Face to Face with Kaiserism Part 29

"The influence of Mr. Gerard is all the more a shameful and heavy reproach for the official leadership of Mr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, since this American Amba.s.sador, while an intriguer, was not a personality.

"But when Gerard said anything, wished anything or threatened anything, that imported always a fear-exciting event, and he was finally sly enough to seize and use this halo to the limit. That a man like Gerard has been able through all these years to win and keep such a position and such an influence over German affairs is without example."

But I must really put aside the halo which Reventlow so graciously hands me. While I was informed of what was going on, I certainly did my best to persuade Bethmann-Hollweg and von Jagow and Zimmermann as well as the Emperor and numberless others from defying America. If von Bethmann-Hollweg and any of the others were against ruthless submarine war, seeing that to adopt any other policy would bring America into this war, then they took this position because it seemed to them best for their country and history will prove them right.

Reventlow says further:

"In the winter of 1916-17 one dreamed already of loans and imports from the United States during the peace negotiations. Mr. Gerard came back from America with alms for the wounded and the result of his sublime patience and of the sublime patience of Mr. von Bethmann-Hollweg was pictured by the Gerard celebration in Berlin.

"Then came the decision for ruthless submarine war. The first time in his amba.s.sadorial service was Mr. Gerard surprised and the men who entertained him were also surprised for they dreamed of and wished for quite other things. It is incorrect, if it has been stated, that at the time of the Gerard celebration ruthless submarine war had already been agreed on. That came later."

[Ill.u.s.tration: PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN AFTER THE BANQUET GIVEN AMBa.s.sADOR GERARD IN BERLIN ON JANUARY 6TH, 1917. PROBABLY THE ORDERS FOR THE RESUMPTION OF "RECKLESS" SUBMARINE WAR HAD BEEN GIVEN WHEN THIS LOVE-FEAST TOOK PLACE.

_Sitting, left to right_--Von Wermuth, Mayor of Berlin; Amba.s.sador Gerard; Zimmermann; Von Sydow, Minister of Commerce.

_Standing, left to right_--Unknown; Consul General Lay; Commander Gherardi, U. S. N.; First Secretary Grew; Unknown; Count Montgelas; Solf, Colonial Minister; General Friedrich, in charge of prisoners of war; Isaac Wolf, President of American a.s.sociation of Commerce and Trade; John B. Jackson, former Minister to Cuba.]

But I did know that ruthless submarine war was coming, knew of the orders given, and this is proved not only by my reports which are still secret, but by what I told not only many people in America but several editors who with my full approval published articles showing this belief.

I am obliged to Reventlow for what he says of me. I admire him as a powerful writer for whose ability I have a deep respect and perhaps if I were a Prussian Junker I would follow him as blindly and confidently as do the army and navy officers, the n.o.bles, great and small, and the land-holding squires of Prussia, to whom his writings are as seductive as the pipings of the Pied Piper to the townsfolk of Hamlin.

Reventlow's charge of lying was made in the line of his duty as a Prussian Junker, according to the best traditions of Prussian government and diplomacy but it is so thoroughly disproved and the authenticity of the Kaiser's telegram so universally admitted in Germany, even in official circles there, that I feel only sorrow for a Prussian n.o.bleman and Junker and editor compelled by the exigencies of his position to make so ridiculous a statement.

I think that the Germans just now are beginning to realise that I always told them the truth and treated them fairly, a procedure, I admit, far more disconcerting and disturbing to them than the most subtle wiles and moves of the old diplomacy.

Von Bethmann denied that the peace terms as set forth in my book were his (he did not deny that they are the terms of the Junkers) and criticised me for "unethically" publishing an account of my experiences in Germany. This is what he said:

"In his published report of this particular conversation Mr. Gerard attributed utterances to me which may have been made in other quarters in Germany and to which he frequently referred in the progress of our conversation but which were not my own. This applies especially to those references to Germany's alleged intentions to seize Liege and Namur, and of Germany's plans to take possession of the Belgian ports, the railways and to establish military and commercial dominion over that country.

"I never unfolded such German war aims to Mr.

Gerard. In the course of my several conversations with him as also in our discussion last January I invariably referred to my Reichstag speeches in which I stated that Germany would exact positive guarantees that Belgian territory and politics would not in the future be exploited as a menacing factor against us. I did not make any statement as to the nature of these guarantees.

"In the progress of our conversation Mr. Gerard suggested that the realisation of far-reaching aspirations in Belgium would give King Albert merely a sham authority and asked whether it would not be better for Germany to forego such plans and instead of them endeavour to acquire Liege which Mr. Gerard thought possible of achievement.

