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The fleet sailed from Halifax on Monday the 11th September and on the 18th anch.o.r.ed off Partridge Island sending in Cobb and Rogers[39] with their sloops to reconnoitre. They proceeded up the harbor and on their return reported that they had seen only two or three people. However, Monckton learned later that there were more than two hundred Indians in ambush at the mouth of the river when the English landed, but their chief, overawed by the strength of the invaders, would not suffer them to fire and retired with them up the river, and "upon their return to Oauckpack (their settlement about two leagues above St. Anns) Pere Germain, their priest, expecting, as he termed it, 'Quelque coup de Trahison' from them, marched them off for Canada."
[39] Capt. Jeremiah Rogers commanded the armed sloop "Ulysses" in the pay of the Government of Nova Scotia, as early as January, 1751.
The next day the fleet anch.o.r.ed in the harbor and Monckton sent Cobb with his sloop to Chignecto for some Acadian prisoners to serve as pilots up the river, also for some whale boats and Captain Benoni Danks company of Rangers.
We come now to a day worthy to be held in remembrance--the memorable 20th of September, 1759--when the control of the River St. John pa.s.sed finally into the hands of Great Britain and a permanent English settlement was made upon the sh.o.r.es of our harbor, Monckton's journal contains a brief record of the event:
"Sep'br. ye 20th.--Made the Signal for Landing about nine and soon after landed near the Old Fort, with as many Men as the Boats could take, being about 400. Met with no opposition. The 2d.
Division being landed I sent off Maj'r Scott with about 300 Light Infantry and Rangers to make discovery and advanced the two companys of Grenadiers to support him in case of necessity. The Maj'r returned, having been above the Falls; he found some few Tracks but not the least signs of any Road or Path--the woods very thick and bad marching. The troops being all landed I ordered the Tents to be got on sh.o.r.e and encamped the two regiments just at the back of the Fort. The Light Infantry and Rangers under Maj'r Scott encamped on the Hill above."
The next few days were spent in getting provisions and supplies on sh.o.r.e. The detachment of artillery and three field pieces were also landed. A number of exploring parties were sent out and all agreed that it was impracticable to proceed with the expedition by land.
Monckton had already sent word by Capt. Rogers to Annapolis and by Capt. Cobb to Fort c.u.mberland to press into the King's service any sloops or schooners available to transport provisions and stores up the river, as the majority of his vessels were too large to attempt the pa.s.sage of the falls. Meanwhile he determined to repair the old fort and work was begun upon it on the 24th September. "My reasons,"
writes Monckton, "for fixing on this spot, though somewhat commanded by the Hill on the back were, that it was so much work ready done to our hands, the command it would have of the Harbor, the conveniency of landing our stores, and the great difficultys that would have attended its being erected further from the sh.o.r.e having no conveniency of moving our stores but by men. Besides, as the season was so far advanced and we had still to go up the River, I thought it best to fix on what would be soonest done. And in regard to the Hill that has some command of it, it is only with cannon, which the enemy would find great difficulty in bringing, and this may hereafter be remedy'd by erecting some small Work on it."
In the construction of the works at the fort 600 men were employed daily until the 24th October, when the number was reduced to 300 in consequence of the departure of the expedition up the river to destroy the Acadian settlements. Capt. Cobb returned from Fort c.u.mberland the last day of September with Danks' company of Rangers, five whale boats and nine French prisoners. From the latter Monckton learned that it would have been almost impossible to have gone up the river by land, and that it would have been dangerous to attempt to pa.s.s the falls with such vessels as they had with them. Their opinion, as to the difficulty of pa.s.sing the falls, was confirmed by observations and soundings made by Capt. Willock and the masters of the transports.
While the fort was building, Monckton was engaged in collecting military stores, provisions and supplies of various kinds for which he sent vessels to Fort c.u.mberland, Annapolis, Halifax and Boston. The officers' barracks at Fort Frederick were erected on the 2nd of October and the work of building the fort made rapid progress, but it was not until the 21st of October that the expedition was in a position to proceed up the river. Even then the start was not a very auspicious one as we learn from Monckton's journal, in which he writes:--
"Having got together several sloops and schooners and victual'd them, I order Cobb & Rogers to pa.s.s the Falls to cover the other vessels as they might be able to get through. They accordingly get under way. Cobb being the headmost pa.s.ses the Narrows, but is too late to get over the Falls and obliged to come too in a little cove below. The Ulysses, Capt. Rogers, in pa.s.sing the Narrows strikes on a Rock, and is drove by the Tide into a creek above Cobb where the vessell sunk in a short time, and it was with great difficulty the Light Infantry who were in her and crew were saved.
