Historic Highways of America Volume IV Part 5

A DESCRIPTION OF THE BACKWOODS

The clearest insight into the days when Braddock's Road was built, and the most vivid pictures of the country through which it wound its course, are given in certain letters of a British officer who accompanied Braddock. No treatise on Braddock's expedition could be in any measure complete without reproducing this amusing, interesting, yet pitiful testimony to the difficulties experienced by these first English officers to enter the backwoods of America. This is given in a volume ent.i.tled _Extracts of Letters from an officer in one of those Regiments to his friend in London_, published in London in the year of Braddock's Defeat:

"You desire me to let you know the Particulars of our Expedition, and an Account at large of the Nature of the Country, and how they live here; also of the Manner of the Service, and which Corps is the most agreeable to serve in, because it has been proposed to you to strive to buy a Commission here, and that you awaited my Advice to determine. Dear Sir, I love you so well that I shall at once tell you, I reckon the Day I bought my Commission the most unhappy in my Life, excepting that in which I landed in this Country. As for the Climate, it is excessive hot in Summer, and as disagreeably cold in Winter, and there is no Comfort in the Spring; none of those Months of gentle genial Warmth, which revives all Nature, and fills every Soul with vernal Delight; far from this, the Spring here is of very few Days, for as soon as the severe Frosts go off, the Heat of the neighbouring Sun brings on Summer at once, one Day shall be Frost, and the next more scorching or sultry and faint than the hottest Dog-Day in _England_. What is excessively disagreeable here is, that the Wealth of the Country consists in Slaves, so that all one eats rises out of driving and whipping these poor Wretches; this Kind of Authority so Corrupts the Mind of the Masters, and makes them so overbearing, that they are the most troublesome Company upon Earth, which adds much to the Uncomfortableness of the Place. You cannot conceive how it strikes the Mind on the first Arrival, to have all these black Faces with grim Looks round you, instead of being served by blooming Maid Servants, or genteel white Livery Men: I was invited to Supper by a rich Planter, and the Heat of the Climate, the dim Light of the Myrtle Wax-Candles, and the Number of black half-naked Servants that attended us, made me think of the infernal Regions, and that I was at Supper with _Pluto_, only there was no beautiful _Proserpine_, for the Lady of the House was more like one of the Furies; she had pa.s.sed through the Education of the College of _Newgate_, as great Numbers from thence arrive here yearly; Most being cunning Jades, some pick up foolish Planters; this Lady's Husband was far from a Fool, but had married, not only for the Charms of her Person, but because her Art and Skill was Quite useful to him in carrying on his Business and Affairs, many of which were worthy of an adept in the College she came from. Among others he made me pay for my Supper by selling me a Horse upon Honour, which, as soon as it was cool, shewed itself Dog-lame and Moon-blind.

"As for eating, they have the Names of almost every Thing that is delicious, or in Fashion in _England_, but they give them to Things as little like as _Caesar_ or _Pompey_ were to the _Negroes_ whom they call by those _Names_. For what they call a Hare is a Creature half Cat, half Rabbet, with white strong Flesh, and that burrows in rotten Trees; they call a Bird not much bigger than a Fieldfare, with hard, dry, strong Flesh, hardly eatable, a Partridge. The best Thing they have is a wild Turky, but this is only in Season one Month in the Year; the rest it is hard, strong, and dry. As for Beef, the Months of _October_ and _November_ excepted, it is Carrion; that is to say, so lean as it would not be called Meat in _England_; their Mutton is always as strong Goats'

