Elizabeth of York Part 7

In the fourteenth century Kenilworth had been transformed by John of Gaunt from a feudal stronghold into a luxurious palace with a vast and magnificent great hall. Elizabeth and her baby would have lodged in splendor in this mighty fortress, protected by its ma.s.sive walls and the great lake, the Mere, which surrounded it on three sides. When news came that Lincoln's army had landed in Lancashire on June 4, the King marched to Coventry and prepared to defend his kingdom, having ordered Bishop Courtenay to remain with the Queen and Prince Arthur at Kenilworth during his absence. By then, alarm and confusion were spreading throughout England.

Few rallied to the pretender and his supporters. "Their s...o...b..ll did not gather as it went,"36 especially after the King again proclaimed that he would pardon any rebel who surrendered. On June 16, in a hard-fought battle at Stoke, near Newark, Henry won a great victory, at a cost of at least four thousand lives. Lincoln was killed and Lambert Simnel taken prisoner. The King was lenient toward him, setting him to menial work in his kitchens; later, Simnel rose to be "trainer of the King's hawks,"37 and died in 1525.

The Battle of Stoke, which Andre called "the second triumph of Henry VII," finally brought the Wars of the Roses to an end, and established the Tudor dynasty more firmly on the throne. But the legacy of those wars-the heirs of the overthrown House of York, whom the Tudors feared because they were too close in blood to the throne-and the memory of the "treachery" of the "perfidious Dark Earl,"38 as Henry called Lincoln, would haunt the King and his successors for another eight decades. Stoke taught Henry VII that the elimination of his Yorkist rivals could ensure the stability of his throne and the kingdom, but the implications for Elizabeth were, of course, horrible. Her position depended on her husband's security, yet it was her close kin whose lives were at stake in the years that followed, years that would see conspiracies, plots, and rebellions all aimed at toppling Henry VII and restoring the House of York to the throne. Small wonder that, throughout Elizabeth's lifetime, Henry was "possessed with many secret fears touching his own people," and "had a settled disposition to depress all eminent persons of the House of York."39 After the victory, Henry gave thanks in Lincoln Cathedral, then rode back to rejoin Elizabeth at Kenilworth in July. In August 1487 the King and Queen visited Oxburgh Hall in Norfolk, where they were entertained by its owner, Sir Edmund Bedingfield. The present King's and Queen's Rooms on the first floor at Oxburgh were those occupied by the royal couple at this time, and were named in honor of them.

Henry had a son to succeed him; he had triumphed over his enemies, and his throne seemed more secure than ever. It was time for a celebration.

11.

"Bright Elizabeth"

Elizabeth had still not been crowned, even though her t.i.tle to the throne bolstered Henry's own and she had borne him a son and heir. English queens had customarily been crowned soon after marriage or their husbands' accessions, and Elizabeth was the first uncrowned Queen to bear an heir since the Norman Conquest of 1066. The delay was unprecedented, and it had not made Henry popular. "The root of all was the discountenancing of the House of York, which the general body of the realm still affected. This did alienate the hearts of the subjects from him daily more and more, especially when they saw that after his marriage, and after a son born, the King did nevertheless not so much as proceed to the coronation of the Queen, not vouchsafing her the honor of a matrimonial crown."1 Even Simnel's rebels had complained about the delay.2 But in September 1487, twenty months after his marriage, Henry "began to find where his shoe did wring him" and, "being now too wise to disdain perils any longer, and willing to give some contentment in that kind (at least in ceremony), resolved at last to proceed to the coronation of his Queen."3 "It was an act against his stomach, and put upon him by necessity and reason of state,"4 yet he rose magnificently to the occasion, appointing his uncle, Jasper Tudor, Duke of Bedford, to act as Lord High Steward at the coronation, Lord Stanley as High Constable, and the Earl of Oxford as Lord Chamberlain. At Michaelmas 1487, Richard Guildford was put in charge of "the jousts for the coronation of the lady Queen," and paid 100 marks [15,500].5 In September summonses were sent out commanding the n.o.bility to attend the ceremony. Following Henry's consecration, his wedding to Elizabeth, and the christening of Prince Arthur, the Queen's coronation was to be an even more spectacular means of proclaiming the legitimacy of the Tudor dynasty to the world. It was also an expression of the high regard in which he now held Elizabeth.

It does seem that Henry was at last coming to appreciate the benefits of his marriage. At this time he sent an envoy to the Pope, "signifying unto him that, like another Aeneas, he had pa.s.sed through the floods of his former troubles and travails and was arrived unto a safe haven," by which he meant his marriage to Elizabeth. His amba.s.sador, "making his oration to the Pope in the presence of the cardinals, did so magnify the King and Queen as was enough to glut the hearers."6 Henry and Elizabeth left Warwick for London on October 27, celebrating the feast of All Hallows in St. Albans a few days later. They lodged at Barnet that night, then she returned ahead of him to the capital, in readiness for her great day.

