Essays on the work entitled "Supernatural Religion" Part 22

[76:2] Ruinart p. 141. 'Praepositus carceris, qui nos magni facere coepit ... multos fratres ad nos admittebat, ut et nos et illi invicem refrigeraremus,' p. 144. 'Tribunus ... jussit illos humanius haberi, ut fratribus ejus et ceteris facultas fieret introeundi et refrigerandi c.u.m eis.'

[76:3] _De Morte Peregr._ 12.

[77:1] See Zahn _Ignatius_ p. 527. Lucian says of Peregrinus (now no longer a Christian, but a Cynic), c. 41, [Greek: phasi de pasais schedon tais endoxois polesin epistolas diapempsai auton, diathekas tinas kai paraineseis kai nomous; kai tinas epi touto presbeutas ton hetairon echeirotonese nekrangelous kai _nerterodromous_ prosagoreusas.] This description exactly corresponds to the letters and delegates of Ignatius. See especially _Polyc._ 7, [Greek: _cheirotonesai_ tina ...

hos dunesetai _theodromous_ kaleisthai.] The Christian bystanders reported that a dove had been seen to issue from the body of Polycarp when he was martyred at the stake (_Martyr. Polyc._ c. 16). Similarly Lucian represents himself as spreading a report, which was taken up and believed by the Cynic's disciples, that a vulture was seen to rise from the pyre of Peregrinus when he consigned himself to a voluntary death by burning. It would seem that the satirist here is laughing at the credulity of these simple Christians, with whose history he appears to have had at least a superficial acquaintance.

[77:2] As a corollary to this argument, our author says that the Epistles themselves bear none of the marks of composition under such circ.u.mstances. It is sufficient to reply that even the Vossian Epistles are more abrupt than the letters written by St Paul, when chained to a soldier. The abruptness of the Curetonian Epistles is still greater--indeed so great as to render them almost unintelligible in parts. I write this notwithstanding that our author, following Cureton, has expressed a different opinion respecting the style of the Curetonian Letters.

Our author speaks also of the length of the letters. The Curetonian Letters occupy five large octavo pages in Cureton's translation, p. 227.

Even the seven Vossian Letters might have been dictated in almost as many hours; and it would be strange indeed if, by bribe or entreaty, Ignatius could not have secured this indulgence from one or other of his guards during a journey which must have occupied months rather than weeks. He also describes the Epistles as purporting to be written 'at every stage of his journey.' 'Every stage' must be interpreted 'two stages,' for all the Seven Vossian Epistles profess to have been written either at Smyrna or at Troas.

[78:1] This, as more than one writer has pointed out, seems to be the meaning of [Greek: oi kai euergetoumenoi cheirous ginontai] Ign. _Rom._ 5.

[78:2] _S.R._ I. p. 268.

[79:1] _A Few Words on Supernatural Religion_ p. xx sq, a preface to the fourth edition of Dr Westcott's _History of the Canon_, but published separately.

[79:2] _Handbuch der Einleitung in die Apokryphen_ I. pp. 49 sq, 121 sq.

[79:3] p. 276 (ed. Bonn.).

[79:4] In St Chrysostom's age it appears to have been kept at quite a different time of the year--in June; see Zahn, p. 53.

[80:1] The one first published by Ruinart from a Colbert MS, and the other by Dressel from a Vatican MS. The remaining Martyrologies, those of the Metaphrast, of the Bollandists, and of the Armenian version, have no independent value, being compacted from these two.

[80:2] The authorities for these statements will be found in Cureton's _Corpus Ignatianum_, p. 158 sq.

[80:3] See Lipsius _Ueber das Verhaltniss des Textes der drei Syrischen Briefe etc._ p. 7.

[81:1] pp. 268, 279 (ed. Bonn.).

[81:2] The former explanation is suggested by Lipsius, _l.c._; the latter by Zahn, p. 67.

[81:3] The testimonies to which I refer in this paragraph will be found in Cureton's _Corpus Ignatianum_ p. 158 sq. [The question of the credibility of Malalas, and of the meaning of [Greek: epi Traanou], is treated more fully in my _Apostolic Fathers_, Part II. S. Ignatius, S.

Polycarp, II. pp. 437-447 (ed. 2).]

[82:1] [This pledge is fulfilled below, p. 93 sq.]