Flesh; their Veal is red and lean, and indeed the Heat of the Summer and the pinching Frost of Winter, makes all like _Pharaoh's_ lean Kine. They brag of the Fruits, that they have such plenty of Peaches as to feed Hogs; and indeed that is true, they are fit for nothing else; I do not remember, among the Mult.i.tudes I have tasted, above one or two that were eatable, the rest were either mealy or choaky. Melons grow in Fields, and are plentier than Pumpkins in _England_, as large and as tasteless; there are such Quant.i.ties that the Houses stink of them; the Heat of the Country makes them at once mellow, so that they hardly ever have the fine racy Taste of an _English_ good Melon, for in _England_ you have many bad Melons to one good; but here the Heat makes all Fruits like us young fellows, rotten before they are ripe. With respect to Fish, they have neither Salmon, Carp, Trout, Smelts, nor hardly any one good Kind of Fish. They give the Name of Trout to a white Sea-fish, no more like a Trout than a Cat to a Hare; they have one good, nay excellent Kind of Fish, I mean a Turtle; but as Scarce as in _England_. With respect to public Diversions, the worst _English_ Country Town exceeds all they have in the whole Province. As to Drink, _Burgundy_ and _Champaign_ were scarce ever heard of; _Claret_ they have but poor Stuff, tawny and p.r.i.c.k'd, for it cannot stand the Heat of the Summer, which also spoils the _Port_; the _Madeira_ is the best Wine they have, but that only of the worst Growths, for the best are sent to _Jamaica_ or _England_; their only tolerable Drink is Rum Punch, which they swill Morning, Noon, and Night. Their Produce is Tobacco; they are so attached to that, and their Avarice to raise it, makes them neglect every Comfort of Life; But the Intemperance of the Climate affects not only all the Cattle, Fruits, and Growths of the Country, but the human Race; and it is rare to see a native reach 50 Years of Age. I have heard from the best Judges, I mean the kind hearted Ladies most in Vogue, that a _Virginian_ is old at 30, as an _Englishman_ is at 60. The Ladies I speak of are well experienced, and for most of them the Public have for peculiar Merit paid the Pa.s.sage, and honoured with an Order for Transportation on Record. I would not deceive you so have told you the truth; I have not exaggerated, but have omitted many disagreeable Circ.u.mstances, such as Thunder Storms, Yellow Fevers, Musketoes, other Vermin, _&c_ with which I shall not trouble you. The Ship is just going."

"I Sent a Letter to you by Captain _Johnson_ bound for _Bristol_, with a full Account of the Country, by which you will see the Reasons why it will be highly improper for you to buy into the Troops here; I send this by a Ship bound for _London_.

"They make here a Division between the Settlements and the Woods, though the Settlements are what we should call very woody in _Europe_. The Face of the Country is entirely different from any Thing I ever saw before; the Fields have not the Appearance of what bears that Name in _Europe_, instead of ploughed Grounds or Meadows, they are all laid out in Hillocks, each of which bears Tobacco Plants, with Paths hoed between.

When the Tobacco is green it looks like a Coppice; when pulled the Ground looks more like Hop-Yards than Fields, which makes a very disagreeable Appearance to the Eye. The Indian Corn also, and all their Culture runs upon hilling with the Hoe, and the _Indian_ Corn grows like Reeds to eight or nine Feet high. Indeed in some Parts of the Country Wheat grows, but Tobacco and _Indian_ Corn is the chief.

"From the Heart of the Settlements we are now got into the Cow-Pens, the Keepers of these are very extraordinary Kind of Fellows, they drive up their Herds on Horseback, and they had need do so, for their Cattle are near as wild as Deer; a Cow-Pen generally consists of a very large Cottage or House in the Woods, with about four-score or one hundred Acres, inclosed with high Rails and divided; a small Inclosure they keep for Corn, for the Family, the rest is the Pasture in which they keep their Calves; but the Manner is far different from any Thing you ever saw; they may perhaps have a Stock of four or five hundred to a thousand Head of Cattle belonging to a Cow-Pen, these run as they please in the great Woods, where there are no Inclosures to stop them. In the Month of _March_ the Cows begin to drop their Calves, then the Cow-Pen Master, with all his Men, rides out to see and drive up the Cows with all their new fallen Calves; they being weak cannot run away so as to escape, therefore are easily drove up, and the Bulls and other Cattle follow them; then they put these Calves into the Pasture, and every Morning and Evening suffer the Cows to come and suckle them, which done they let the Cows out into the great Woods to shift for their Food as well as they can; whilst the Calf is sucking one t.i.t of the Cow, the Woman of the Cow-Pen is milking one of the other t.i.ts, so that she steals some Milk from the Cow, who thinks she is giving it to the Calf; as soon as the Cow begins to go dry, and the Calf grows Strong, they mark them, if they are Males they cut them, and let them go into the Wood. Every Year in _September_ and _October_ they drive up the Market Steers, that are fat and of a proper Age, and kill them; they say they are fat in _October_, but I am sure they are not so in _May_, _June_ and _July_; they reckon that out of 100 Head of Cattle they can kill about 10 or 12 Steers, and four or five Cows a Year; so they reckon that a Cow-Pen for every 100 Head of Cattle brings about 40 Sterling per Year. The Keepers live chiefly upon Milk, for out of their vast Herds, they do condescend to tame Cows enough to keep their Family in Milk, Whey, Curds, Cheese and b.u.t.ter; they also have Flesh in Abundance such as it is, for they eat the old Cows and lean Calves that are like to die. The Cow-Pen Men are hardy People, are almost continually on Horseback, being obliged to know the Haunts of their Cattle.