But for now the glory was to be the King's alone. On November 3, richly clothed, the Queen "went secretly" to the hospital of St. Mary Spital in Bishopsgate, where she sat in a window with the Lady Margaret and other great lords and ladies "to behold the fair and goodly sight" of her husband, the victor of Stoke, making his jubilant entry into a capital city "hugely replenished with people." Henry, "a comely and royal prince, appareled accordingly," was given a rousing welcome by citizens "that made great joy and exaltation to behold his most royal person after his late triumph and victory against his enemies." They cheered as he was escorted by Sir William Horne, the Lord Mayor, to St. Paul's, where the Te Deum was sung in honor of his triumph.7 Elizabeth and Margaret did not attend the service; they traveled down "to their beds" at Greenwich, where the King joined them two days later.

On November 7 the Court of Common Council of the City of London voted a gift of 1,000 marks for the Queen in honor of her coronation.8 Three days later a royal commission was issued to the stalwarts of Henry's regime: Jasper Tudor, Duke of Bedford; John de Vere, Earl of Oxford; Thomas Stanley, Earl of Derby; William de Berkeley, Earl of Nottingham; and three others. Stanley, as High Constable, was in overall charge of the arrangements for the ceremony.

Elizabeth's coronation far surpa.s.sed her husband's in splendor, and followed time-honored rituals: a sojourn at the Tower of London, a state entry into London, and the crowning itself in Westminster Abbey. It was timed to coincide with the feast day of the hugely popular virgin martyr, St. Katherine of Alexandria, patron saint of royal ladies, who exemplified all the virtues most admired in women and was also a queen by birth.9 On Friday, November 23, a "royally appareled" Elizabeth left Greenwich with Margaret Beaufort, attended by a great train of lords and ladies, and boarded the magnificently decorated royal barge that was to convey her to the Tower. The Londoners, as ever, were ready to put on a good show, especially to welcome this popular Queen. The City's streets had been cleaned for the official welcome celebrations; there was a great water pageant, the first recorded at the coronation of a queen; it launched a new tradition of river spectacles, which would become customary in later centuries.

"The mayor, sheriffs, aldermen, and many out of every craft [guild] attended [the Queen] in a flotilla of boats freshly furnished with banners and streamers of silk richly beseen with the arms and badges of their crafts" and rowed by liveried oarsmen. Alongside Elizabeth's boat glided the barge of the bachelors of Lincoln's Inn, "garnished and appareled, [sur]pa.s.sing all other" and containing a model of "a great red dragon"-the red dragon of Cadwaladr-that "spouted flames of fire into the Thames." The symbolism was apt, as Elizabeth, like Henry VII, claimed descent from Cadwaladr. Manned by the handsomest legal graduates, the barge kept pace side by side with the Queen's, entertaining her with sweet music and attracting the excited admiration of the many spectators thronging the riverbanks.

In the barges that followed there were "many other gentlemanly pageants, well and curiously devised to do Her Highness sport and pleasure withal," and she was "accompanied with the music of trumpets, clarions, and other minstrelsy." When she landed at Tower Wharf, "the King's Highness welcomed her in such manner and form as was to all the estates, being present, a very goodly sight, and right joyous and comfortable to behold." Then he led her across the Cradle Tower drawbridge, and so to the old royal apartments in the Lanthorn Tower, where they kept "open household and frank resort" for all the court. That night, Henry created fourteen new Knights of the Bath, as was customary at coronations, and Elizabeth joined him for a reception in their honor.

After dinner the next day, November 24, the Queen made her state entry into London. Dressed by her sisters, she was "royally appareled, having about her a kirtle of white cloth of gold of damask, and a mantle of the same suit furred with ermine, fastened before her breast with a great lace curiously wrought of gold and silk and rich knots of gold at the end, ta.s.seled. Her fair yellow hair [was] hanging down plain behind her back, with a caul of pipes over it." This was a coif cross-barred with a network of gold cords, a fashion popular in France and Italy. "She had a circlet of gold, richly garnished with precious stones upon her head," resting atop the coif. White symbolized virginity, or in Elizabeth's case chast.i.ty and purity, as did loose hair.10 Emerging in great state from the Tower, with Cecily of York carrying her train, Elizabeth climbed into an open litter richly hung with white cloth-of-gold damask and upholstered with matching cushions of down. Eight white horses were harnessed to the litter, and above it was a canopy on gilt staves borne by four of the new Knights of the Bath. Preceded by Bedford and four baronesses riding gray palfreys, and followed by her master of horse, Sir Robert Cotton, leading her horse of estate, Elizabeth was borne into the City, where huge crowds had gathered to see her and watch her progress through the streets. In a chariot behind her rode Cecily with Katherine Wydeville, d.u.c.h.ess of Bedford, and following them came another chariot carrying Elizabeth's aunt, Elizabeth, d.u.c.h.ess of Suffolk, and another bearing Margaret Chedworth, Dowager d.u.c.h.ess of Norfolk (widow of John Howard), with six baronesses on palfreys trotting behind. Also in attendance were Lord Stanley and the other new Knights of the Bath. The Queen's squires trotted along on palfreys "harnessed with cloth of gold" emblazoned with the white roses and suns of York, "richly embroidered." It was a magnificent procession, calculated to impress the crowds, enhance the reputation of the Tudor dynasty, and proclaim the universal approval of the Queen.