"Perhaps this suggestion was a bait intended to provoke a reply from me. If so, the attempt failed. In all my discussions with the Amba.s.sador on this subject I referred to my public utterances in which I emphasised that I was endeavouring to procure a peace that would permit us to live in cordial and neighbourly relations with Belgium.

"Mr. Gerard's memory would seem also to have served him faultily when he wrote down what was said about Russia. He dealt but superficially with Germany's eastern war aims, observing that the United States' interest in this direction was very limited and that Germany undoubtedly would have a free hand there. For Roumania and Serbia he also revealed very slender sympathy. Mr. Gerard did not obtain out of my mouth any of the statements concerning these countries which he attributes to me.

"When diplomats undertake to exploit their official career for journalistic purposes they are very apt to be misled into putting into mouths of foreign statesmen utterances which either are the creation of an ample imagination or are based on faulty memory. Discussion of political opinions is bound to be transitory and fleeting.

"You Americans are impetuous people. You do not seem to permit even your retiring diplomats to observe the traditional silences nor have you the patience to abide the post mortem publication of their memoirs. Sir Edward Goschen (former British Amba.s.sador to Germany and Austria) or Jules Cambon (former French Amba.s.sador to Germany, the United States and Spain) probably could excel Mr. Gerard in revelations of entertaining diplomatic history and gossip. Count von Bernstorff, former Amba.s.sador to the United States, too, I imagine might startle us with a diary of his Washington experiences.

"In Europe, however, it was seen that publication of such matters was best postponed by common consent to a later period when judgments are both calm and more mature. Mr. Gerard, however, may hold the special license conferred by shirtsleeve diplomacy, as you call it, and I shall not dispute his prerogatives. But he must not give his imagination the free rein."

And this was my answer: published in the _New York Times_ for September 2, 1917:

"Dr. Hollweg apparently did not have the exact copy of my articles for if he had read them he would have seen clearly that I said the peace terms described were the German peace terms and not the opinions of the Chancellor. Dr. Hollweg said he himself was subject to the rule of the military party of Germany and could not follow his own desires.

"In the second place, Dr. Hollweg admits that the German government intended to exact guarantees from Belgium and makes the admission himself after the interview in which he so sharply criticises me.

"Thirdly, I ask if those terms as cited are not the German peace terms, then what are the German peace terms?

"Dr. Hollweg gives nothing different from these and so it might be a.s.sumed they are the German terms after all. I consider it a matter of great regret that the German government put Dr. Hollweg out of office and I feel that personally he is bitterly opposed to the ruthless submarine warfare of the German government and that he only refrained from resigning his office out of deference to the wishes of Emperor Wilhelm.

"I presume he was put out because his ideals were too liberal for the German authorities to endure.

This liberality is shown in the interview. I am sorry to take issue with Dr. Hollweg on this subject because I have a great admiration for him and I think he is a fine old fellow.

"The old-time diplomacy, which Dr. Hollweg advocated, has succeeded in plunging almost the whole world into the bloodiest war of history.

When the people of a nation know what is going on in the seats of government such wars cannot happen.

"I do not believe in backstairs diplomacy any more than Dr. Hollweg. I believe the people of a nation are ent.i.tled to know what is going on. This German diplomacy may be all right in a monarchy of the most limited type but it will not go at all in a modern democracy.

"As to the ethics of publishing my memoirs now, I pa.s.s over the obvious repartee that to hear a German speak of ethics borders on the ludicrous and especially the man who openly in the Reichstag announced that necessity knows no law and that the German troops were at that moment deliberately violating the neutrality of Belgium.

"But I believe that the old style diplomacy in the dark caused this war. Of course, it is hard for a German ex-official to conceive that the people have a right to be enlightened about this awful calamity. But I hope one of the results of this war will be the end of backstairs diplomacy. When the Germans with the Chancellor's approval violated the usage of all nations and times and kept me as a hostage after I had demanded my pa.s.sports, I think to talk of ethics comes with a bad grace from the German side."

Understand that Bethmann-Hollweg is not a bad man, but for one who openly announced that necessity knows no law and defended the invasion of Belgium, failed to stop the cruelties of the prison camps and gave official, if not private, consent to the murder of women and babies not only on the high seas but in undefended towns, to talk of ethics because I dared to tell the world what was happening in Germany is more than ridiculous. It verges on the ludicrous--but why attack poor Bethmann? Opportunity knocked at his door, but the want of a backbone prevented his becoming a great figure.