"You see, Sir, what a wild set of Creatures our _English_ Men grow into, when they lose Society, and it is surprising to think how many Advantages they throw away, which our industrious Country-Men would be glad of: Out of many hundred Cows they will not give themselves the trouble of milking more than will maintain their Family."

"Since my last, we are got out of the Settlements and into the Woods.

The Scene is changed, but not for the better. I thought we were then so bad that we had the Consolation of being out of Danger of being worse, but I found myself mistaken. The mutinous Spirit of the Men encreases, but we will get the better of that; we will see which will be tired first, they of deserving Punishments, or we of inflicting them. I cannot but say the very Face of the Country is enough to strike a Damp in the most resolute Mind; the Fatigues and Wants we suffer, added, are enough to dispirit common Men; nor should I blame them for being low spirited, but they are mutinous, and this came from a higher Spring than the Hardships here, for they were tainted in _Ireland_ by the factious Cry against the L-- L-- Ld G--, and the Primate; the wicked Spirit instilled there by Pamphlets and Conversation, got amongst the common Soldiers, who, tho' they are _Englishmen_, yet are not the less stubborn and mutinous for that. They have the Impudence to pretend to judge of and blame every Step, not only of the Officers, but of the Ministry. They, every now and then, in their Defence say they are free _Englishmen_, and Protestants, and are not obliged to obey Orders if they are not fed with Bread, and paid with Money; now there is often only Bills to pay them with, and no Bread but _Indian_ Corn. In fine, in _Europe_ they were better fed than taught; now they must be better taught than fed.

Indeed the Officers are as ill off about Food as they, the General himself, who understands good eating as well as any Man, cannot find wherewithal to make a tolerable Dinner of, though he hath two good Cooks who could make an excellent Ragout out of a Pair of Boots, had they but Materials to toss them up with; the Provision in the Settlements was bad, but here we can get nothing but _Indian_ Corn, or mouldy Bisket; the fresh Bread we must bake in Holes in the Ground having no Ovens, so besides the Mustiness of the Flour, it is half Sand and Dirt. We are happy if we can get some rusty salt Pork, or Beef, which hath been carried without Pickle; for as we cannot carry Barrels on Horses, we are forced to take out the Meat and put it in Packs on Horses Backs; sometimes we get a few live Cattle from the Cow-Pens, but they are so lean that they are Carion and unwholesome. To this is added, the Heat of the Country, which occasions such Faintness, that the Men can hardly carry their Arms; and sometimes when these Heats are a little relaxed, there comes such Storms of Rain, Thunder and Lightening, that all the Elements seems on Fire; Numbers of Pine Trees struck to Shivers, and such Effects of Lightening, that if not seen one could hardly believe; yet we have not as yet had one Man killed by Lightening, but we have had several died by the Bite of Snakes, which are mortal, and abound prodigiously in the Swamps, through which we are often forced to march; there is another Inconveniency, which, tho it seems small, has been as teasing to me as the greater, that is a Kind of Tick, or Forest Bug, that gets into the Legs, and occasions Inflammations and Ulcers, so that the wound itches and makes one ready to tear off the Flesh; this hath greatly distressed both Men and Officers, and there is no Help nor Cure for it but Patience: Indeed they seldom occasion Lameness, tho'

sometimes they do; a Soldier of our Company was forced to have his Leg cut off, for the Inflammation caused by the many Bites mortifying. We have nothing round us but Trees, Swamps, and Thickets. I cannot conceive how we must do if we are attacked, nor how we can get up to attack; but the best is what the General said, to rea.s.sure the old Soldiers who are all uneasy for Fear of being attack'd on the long March in Defiles, his Excellency with great Judiciousness says, that where the Woods are too thick so as to hinder our coming at them, they will hinder their coming at us.