Upon hearing this and that Cobb did not lay very safe I ordered him down again and very luckily for at Low Water he would have struck on the Rocks."
The captain of the man of war "Squirrel" endeavored to raise the "Ulysses" but was forced to abandon the attempt and she proved a total wreck.
Having at length got all the smaller vessels safely above the falls and the troops on board, with provisions for a fortnight, Monckton himself embarked in Capt. Cobb's sloop "York," leaving Captain Bellen of the 35th regiment in command of the troops left behind. The force that proceeded up the river numbered about 1,200 men.
To understand the subsequent proceedings of the expedition the reader will do well to refer occasionally to the accompanying plan[40] based on that transmitted by Monckton, along with his report, to Major General Amherst.
[40] The original of this plan, which is in the British Museum, was made by Major Charles Morris, Surveyor General of Nova Scotia.
He was with Monckton at the River St. John.
On the morning of the 30th October the little fleet got under sail but the wind being contrary little progress was made; indeed the ordnance sloop was very nearly sharing the fate of the "Ulysses," and only escaped by casting anchor in a rather perilous position just above the falls. Next day the vessels succeeded in crossing Grand Bay and anch.o.r.ed off "Pointe aux Tourtres,"[41] about two leagues above the mouth of the Nerepis. On their way they observed the remains of the fort built by Boishebert at Woodman's Point.
[41] This place is known as Salmon Point, but in the plan is given as Pidgeon's Point.
[Ill.u.s.tration: Sketch of St. John's Harbour, and a Part of the River.]
[Ill.u.s.tration: "ISLE AU GARCE," OR "EMENENIC." (Now Called Caton's Island, in Long Reach.)]
On November 1, the wind being contrary, little progress was made, and in the evening the "York" anch.o.r.ed off an island called "Isle aux Garces." Monckton landed on the island, which he describes as "a verry fine one--the wood Oak, Beech, Birch, and Walnut, and no underwood."
This island was none other than the famous Emenenic, where some traders and fishermen of St. Malo had a small settlement in the year 1611--probably the first European settlement within the confines of the province. It was here the Jesuit missionary, Father Biard, held the first religious service on the St. John river of which we have any record. As mentioned in a previous chapter, the Indians still call the island "Ah-men-hen-ik," which is almost identical in sound with Biard's "Emenenic," thus proving that the old Indian name has persisted for well-nigh three hundred years. The name "Isle au garce,"
found in the plan of the river, is not easy of explanation. "Garce"
may possibly be a misprint for "grace," and the name "Isle of grace"
would harmonize very well with the French missionary's visit and religious services in October, 1611, but Placide P. Gaudet--who, by the way, is no mean authority as regards the French regime on the River St. John--is disposed to consider the word "garce" as signifying a "merry maiden." If so, the name is suggestive of an untold story and there is material for a romance in connection with our historic "Isle au garce." The island is now owned by County Secretary George R. Vincent. The soil is fertile, well wooded and excellent spring water is abundant; fine oaks grow there as in Monckton's day. A little cove, which may be seen in the view of the island a little to the right of the wood-boat, affords an excellent landing place.
The plan of the river accompanying Colonel Monckton's report is of special interest on account of the curious admixture of French and English names. This feature is quite in harmony with the epoch which was one of transition. Instances today are not infrequent where the existing name has been translated from the French, a familiar example being that of the island at the mouth of St. John harbor, called by the French "Isle au Perdrix" and translated into the English "Partridge Island." Another familiar instance occurs in connection with Oak Point in Long Reach. Describing their progress up the river Monckton says, "We came too off Point aux Chaines to sound." Point aux Chaines in English means Oak Point, and the ident.i.ty of the situation of Oak Point and of Monckton's Point aux Chaines is clearly shown in the plan of the river.
Monckton describes the country along the lower part of the River St.
John as "verry Mountainous and Rocky," but above the Bellisle comparatively flat and well timbered.
On the evening of the 2nd November the sloop "York" came to anchor "under an island called the Great Island," or Long Island. Some of the party landed on the island where, Monckton tells us, they found walnuts (or b.u.t.ternuts) much like English walnuts.
The expedition was now approaching one of the princ.i.p.al Acadian settlements and Captain Benoni Danks was sent with a party and a guide to try to take a prisoner in order, if possible, to obtain further information, but the Acadians evidently received timely warning of their danger and had abandoned their village.