History will laud him for opposing ruthless submarine war so long, but will blame him for weakly yielding in the end. As for the "ethics," I have been careful to give only official conversations with the Emperor, interesting as the others are, and never shall disclose my private conversations with Bethmann, von Jagow, Zimmermann and others, including my talks with Bethmann and Zimmermann on the day I left Germany, because it was understood that these conversations should never be disclosed whatever happened.

And as time goes on more and more do I believe that history will vindicate von Jagow and teach the Emperor and the people of Germany that a faithful and skilful servant should never be sacrificed to the intrigues of a few gossiping politicians. It is part of the strength of President Wilson that he backs up his officials and refuses to listen even to widespread popular clamour for their heads. It was the business of von Jagow to conduct the Foreign policy of Germany, but the intriguers demanded his removal because he was too occupied to waste time talking to amateur politicians, and because his voice did not charm the Reichstag.

CHAPTER XXIII

THE FUTURE KAISER--THE CROWN PRINCE AND HIS BROTHERS

In a country where the supreme power swings between the Emperor and the impersonal General Staff, all are interested, since even an Emperor is mortal, in learning something about the heir who succeeds in case of death. And we who face with the rest of the world the forces of Kaiserism desire to know about this heir.

The Crown Prince is about five feet nine, blond and slim. In fact, one of his weaknesses is his pride in an undeniably small waist which he pinches and his characteristic pose is with one foot thrown forward and one hand at the waist, elbow out and waist pressed in. He is well built, his face much better looking than his photographs show, nose rather long and eyes very keen and observing. Possessed of a great youthfulness of manner and a boyish liveliness and interest in life, his traits are somewhat American rather than German. He is a good sportsman and excels at many sports, is proud of his trophies but not afraid to meet other men in contest for them.

His manners are open and engaging and because of this he is very popular in Germany. Unlike his father on whom a pretty woman makes no impression whatever, he is a great admirer of female beauty, so much so that when he is playing tennis, for example, if there is a good looking girl watching he can hardly keep his eye on the game. This weakness for the feminine has been the foundation for countless stories linking his name with that of various women, in all countries and of all cla.s.ses of life, but personally, I think these rumours are untrue and that he is fond of his lovely wife, who is not in the least disturbed by his frank and open admiration of other members of the fair s.e.x. A brood of strong, good-looking children have been born to the Crown Prince and Crown Princess.

A Prince so fond of a good time, one who loves dancing and racing, hunting and shooting, with a shrewd eye and cool head, might make an ideal king, but the one dark shadow in the background is the Crown Prince's real love for war. From his seat in the Royal Box in the Reichstag, he has applauded violently and ostentatiously utterances looking toward war: he had made himself the head of the war party, and the Militarists look to him as their chief. The great danger is that if this war ends in the defeat of Germany without the democratisation of Germany then the Crown Prince will lead the party of revenge, of preparation for war, and if the war ends in what the Germans can call a success or ends in a draw (which means German success) then the Crown Prince and the Militarists, crying that the military system has been justified, will seek new excuses to enter once more on a war of conquest. All paths or speculations turn to one gate; if the German people continue slavishly to leave the power to drive them into war in the hands of the Crown Prince, or the Emperor, or the General Staff, there will be no prospect of such a world peace as can justify a universal disarmament. Absolute monarchs and Emperors and Crown Princes and their attendant n.o.bles, all spell war. They are the products of war and they can only continue to rule if the desire for war animates their people.

While the Crown Prince has not set himself in direct opposition to his father or at any rate taken a part in public affairs with the view either to force his father's hand or take a dominant political part, nevertheless he has allowed no occasion to pa.s.s when he could encourage the army and war party even if this brought him into conflict with the policy of the Emperor, and so there have been periods of coolness between the Emperor and the Crown Prince son.

Thus after one scene in the Reichstag when the Crown Prince applauded those in favour of aggression it was reported that he was banished to Dantzig. At any rate during the winter of 1913-14 the Crown Prince and his family were at Dantzig, the headquarters of the regiment he commands, the famous "Death's Head Hussars."

Some say that it is a tradition in the Hohenzollern family for the Crown Prince to appear to oppose the King. Then, when the King dies, the Crown Prince enjoys a certain popularity in the first years of his rule from those who have been against the Government, and by the time this popularity has waned the new ruler is firmly seated on the throne.

The Crown Prince, born in 1882, will be thirty-five in May next.

His military education began long before he was ten years old. In accordance with Hohenzollern custom, on his tenth birthday, he became an officer of the 1st Regiment of Foot Guards and on this birthday was introduced to the other officers and took part in a regimental dinner. Before this great event he had learned enough of military drill and usages to carry himself as an officer.

In 1895, he and his brother Eitel entered as cadets at Ploen in Schwerin, where they were subjected to very strict discipline.