, it would most probably have found its way to the press.

Jacob Roggewein, the Dutch Admiral, was more than any other navigator, willing to give himself the credit of making new discoveries, as the following extracts from the Journal of his expedition will evince. 'We looked for _Hawkins's Maiden Land_, but could not find it; but we discovered an Island 200 leagues in circuit, in lat.i.tude 52 S, about 200 leagues distant to the East of the coast of _South America_, which we named _Belgia Austral_.' That is as much as to say, Admiral Roggewein could not find _Hawkins's Maiden Land_; but he discovered land on the same spot, which he named _Belgia Austral_. Afterwards, proceeding in the same disposition, the Journal relates, 'We directed our course from _Juan Fernandez_ towards _Davis's Land_, but to the great astonishment of the Admiral (Roggewein) it was not seen. I think we either missed it, or that there is no such land. We went on towards the West, and on the anniversary of the Resurrection of our Saviour, we came in sight of an Island. We named it _Paaschen_ or _Oster Eylandt_ (i. e. Easter Island).'

_Paaschen_ or _Easter Island_ according to modern charts and observations, is nearly 690 leagues distant from _Copiapo_, which is in the same parallel on the Continent of _America_. The statement of Davis and Wafer makes the distance only 512 leagues, which is a difference of 178 leagues.

It is not probable that Davis could have had good information of the longitudes of the _Galapagos Islands_ and _Copiapo_; but with every allowance, so large an error as 178 leagues in a run of 600 leagues might be thought incredible, if its possibility had not been demonstrated by a much greater being made by the same persons in this same homeward pa.s.sage; as will be related. In the lat.i.tude and appearance of the land, the descriptions of Davis and Wafer are correct, _Easter Island_ being a mountainous land, which will make part.i.tions in the distant prospect and appear like a number of Islands.

Roggewein's claim to _Paaschen_ or _Easter Island_ as a new discovery has had countenance and support from geographers, some of the first eminence, but has been made a subject of jealous contest, and not of impartial investigation. If Roggewein discovered an Island farther to the West of the American coast than _Davis's Land_, it must follow that Davis's land lies between his discovery and the Continent; but that part of the _South Sea_ has been so much explored, that if any high land had existed between _Easter Island_ and the American coast, it could not have escaped being known. There is not the least improbability that ships, in making a pa.s.sage from the _Galapagos Isles_ through the South East trade-wind, shall come into the neighbourhood of _Easter Island_.

Edward Davis has generally been thought a native of _England_, but according to Lussan, and nothing appears to the contrary, he was a native of _Holland_. The majority of the Buccaneers in the ship, however, were British. How far to that source may be traced the disposition to refuse the Buccaneers the credit of the discovery, and how much national partialities have contributed to the dispute, may be judged from this circ.u.mstance, that _Easter Island_ being _Davis's Land_ has never been doubted by British geographers, and has been questioned only by those of other nations.

The merit of the discovery is nothing, for the Buccaneers were not in search of land, but came without design in sight of it, and would not look at what they had accidentally found. And whether the discovery is to be attributed to Edward Davis or to his crew, ought to be esteemed of little concern to the nations of which they were natives, seeing the discoverers were men outlawed, and whose acts were disowned by the governments of their countries.

Pa.s.sing from considerations of claims to consideration of the fact;--there is not the smallest plea for questioning, nor has any one questioned the truth of the Buccaneers having discovered a high Island West of the American coast, in or near the lat.i.tude of 27 S. If different from _Easter Island_, it must be supposed to be situated between that and the Continent. But however much it has been insisted or argued that _Easter Island_ is not _Davis's Land_, no chart has yet pretended to shew two separate Islands, one for Edward Davis's discovery, and one for Roggewein's. The one Island known has been in constant requisition for double duty; and must continue so until another Island of the same description shall be found.

[Sidenote: 1687. At the Island Juan Fernandez.] Davis arrived at _Juan Fernandez_ 'at the latter end of the year,' and careened there. Since the Buccaneers were last at the Island, the Spaniards had put dogs on sh.o.r.e, for the purpose of killing the goats. Many, however, found places among precipices, where the dogs could not get at them, and the Buccaneers shot as many as served for their daily consumption. Here again, five men of Davis's crew, who had gamed away their money, 'and were unwilling to return out of these seas as poor as they came in,' determined on staying at _Juan Fernandez_, to take the chance of some other buccaneer ship, or privateer, touching at the Island. A canoe, arms, ammunition, and various implements were given to them, with a stock of maize for planting, and some for their immediate subsistence; and each of these gentlemen had a negro attendant landed with him.

From _Juan Fernandez_, Davis sailed to the Islands _Mocha_ and _Santa Maria_, near the Continent, where he expected to have procured provisions, but he found both those Islands deserted and laid waste, the Spaniards having obliged the inhabitants to remove, that the Buccaneers might not obtain supply there. The season was advanced, therefore without expending more time in searching for provisions, they bent their course Southward.

They pa.s.sed round _Cape Horne_ without seeing land, but fell in with many Islands of ice, and ran so far Eastward before they ventured to steer a Northerly course, that afterwards, when, in the parallel of the _River de la Plata_, they steered Westward to make the American coast, which they believed to be only one hundred leagues distant, they sailed 'four hundred and fifty leagues to the West in the same lat.i.tude,' before they came in sight of land; whence many began to apprehend they were still in the _South Sea_[64], and this belief would have gained ground, if a flight of locusts had not alighted on the ship, which a strong flurry of wind had blown off from the American coast.

[Sidenote: 1688. Davis sails to the West Indies.] They arrived in the _West Indies_ in the spring of the year 1688, at a time when a proclamation had recently been issued, offering the King's pardon to all Buccaneers who would quit that way of life, and claim the benefit of the proclamation.

It was not the least of fortune's favours to this crew of Buccaneers, that they should find it in their power, without any care or forethought of their own, to terminate a long course of piratical adventures in quietness and security. Edward Davis was afterwards in _England_, as appears by the notice given of his discovery by William Dampier, who mentions him always with peculiar respect. Though a Buccaneer, he was a man of much sterling worth; being an excellent Commander, courageous, never rash, and endued in a superior degree with prudence, moderation, and steadiness; qualities in which the Buccaneers generally have been most deficient. His character is not stained with acts of cruelty; on the contrary, wherever he commanded, he restrained the ferocity of his companions. It is no small testimony of his abilities that the whole of the Buccaneers in the _South Sea_ during his time, in every enterprise wherein he bore part, voluntarily placed themselves under his guidance, and paid him obedience as their leader; and no symptom occurs of their having at any time wavered in this respect, or shewn inclination to set up a rival authority. It may almost be said, that the only matter in which they were not capricious was their confidence in his management; and in it they found their advantage, if not their preservation.

CHAP. XVIII.

_Adventures of =Swan= and =Townley= on the Coast of =New Spain=, until their Separation._

[Sidenote: Swan and Townley.] The South Sea adventures of the buccaneer Chief Davis being brought to a conclusion, the next related will be those of Swan and his crew in the Cygnet, they being the first of the Buccaneers who after the battle in the _Bay of Panama_ left the _South Sea_. William Dampier who was in Swan's ship, kept a Journal of their proceedings, which is published, and the ma.n.u.script also has been preserved.

[Sidenote: 1685. August.] Swan and Townley, the reader may recollect, were left by Edward Davis in the harbour of _Ria Lexa_, in the latter part of August 1685, and had agreed to keep company together Westward towards the entrance of the _Gulf of California_.