[Ill.u.s.tration: BRADDOCK'S ROAD NEAR FROSTBURG, MARYLAND]

"Just as I write this we hear the best News I ever heard in my Life, the General hath declared to the _Virginians_, that if they do not furnish us with Waggons and Provisions in two Days, he will march back; he has justly upbraided them for exposing the King's Troops, by their Bragging and false Promises. They undertook to furnish us with Horses, Bread and Beef, and really have given nothing but Carion for Meat, _Indian_ Corn for Bread, Jades for Horses which cannot carry themselves. These a.s.surances of furnishing every Thing has deceived the General hitherto, and he, out of Zeal for the Service, hath undergone the utmost Difficulties; but now it is impossible to go farther without they comply with the Promises, they were weak, or wicked enough to make, for certainly they were never able to perform them; it is surprizing how they bragged before we left the Settlements, of what Plenty they would furnish us with at the Cow-Pens, and in the Woods; these a.s.surances has brought the General into the present Difficulties, and he has very justly told them, that if he marched any farther without a Supply, he should be justly charged with destroying his Majesty's Troops in the Deserts, and thereby occasion the Destruction of _Virginia_ by encouraging the French; that if he was not supplied in two Days, he would march back, and lay their Breach of Faith before his Majesty.

"I now begin to hope that I shall once more have the Pleasure of seeing you, and the rest of my Friends. Pray acquaint my dear Mr. M--, that I desire he would not sell my Farm at --, since I hope soon to be over."

[The rest relates to private affairs].

"As the Intention of marching back continues, another Courier is to be sent, which Opportunity I take, not only to let you know I am well, but to desire my Cousin -- would not send any Money to Mr. -- to be remitted to me in _Virginia_. As the Pen is in my Hand, I will give you an Account of a Diversion we had some Nights ago, it was an _Indian_ Dancing, which I cannot call a Ball, though it was a Kind of Masquerade, the Habits being very antick; but this as every Thing in this Country is, was in the Stile of the Horrible; the Sal de Ball was covered with the Canopy of Heaven, and adorned with the twinkling Stars, a large s.p.a.ce of Gra.s.s was mark'd out for the Dancing-Place, round which we the Spectators stood, as at a Cricket-match in _England_, in the Centre of it was two Fires, at a small Distance from each other, which were designed as an Illumination to make the Dancers visible; near the Fires was seated the Musick, which were a number of Men and Women, with a Kind of Timbrels or small Kettle-Drums, made of real bra.s.s Kettles, covered with Deer Skins made like Parchment by the _Indians_, and these they beat, and keep good Time, although their Tunes are terrible and savage; they also sing much in the same Stile, creating Terror, Fear, and all dreadful Pa.s.sions, but no pleasing ones. After this Noise had gone on for some Time, at once we heard a most dreadful Shout, and a Band of horrid Figures rushed into the Ring, with a Nimbleness hardly conceivable; they struck the Ground in exact Measure, answering the rough Musick; at once all the Descriptions of the Fawns and Satyrs of the _Latin_ Poets came into my Mind, and indeed the _Indians_ seemed to be the same Kind of brown dancing People, as lived under King _Faunus_, some 3000 Years ago in _Italy_; they are most chearful and loving to their Friends, but implacable and cruel to their Enemies. They drink and act when drunk much like _Silenus_ and his Satyrs; their whole Life is spent in Hunting, War, and Dancing, what they now perform'd was a War Dance; as soon as this Surprize ceased the Dancers followed one another, treading a large Ring, round the two Fires and Music, and ceased Singing; the Timbrels and Voices in the Centre set up a Tune to which they continued dancing, and follow'd one another in the Ring with a very true Measure, antick Postures, and high Bounds, that would puzzle our best Harlequins to imitate; soon after, to every five Dancers came out a Boy, carrying in their Hands flaming Splinters of light Wood instead of Torches, which cast a glim Light that made Things as distinguishable as at Noon-Day; and indeed the Surprisingness and Newness of the Spectacle made it not unpleasing; the Indians being dress'd, some in Furrs, some with their Hair ornamented with Feathers, others with the Heads of Beasts; their Bodies naked, appearing in many Places, painted with various Colours, and their Skins so rubbed with Oyl as to glitter against the Light; their Waists were girded round with Bear or Deer Skins with the Hair on, and artificial Tails fixed to many of them that hung down near unto the Ground. After they had danced some Time in a Ring, the Music ceased, the Dancers divided into two Parties, and set up the most horrid Song or Cry, that ever I heard, the Sound would strike Terror into the stoutest Heart. They then formed themselves into two Bodies, four deep, all which they did, still dancing to the Tune and Measure; they ceased singing, and the Music began, on which the two Bodies run in at each other, acting all the Parts the _Indians_ use in their Manner of Fight, avoiding Shot, and striving to surround their Enemies. Some Time past in this Manner, and then at the Signal of a dismal Cry the Dancers all at once rushed out again, leaving one only behind them, who was supposed to have mastered his Enemy; he struck the Ground with his Tomohawk or Club, as if he was killing one lying there, then acting the Motions of scalping, and then holding up a real dried Scalp, which before hung upon him amongst his Ornaments; he then sung out the great Achivements which some of their Nation had performed against the _French_, told the Names of the _Indian_ Warriors, and how many of _French_ each had scalped, and then the Dance ended, _&c_."