[85:1] Ign. _Rom._ 7. In the Syriac version the expression is watered down (perhaps to get rid of the Gnostic colouring), and becomes 'fire for another love;' and similarly in the Long Greek [Greek: philoun ti]

is subst.i.tuted for [Greek: philoulon]. Compare _Rom._ 6, 'neque per materiam seducatis,' a pa.s.sage which is found in the Latin translation, but has accidentally dropped out, or been intentionally omitted, from the Greek.

[85:2] _e.g._ Philippians p. 232 sq.

[86:1] Ign. Magn. 8. [Greek: hos estin autou logos [adios, ouk] apo siges proelthon.]

[87:1] Cureton's _Corp. Ign._ p. 245.

[87:2] Euseb. _Eccl. Theol._ ii. 9, etc. See on this subject a paper in the _Journal of Philology_, No. ii. p. 51 sq.

[90:1] See below, p. 103 sq.

[90:2] _Mart. Polyc._ 9. [Greek: ogdoekonta kai hex ete echo douleuon auto]. This expression is somewhat ambiguous in itself, and for [Greek: echo douleuon] Eusebius reads [Greek: douleuo].

[91:1] Papias in Euseb. _H.E._ iii. 39; Iren. ii. 22. 5 (and elsewhere); Polycrates in Euseb. _H.E._ v. 24; Clem. Alex. _Quis div. salv._ 42 (p.

958); Apollonius in Euseb. _H.E._ v. 18.

[91:2] _Muratorian Fragment_ p. 33, ed. Tregelles (written about A.D.

170-180).

[91:3] John i. 44, xii. 21 sq.

[91:4] Papias in Euseb. _H.E._ iii. 39; Polycrates in Euseb. _H.E._ iii.

31, v. 24; Caius (Hippolytus?) in Euseb. _H.E._ iii. 30. I have given reasons for believing that the Philip who lived at Hierapolis was the Apostle and not the Evangelist in _Colossians_ p. 45 sq.

[91:5] Papias, _l.c._

[92:1] 1 Pet. i. 1.

[92:2] Iren. iii. 3. 4.

[92:3] Iren. ii. 22. 5, iii. 3. 4.

[92:4] _e.g._ Tertull. _de Praescr. Haer._ 32.

[93:1] Ign. _Polyc._ 1-4.

[93:2] _ib._ -- 8.

[93:3] Polyc. _Phil._ 13. See below, p. 111 sq.

[93:4] This supposition is quite consistent with his using certain writings as authoritative. Thus he appeals to the _Oracles of the Lord_ (-- 7), and he treats St Paul as incomparably greater than himself or others like him (-- 3).

[94:1] The question of the Jewish or Gentile origin of Clement has been much disputed. My chief reason for the view adopted in the text is the fact that he shows not only an extensive knowledge of the Old Testament, but also an acquaintance with the traditional teaching of the Jews. I find the name borne by a Jew in a sepulchral inscription (Orell. Inscr.

2899): D.M. CLEMETI. CAESARVM. N.N. SERVO. CASTELLARIO. AQVAE. CLAVDIAE.

FECIT. CLAVDIA. SABBATHIS. ET. SIBI. ET. SVIS. If a conjecture may be hazarded, I venture to think that our Clement was a freedman or the son of a freedman in the household of Flavius Clemens, the cousin of Domitian, whom the Emperor put to death for his profession of Christianity. It is a curious fact, that Clement of Alexandria bears the name _T. Flavius Clemens_. He also was probably descended from some dependent belonging to the household of one or other of the Flavian princes.

[94:2] Lardner _Credibility_ Pt. ii. c. vi.

[94:3] _Phil._ --10. 'Eleemosyna de morte liberat,' from Tobit iv. 10, xii. 9.

[95:1] _Phil._ -- 12. 'Ut his scripturis dictum est; _Irascimini, et nolite peccare_, et _Sol non occidat super iracundiam vestram_,'

evidently taken from Ephes. iv. 26.

[95:2] _ib._ -- 1. [Greek: hon egeiren ho Theos lusas tas odinas tou hadou], from Acts ii. 24.

[95:3] [See above, p. 49 sq.]

[95:4] The unrepresented Epistles are t.i.tus and Philemon. The reference to Colossians is uncertain; and in one or two other cases the coincidence is not so close as to remove all possibility of doubt.