It may be mentioned, in pa.s.sing, that there are some very uncomplimentary references to Captain Danks and his Rangers in Rev. Hugh Graham's letter to Rev. Dr. Brown, written at Cornwallis, N. S., in 1791.[42] See for example the following: "A considerable large body of the French were at one time surprised by a party of the Rangers on Pet.i.tcodiac River; upon the first alarm most of them threw themselves into the river and swam across, and by this ways the greatest part of them made out to elude the clutches of these b.l.o.o.d.y hounds, tho' some of them were shot by the merciless soldiery in the river. It was observed that these Rangers, almost without exception, closed their days in wretchedness, and particularly a Capt. Danks, who rode to the extreme of his commission in every barbarous proceeding. In the c.u.mberland insurrection (1776) he was suspected of being 'Jack on both sides of the bush,' left that place in a small jigger bound for Windsor, was taken ill on the pa.s.sage, thrown down into the hold among the ballast, was taken out at Windsor half dead, and had little better than the burial of a dog. He lived under a general dislike and died without any to regret his death."
[42] This letter will be found in the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, Vol. II., pp. 135-145. Many of Mr.
Graham's remarks savor of exaggeration and in reading the extract above this fact should not be lost sight of.
Sat.u.r.day, the 4th of November, was an unhappy day for the poor Acadians living at the little village of Grimrose--the site of the modern village of Gagetown. The story shall be told in Monckton's own words:--
"Nov'br ye 4th,--The party returns without any Prisoner, having been at the Village of Grimrose which they found had been but lately deserted by the inhabitants.
"Give orders for landing. Having got a body of about 700 Men on Sh.o.r.e, we march to the further end of the Village, being about a league. From whence, by the tracks we found, we judged that the Inhabitants had but lately retired and drove off their cattle.
Here we found the Lime that had been taken in a schooner in the spring, which they had landed as our Pilots supposed to lighten the schooner, to get her higher up or to hide her in some Creeke--as they supposed that they would certainly have carry'd the Lime up to St. Anns would the depth of the River have admitted of it.
"It being late in the day I gave orders for Burning the Houses & Barns, being in all about 50, and for destroying all the Grain, of which there was a good deal, and everything else that could be of the least service to the Inhabitants hereafter. Having Burnt and destroyed everything we marched backe and reimbarked.
"As we were disembarking in the morning some canoes were seen crossing the head of Grimerose River [Gagetown Creek], and near where we landed there had lately been some Birch canoes made. Much cleared Land here--Fine Country. This Village was settled by the Inhabitants of Beausejour, when drove off from thence in 1755."
The day following the expedition continued up the river to Isle Mettis, or Grimross Island. The pilots now refused to take charge of the vessels any higher, as they did not think there was sufficient water to pa.s.s. The accuracy of their judgment was soon evident. In attempting to proceed Capt. Cobb ran his sloop aground, and several of the transports had a like experience, but the bottom being sandy all soon got off again without damage. Monckton sent Capt. Rogers, late of the sloop "Ulysses," and a mate of the man-of-war "Squirrel," who had accompanied the expedition, to take soundings but they could find no practicable channel.
The commanding officer now reluctantly abandoned the idea of proceeding on to St. Annes. He might perhaps have attempted it by means of whale boats if the season had not been so far advanced and his provisions so nearly expended. After enumerating in his journal the difficulties that confronted him in the event of proceeding further he writes, "I therefore determined to return and destroy everything we could on our way down." Meanwhile, by Monckton's orders, Captain McCurdy had been scouring the country with his rangers and had succeeded in killing some cattle which were divided among the transports.
Captains Danks and Brewer were sent with their companies to burn some houses near what is now Upper Gagetown. After burning the houses they marched their troops down the "Neck" towards the village of Grimrose and on their way came across three or four Frenchmen who were driving off about forty head of cattle. The New Englanders made a dash for this prize, the Acadians escaped, but most of the cattle were destroyed.
Captain McCurdy was sent by Monckton across the river to Jemseg to destroy all the houses and grain that he might find in that quarter and to kill the cattle, and these orders were duly obeyed. Monckton burnt the little settlement called Villeray's (about three miles below Gagetown), and as he came down the river sent a small party on sh.o.r.e to burn the historic settlement of the Sieur de Belleisle and his sons-in-law, the brothers Robichaux, just above the mouth of Belleisle Bay. On the 8th day of November, after an absence of ten days, he arrived at the place above the falls where the troops had embarked.