"In my last I acquainted you with the joyful News that our General resolved not to be any longer deceived by the _Virginians_, Orders were given for our March back, but the Day before that was appointed there arrived five Quakers decently dressed, they were pure plump Men, on brave fat Horses, which, by the way, were the first plump Creatures I had seen in this Country. Then, as I told you before, I believed _Virginia_ was peopled by _Pharaoh's_ lean Kine, but these Quakers seem to come from the Land of _Goshen_, they looked like Christian People; they went directly to his Excellence, and Curiosity carried us all to the general Quarters. They came with Thanks to the General from the People of Pensilvania, for the great Labour he had gone through in advancing so far into the Wilderness for the Protection of his Majesty's dutiful Subjects. They acquainted him further, that they had been cutting Roads to meet him with a Number of Waggons loaded with Flour, Cheese, Bacon, and other Provision; though this was good News I did not half like it, I fear'd it would occasion our Stay, and prevent our marching back; besides it was ominous, your Cheese and your Bacon being the Baits that draw Rats to Destruction, and it proved but too true; this Bait drew us into a Trap where happy was he that came off with the Loss of his Tail only. This Evening we saw the Road and Waggons, and the Men eat, this was a Duty so long disused, that it was a Tour of Fatigue to the Teeth. The Fellows who drove the Waggons, tho' they would have made but a shabby Figure amongst our _Hampshire_ Carters, yet here they looked like Angels, compared with the long, lank, yellow-faced _Virginians_, who at best are a half-starved, ragged, dirty Set; if by Accident they can clear enough by their Tobacco to buy a Coat, they rather chuse a half-wore gaudy Rag, than a substantial coa.r.s.e Cloth, or Kersey; they are the very Opposites to the _Pensilvanians_, who buy Coats of Cloth so strong as to last as long as the Garments of the _Israelites_ in their March through the Desert; a Coat serves a Man for his Life and yet looks fresh, but this comes from their never wearing them at Home; when out of Sight they work half naked. They are a very frugal People, and if they were not so would be as beggarly as their Neighbours the _Virginians_. The Ground does not bear half the Crops as in _England_; they have no Market but by Sea, and that very dull, if you consider they are forced to put their Flour in Barrels after grinding and sifting, all at their own Charge, and no Consideration thereof in the Price; whilst the _English_ Farmer only threshes his Wheat, and sends it to Market. Tho' _Pensilvania_ is a Paradise to _Virginia_, it is a very poor Country compared to _England_, and no Man in his Senses can live with Comfort in _England_ stays here; as soon as they get Estates they come over to _England_. The Proprietor, a most worthy Gentleman, and universally admired, went over, and out of Complaisance staid a little Time with them, but soon returned back to _England_, where he resides. If _Pennsylvania_ could be agreeable to any one, it would be so to him, who is one of the most amiable Men living, and the whole People used their utmost Endeavors to make the Place agreeable; but alas, the Intemperature of the Climate, the Nearness and Frugality in their Manner of Living, necessary to carry on the Cultivation; the Labor that most are forced to undergo to live, prevent their giving Way to Pleasure, and the rest, as soon as they by Labor and Frugality get enough to come to _England_, leave that Country, so there are not People enough at Ease to make an agreeable Society; nor to occasion those Improvements in Gardens, Buildings, and Parks, as would make Life agreeable, much less is their Numbers enough of Rich to afford encouragement to support public Diversions; so that _America_ is a very disagreeable Place, the least Shire-Town in _England_ has more Pleasures than the best Town in _North America_.

