Great Britain and the American Civil War Part 61

[Footnote 1337: July, 1861.]

[Footnote 1338: The _Atlantic Monthly_ for November, 1861, takes up the question, denying that democracy is in any sense "on trial" in America, so far as the permanence of American inst.i.tutions is concerned. It still does not see clearly the real nature of the controversy in England.]

[Footnote 1339: Aug. 17, 1861.]

[Footnote 1340: Sept. 6, 1861. (Ma.s.s. Hist. Soc. _Proceedings_, XLVI, p.

94.)]

[Footnote 1341: Sept. 7, 1861.]

[Footnote 1342: Sept. 14, 1861.]

[Footnote 1343: Motley, _Correspondence_, II, p. 35. To his mother, Sept. 22, 1861.]

[Footnote 1344: April, 1861.]

[Footnote 1345: Oct., 1861.]

[Footnote 1346: Oct., 1861. Article, "Democracy teaching by Example."]

[Footnote 1347: Nov. 23, 1861.]

[Footnote 1348: Cited by Harris, _The Trent Affair_, p. 28.]

[Footnote 1349: Robertson, _Speeches of John Bright_, I, pp. 177 _seq._]

[Footnote 1350: Gladstone Papers, Dec. 27, 1861.]

[Footnote 1351: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 78, No. 95. Adams to Seward, Dec. 27, 1861. As printed in _U.S. Messages and Doc.u.ments, 1862-63_, Pt.

I, p. 14. Adams' emphasis on the word "_not_" is unindicated, by the failure to use italics.]

[Footnote 1352: _Ibid._, No. 110. Enclosure. Adams to Seward, Jan. 31, 1862.]

[Footnote 1353: Feb. 22, 1862.]

[Footnote 1354: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 80, No. 206. Adams to Seward, Aug. 8, 1862. Of this period in 1862, Rhodes (IV, 78) writes that "the most significant and touching feature of the situation was that the cotton operative population was frankly on the side of the North." Lutz, _Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und den Vereinigten Staaten wahrend des Sezessionskrieges_, pp. 49-53, makes an interesting a.n.a.lysis of the German press, showing it also determined in its att.i.tude by factional political idealisms in Germany.]

[Footnote 1355: Palmerston MS., Aug. 24, 1862.]

[Footnote 1356: Aug. 30, 1862.]

[Footnote 1357: October, 1862. "The Confederate Struggle and Recognition."]

[Footnote 1358: Nov. 4, 1862.]

[Footnote 1359: _The Index_, Nov. 20, 1862, p. 63. (Communication.)]

[Footnote 1360: Anthony Trollope, _North America_, London, 1862, Vol. I, p. 198. The work appeared in London in 1862, and was in its third edition by the end of the year. It was also published in New York in 1862 and in Philadelphia in 1863.]

[Footnote 1361: _The Liberator_, March 13, 1863, quoting a report in the _New York Sunday Mercury_.]

[Footnote 1362: Lord Salisbury is quoted in Vince, _John Bright_, p.

204, as stating that Bright "was the greatest master of English oratory that this generation--I may say several generations--has seen. I have met men who have heard Pitt and Fox, and in whose judgment their eloquence at its best was inferior to the finest efforts of John Bright.

At a time when much speaking has depressed, has almost exterminated, eloquence, he maintained that robust, powerful and vigorous style in which he gave fitting expression to the burning and n.o.ble thoughts he desired to utter."]

[Footnote 1363: Speech at Rochdale, Feb. 3, 1863. (Robertson, _Speeches of John Bright_, I, pp. 234 _seq._)]

[Footnote 1364: Bigelow to Seward, Feb. 6, 1863. (Bigelow, _Retrospections_, I, p. 600.)]

[Footnote 1365: _U.S. Messages and Doc.u.ments_, 1863, Pt. I, p. 123.]

[Footnote 1366: State Dept., Eng., Adams to Seward. No. 334. Feb. 26, 1863. enclosing report of the Edinburgh meeting as printed in _The Weekly Herald, Mercury and News_, Feb. 21, 1863.]

[Footnote 1367: _U.S. Messages and Doc.u.ments_, 1863, Pt. I, p. 157.]

[Footnote 1368: Spargo, _Karl Marx, _pp. 224-5. Spargo claims that Marx bent every effort to stir working men to a sense of cla.s.s interest in the cause of the North and even went so far as to secure the presence of Bright at the meeting, as the most stirring orator of the day, though personally he regarded Bright "with an almost unspeakable loathing." On reading this statement I wrote to Mr. Spargo asking for evidence and received the reply that he believed the tradition unquestionably well founded, though "almost the only testimony available consists of a reference or two in one of his [Marx's] letters and the ample corroborative testimony of such friends as Lessner, Jung and others."

This is scant historical proof; but some years later in a personal talk with Henry Adams, who was in 1863 his father's private secretary, and who attended and reported the meeting, the information was given that Henry Adams himself had then understood and always since believed Marx's to have been the guiding hand in organizing the meeting.]

[Footnote 1369: _U.S. Messages and Doc.u.ments_, 1863, Pt. I, p. 162.

(Adams to Seward, March 27, 1863.)]

[Footnote 1370: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 82, No. 358. Adams to Seward, March 27, 1863, enclosing report by Henry Adams. There was also enclosed the printed report, giving speeches at length, as printed by _The Bee Hive_, the organ of the London Trades Unions.]

[Footnote 1371: See _ante_, p. 132.]

[Footnote 1372: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 82, No. 360. Adams to Seward, April 2, 1863.]

[Footnote 1373: May 5, 1863.]

[Footnote 1374: _U.S. Diplomatic Correspondence_, 1863, Pt. I, p. 243.

Adams to Seward, May 7, 1863.]

[Footnote 1375: Robertson, _Speeches of John Bright_, I, p. 264. In a letter to Bigelow, March 16, 1863, Bright estimated that there were seven millions of men of twenty-one years of age and upward in the United Kingdom, of whom slightly over one million had the vote.

(Bigelow, _Retrospections_, I, p. 610.)]

[Footnote 1376: July 2, 1863. The editorial was written in connection with Roebuck's motion for mediation and is otherwise interesting for an attempt to characterize each of the speakers in the Commons.]

[Footnote 1377: _U.S. Diplomatic Correspondence, 1863_, Part I, p. 319.

To Seward, July 23, 1863.]

[Footnote 1378: See _ante_, p. 130, _note_ 2.]

[Footnote 1379: MS. letter, Sept. 8, 1863, in possession of C. F. Adams, Jr.]

[Footnote 1380: Sept. 24, 1863.]

[Footnote 1381: Even the friendly Russian Minister in Washington was at this time writing of the "rule of the mob" in America and trusting that the war, "the result of democracy," would serve as a warning to Europe.

(Russian Archives, Stoeckl to F.O., Nov. 29-Dec. 11, 1864, No. 1900.)]