Colonel Monckton evidently was not very much elated at the success of his expedition, for a few days after his return he wrote to Lieut.
Governor De Lancey of New York: "I am sorry I can't give you a better acct. of our Proceedings up this River. But it was attended with so many unavoidable delays and impediments that we were only able to go up about 23 Leagues, which is above 10 Leagues short of St.
Annes--where, if we had been able to have reached, it is by very certain accounts of no consequence, being only a Village and not the least signs of a fort.
"We burnt one village and some straggling Houses and destroyed everything that could be the least serviceable to them, so that I should think that they will in the spring be obliged to retire to Canada. The River, after pa.s.sing the Falls, is as fine a River as ever I saw, and when you get up about 10 Leagues the country is level, with fine woods of Oak, Beech, Birch and Walnut, and no underwood and the land able to produce anything. We have just finished a pretty good fort here, where the old French Fort stood, which will be a footing for anything that may be thought proper to be undertaken hereafter."
The Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor general of Canada, was not ignorant of Monckton's operations on the River St. John, but he was in no position to make any effectual resistance. In his letter to the French minister of November 5, 1758, he states that the English were engaged in rebuilding the old Fort at Menagoueche; the Indians of the River St. John had retired with the Rev. Father Germain, their missionary to Canada, where Bigot, the intendant, had provided for their wintering, and the greater part of the Acadians had also retired to Canada.
During Colonel Monckton's absence up the river work was continued at the fort, so that it must have been nearly finished at the time of his return. It received the name of Fort Frederick, and the remains of its ramparts may still be seen at "Old Fort" in Carleton.
In the plan of St. John harbor made by Colonel Robert Morse of the Royal Engineers in 1784, there is an outline of Fort Frederick very nearly identical as regards situation and general form with the sketch of Fort Menagoueche (or "Fort de la Riviere de St. Jean") made in October, 1700, by the Sieur de Villieu.[43] We have further proof of an interesting nature that the situation and general plan of the new fort was identical with the old French fort in one of the letters of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, in which he tells us that about the time Fort Frederick was nearing completion a French Canadian, kept there as a prisoner, made his escape, and on his return to Canada described the new fort as exactly the same size as the old but much stronger, the terraces being at least ten feet in thickness, and upon the terraces were palisades ten feet high in the form of "chevaux de frise." The Frenchman had counted 18 cannons mounted of a calibre of 18L., and the English had told him they expected to mount in all 30 cannons of 20L. and of 18L.
[43] The plan of Villieu appears in Dr. Ganong's Historic Sites in New Brunswick, p. 279.
On the 11th November Colonel Monckton sent Major Scott to Pet.i.tcodiac with the Light Infantry and Rangers in quest of a French privateer that had been at the St. John river and which, with one of her prizes, was said to have taken shelter there. He was directed to seize the vessels and bring them off, together with any of the Acadian inhabitants he could find, and to burn and destroy all the houses, barns, cattle, grain, etc. On his return he was to send Captain Dank's company to Fort c.u.mberland.
Major Scott certainly acted with prompt.i.tude, for barely a week had expired when he returned to St. John with the privateer schooner and prize sloop, which he had found in two different creeks up the Pet.i.tcodiac river. The parties sent out by the Major destroyed upwards of 150 houses and barns, much grain and a good many cattle. They captured 30 prisoners, including women and children. The Acadian seem to have made some resistance, however, and a Lieutenant McCormack and three men of Captain McCurdy's Company and two men of the Light Infantry were captured by them.
The troops that had served in the St. John river expedition were now distributed among the garrisons at Fort c.u.mberland, Windsor, Annapolis and Halifax, with the exception of McCurdy's, Stark's and Brewer's companies of Rangers and a small detachment of artillery, ordered to remain at Fort Frederick under command of Major Morris. This was a more considerable garrison than could well find accommodation there during the winter, but such was not Monckton's intention, for he writes in his journal: "The Fuel of the Garrison not being as yet lay'd in, I leave the three companies of Rangers, viz., McCurdy's, Stark's, and Brewer's, and have ordered that Captain McCurdy's company should Hutt and remain the Winter, the other two after compleating the wood to come to Halifax in the vessels I had left them."
Monckton sailed for Halifax in the man-of-war "Squirrel" on the 21st of November, and with him went the 2nd Battalion of the Royal American Regiment of which he was the commander.