"But to return to our Quakers, the Chief of them told the General that he feared greatly for the Safety of the Army; that the Woods, the farther we went, would be the more dangerous, and the _French_ were a subtle and daring Enemy, and would not neglect any Opportunity of surprising us; that the further we went the more difficult it would be to supply us with Provisions, and that the Country was not worth keeping, much less conquering. The _French_ not yet knowing our Force were in Terror, and if he sent would perhaps come into a Treaty; that Peace was a heavenly Thing; and as for the Country in Dispute it was misrepresented by those Projectors, who had some private Advantage; for it was fit for none but _Indians_, the Soil bad, far from the Sea, and Navigation; therefore he thought if the _French_ would abandon and destroy their Forts, and we do the same, and leave the Lands to their rightful Owners the _Indians_, on Condition that that Nation should pay some Furrs and Deer Skins, by Way of Tribute, to our most gracious King _George_, a Pacification might be established till the Matter was made up before his Majesty. That General _Oglethorp_ had in that Manner settled all Differences with the _Spaniards_ on the Southern Frontiers, towards _Florida_, and the Accord lasted to this Day; on the other Hand, he said, that if the _French_ refused, then the _Indians_, who are a free and warlike Nation, and much too powerful to be despised, would probably take our Side; if we would pull down the _French_ Forts, and our own also, they would be the guard of our Colonies with very small Expense to _England_.

"The General not only heard this Proposal with Pleasure, and communicated it to most of the Officers, but doubted if he had Power to execute it. Some of the Braggadocio _Virginians_, who last Year ran away so stoutly, began to clamor against the Quakers and the General; so we marched on; the General got as far as the Meadows, where, to hasten our March, he fortified and intrenched a Camp, and left the heavy Baggage, sick Men, and spare Provision _&c_, and to cover our Communication, he left Colonel _Dunbar_ with 800 Men. This place was the only one where regular Troops could make Use of their Discipline and Arms, and it is all open Ground, therefore the General made this Camp as a Place of Arms, where a Fortification being erected would supply the Army as they should want, and might receive, and lay up the Provisions in Safety, as they arrived from _Pennsylvania_; the General also said, that as this Place was on the West Side of the _Allegane_ Mountains, it preserved his Majesty's Rights against the _French_, who pretended that those Mountains bounded his Majesty's Dominions. Here we halted and refreshed ourselves bravely, by the Help of the _Pensilvania_ Provisions, and of Deer, wild Turkeys, and Game of several other Kinds brought in by the _Indians_, which though we should deem it bad enough in _England_, for there is not above one Deer in ten that is fat, yet here our former Wants made these delicious.

"On the 4th of _July_ our _Indians_ were defeated in the Woods by the _French_ Parties; a few only was killed, but their chief Man was taken; the _French_ have treated them very kindly, and declare they intend no War against the _Indians_. The General is apprehensive this will make an ill Impression on them, therefore does not care to trust them any further; he has publickly said he will advance himself with 1200 Men, drive the Enemy out of the Woods, and invest _Fort Du Quesne_; he is resolved to be prepared for all Accidents, therefore leaves Colonel _Dunbar_ with a strong Party to make good this Camp. The Ground round the Camp is open, and the Situation so advantageous, that this Camp is defensible against all the Efforts the _French_ can make, if any Accident, should happen to the General; and he has declared, he has put it in this Condition, that his Majesty's Affairs may not suffer if he should miscarry.

"The General seems very anxious about marching through the Woods, and gave very particular Orders; Powder and Bullet were given out, and every Thing fit for Action; two Lieutenant-Colonels were ordered to command the advanced Party. The General followed with the Gross of the two Regiments from _Europe_, the _Americans_ followed, and the Rear was brought up by Captain _Dumary's_, and another Independent Company. We marched on in this Manner without being disturbed, and thought we had got over our greatest Difficulties, for we look'd upon our March through the Woods to be such: We were sure we should be much above a Match for the _French_, if once we got into the open Ground near the Forts, where we could use our Arms. We had a Train, and a gallant Party of Sailors for working our Guns, full sufficient to master better works than those of the _French_ Forts, according to the Intelligence we had of them.

Then we march'd on, and when within about ten Miles of Fort _Du Quesne_, we were, on a sudden, charged by Shot from the Woods. Every Man was alert, did all we could, but the Men dropped like Leaves in _Autumn_, all was Confusion, and in Spight of what the Officers and bravest Men could do, Numbers run away, nay fired on us, that would have forced them to rally. I was wounded in one Leg, and in the other Heel, so could not go, but sat down at the Foot of a Tree, praying of every one that run by, that they would help me off; an _American Virginian_ turned to me, Yes, Countryman, says he, I will put you out of your Misery, these Dogs shall not burn you; he then levelled his Piece at my Head, I cried out and dodged him behind the Tree, the Piece went off and missed me, and he run on; soon after Lieutenant _Grey_, with a Party of _Dumary's_ Company came by, who brought up the Rear; the Firing was now Quite ceased, he told me the General was wounded, and got me carried off. When we arrived at the _Meadows_, we found Colonel _Dunbar_ did not think it expedient to wait for the _French_ there, but retired, and carried us, the wounded, with him to _Will's Creek_. I have writ till I am faint."

CHAPTER VII

SPARKS AND ATKINSON ON BRADDOCK'S ROUTE[46]

Several months ago we received from that indefatigable delver in the early annals of our country, Jared Sparks, Esq., of Salem, Ma.s.sachusetts, a letter containing some valuable information as to the route of General Braddock after leaving Gist's farm, not far from where Connelsville now stands. That letter we, for reasons which it is unnecessary to mention, have withheld from publication; but those reasons no longer existing, we now publish it--premising only a few introductory remarks.

Mr. Sparks, as the biographer of Washington and as the collator of his papers, and as a most indefatigable searcher after the whole truth in our early history, enjoyed extraordinary advantages, so that his statements in all such matters should always command the utmost confidence. There is in the possession of the Pennsylvania Historical Society a draught of "the Monongahela and Youghiogany rivers" taken by Joseph Shippen, Jr., in 1759.[47] On this draught the route of General Braddock is distinctly laid down from c.u.mberland to Stewart's Crossings, now Connelsville, and thence to a point about twelve or fourteen miles, nearly due north, and of course some four or five miles east of the Youghiogany. From that point the line of march is not laid down until within about six miles of the Monongahela river, at Braddock's first ford, about one mile and a half below McKeesport; from that point it is distinctly traced across the Monongahela twice to the field of battle.

As Mr. Shippen was Brigade Major in General Forbes' army, and in that capacity visited this place within four years after Braddock's defeat, we may well suppose that he had accurate information as to the route of that unfortunate General.

Extract of a letter from Jared Sparks, Esq., to the editor of the _Olden Time_.

"Salem, Ma.s.s., Feb. 18th, 1847.

"Dear Sir:--There is a copy of the 'Memorial' which you mentioned in the Library of Harvard College which I believe is complete. I shall obtain it soon, and will have the missing pages copied and forward to you the ma.n.u.script. I suppose you wish it sent by mail. I once compared this translation with the original[48] and found it clumsily executed, but the substance is probably retained.

"Having heretofore examined with care the details of Braddock's expedition, I am persuaded that the following, as far as it goes, is a correct account of his march from Gist's plantation:

"On the 30th of June the army forded the Youghiogany at Stewart's Crossings and then pa.s.sed a rough road over a mountain. A few days onward they came to a great swamp which detained them part of a day in clearing a road. They next advanced to Salt Lick Creek, now called Jacob's Creek, where a council of war was held on the 3d of July to consider a suggestion of Sir John St. Clair that Colonel Dunbar's detachment should be ordered to join the main body. This proposal was rejected on the ground that Dunbar could not join them in less than thirteen days; that this would cause such a consumption of provisions as to render it necessary to bring forward another convoy from Fort c.u.mberland; and that in the meantime the French might be strengthened by a reinforcement, which was daily expected at Fort Duquesne--and moreover; the two divisions could not move together after their junction.

"On the 4th the army again marched and advanced to Turtle Creek, about twelve miles from its mouth, where they arrived on the 7th inst. I suppose this to have been the eastern branch or what is now called Rush Creek, and that the place at which they encamped was a short distance northerly from the present village of Stewartsville. It was General Braddock's intention to cross Turtle Creek, and approach Fort Duquesne on the other side; but the banks were so precipitous, and presented such obstacles to crossing with his artillery and heavy baggage that he hesitated, and Sir John St. Clair went out with a party to reconnoitre.

On his return, before night, he reported that he had found the ridge which led to Fort Duquesne but that considerable work would be necessary to prepare a road for crossing Turtle Creek. This route was finally abandoned, and on the 8th the army marched eight miles and encamped not far from the Monongahela, west of the Youghiogany and near what is called in an old map 'Sugar Run.' When Braddock reached this place it was his design to pa.s.s through the narrows, but he was informed by the guides who had been out to explore that the pa.s.sage was very difficult, about two miles in length, with a river on the left and a high mountain on the right, and that much work must be done to make it pa.s.sable for carriages. At the same time he was told that there were two good fords across the Monongahela where the water was shallow and the banks not steep. With these views of the case he determined to cross the fords the next morning. The order of march was given out and all the arrangements were made for an early movement.

"About eight o'clock on the morning of the 9th the advanced division under Colonel Gage crossed the ford and pushed forward. After the whole army had crossed and marched about a mile, Braddock received a note from Colonel Gage, giving notice that he had pa.s.sed the second ford without difficulty. A little before two o'clock the whole army had crossed this ford and was arranged in the order of march on the plain near Frazer's house. Gage with the advanced party was then ordered to march, and while the main body was yet standing on the plain the action began near the river. Not a single man of the enemy had before been seen.

"The distance by the line of march from Stewart's Crossing to Turtle Creek, or Brush Creek, was about thirty miles. At this point the route was changed almost to a right angle in marching to the Monongahela. The encampment was probably two or three miles from the bank of the river, for Colonel Gage marched at the break of day and did not cross the ford till eight o'clock. During the whole march from the Great Meadows the pickets and sentinels were frequently a.s.sailed by scouting parties of French and Indians and several men were killed. Mr. Gist acted as the General's guide. On the 4th of July two Indians went out to reconnoitre the country toward Fort Duquesne; and Mr. Gist also on the same day, in a different direction. They were gone two days, and all came in sight of the fort, but brought back no important intelligence. The Indians contrived to kill and scalp a French officer whom they found shooting within half a mile of the fort.

"The army seldom marched more than six miles a day and commonly not so much. From Stewart's Crossing to Turtle Creek there were six encampments. During one day the army halted.

"I shall be much pleased to see Mr. Atkinson's map. His knowledge of the ground will enable him to delineate Braddock's route much more accurately than it can be done from any sources now available.

I am, Sir, respectfully yours, Jared Sparks.

Neville B. Craig, Esq., Pittsburgh."

[Ill.u.s.tration: MIDDLETON'S MAP OF BRADDOCK'S ROAD (1847)

[_Braddock's Road is shown as dotted line. The double line is the present route from c.u.mberland to Ft. Necessity_]]

Since the foregoing letter was in type we have received from Mr. T. C.

Atkinson of c.u.mberland, Maryland, lately employed on the Pittsburgh and Connelsville Rail Road, a very able and interesting article on the subject of Braddock's route to the Monongahela, with a very beautiful map of the country, by Mr. Middleton, one of Mr. Atkinson's a.s.sistants on the survey for the railroad. The article of Mr. Atkinson, and the map, furnish all the information as to the march of General Braddock's army which can now be hoped for.

Mr. Atkinson had for years devoted much time to the examination of the route of the army of Braddock eastward, and some distance westward of c.u.mberland, and his late employ along the Youghiogany and Monongahela afforded him an opportunity to complete his work.

As a striking evidence of the accuracy of his researches, we will mention that in tracing the route he was much surprised and puzzled by what seemed the strange divergence of the army from the Youghiogany river after pa.s.sing it at Stewart's Crossings. Yet the traditionary evidence and marks on the ground seemed to establish beyond doubt the fact that the army had pa.s.sed far into the interior of our present county of Westmoreland, and near to Mount Pleasant, crossing the line of the Pittsburgh and Greensburg Turnpike road. This seemed so far from the natural and direct route that even the strong traditionary and other evidence, could not entirely remove the possibility of doubt. Mr.

Atkinson himself was entirely satisfied as to the correctness of his own conclusions, but of course would be gratified to receive a confirmation, in an authentic shape, of his own convictions.