London was en fete. The streets were hung with tapestries, and velvet and cloth-of-gold hangings streamed from the windows in Cheapside. Along the processional route children dressed as angels, saints, and virgins sang "sweet songs as Her Grace pa.s.sed by" on her way to the Palace of Westminster.

On November 25, St. Katherine's Day, Elizabeth went to her coronation sumptuously attired in a kirtle, gown, and mantle of purple velvet, furred with ermine bands, and the same circlet of gold garnished with pearls and precious stones that she had worn the day before. This circlet was probably a gift from Henry; from the late fourteenth century at least, it had been customary for the crown worn by a queen in her coronation procession to be given to her by the King.11 With Cecily again bearing her train, Elizabeth entered Westminster Hall with her attendants and took up her position beneath a purple silk canopy of estate supported by silver lances held by the barons of the Cinque Ports. Here, she waited for the procession to form. She was attended by her aunt, the d.u.c.h.ess of Suffolk, her fourteen-year-old cousin, Margaret of Clarence, now the wife of Sir Richard Pole, and Margaret Beaufort.

As Elizabeth pa.s.sed on her way to the abbey on a "new bay-cloth" (baize) striped runner, the people surged forward behind her, each one eager to snip off a piece of the stuff on which she had trodden, such valued souvenirs were traditionally their perquisite. But the crowd was too boisterous: "there was so much people inordinately pressing to cut the bay-cloth that certain persons in the press were slain, and the order of the ladies following the Queen was broken and distroubled." This tragic incident cannot but have blighted the day for Elizabeth, who must have been painfully aware of the tragedy enacted in her wake.

In the calm of the abbey, Cecily was once more train bearer as Elizabeth walked along the nave, supported on either side by the bishops of Ely and Winchester; going before her were her uncle, John de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, carrying a gilt scepter topped with the fleur-de-lis,12 as he had at her mother's coronation; William FitzAlan, Earl of Arundel, who bore the rod with the dove; and-in his robes of estate-Jasper Tudor, Duke of Bedford, who had the honor of bearing the consort's crown. Also in the procession was the Earl of Oxford, as Lord Great Chamberlain, wearing "his Parliament robes." After the Queen and Cecily "followed the d.u.c.h.ess of Bedford and another d.u.c.h.ess and countess, appareled in mantles and surcoats of scarlet, furred and powdered, the d.u.c.h.esses having on their heads coronets of gold richly garnished with pearl and precious stones, and the countess on her head circlets of gold in like wise garnished, as doth appear in the book of pictures thereof made"-which, sadly, does not survive.

There was no tradition that prevented kings from attending the coronations of their consorts, but Henry VII allowed his wife to enjoy her hour of glory alone. He watched the whole ceremony with Margaret Beaufort and "Lady Margaret Pole, daughter to the Duke of Clarence,"13 from behind a "well-latticed" screen covered with cloth of Arras, which stood on a "goodly stage" specially erected between the altar and the pulpit. Elizabeth Wydeville was not present to see her daughter's triumph (although, as her biographer Arlene Okerlund imagines, she perhaps saw the river pageant from Bermondsey), nor were Elizabeth's younger sisters; but her half brother Dorset was there, having been allowed out of the Tower for the occasion. The abbey was packed with the n.o.bility of England, as well as fifteen bishops and seventeen abbots, demonstrating how beloved a queen Elizabeth was, and how eager people were to see her crowned, as was her right, and to endorse the joining of York and Lancaster.

John Morton, the Archbishop of Canterbury, was waiting to receive the Queen, and prayed over her as she prostrated herself on the carpet before the high altar. She knelt to be anointed with holy oil on the forehead and breast, unlacing the gown fashioned for the ceremony. Then her coronation ring, symbolizing her faithfulness, was blessed, after which she received the scepter and rod, and was "with great solemnity crowned." The ritual followed had been laid out for the crowning of a Queen consort in Westminster Abbey's Liber Regalis, a late fourteenth-century illuminated ma.n.u.script containing the Latin orders of royal services, including coronations, which was in use from 1399 to 1559. The prayers dated back to the twelfth century, exhorting the Queen to virtuous conduct, so that, like the five wise virgins, she would be worthy of the Celestial Bridegroom-or rather, the King's bed.14 It is not known for certain which crown was blessed and placed on Elizabeth's head. "A crown and two rods for a queen" are first recorded in an inventory of "precious relics" taken in 1450, but they were probably older than that. "Queen Edith's crown" is listed in a Commonwealth inventory of 1649.15 In 1045, Edith of Wess.e.x had married the Saxon king, Edward the Confessor, whose crown was used at the coronation of every monarch, but the crown that bore her name was probably not Saxon in origin. It was apparently the consort's crown added to the regalia in the late fourteenth century, and was recorded in 1649 as being "of silver gilt enriched with garnets, foul pearl, sapphires, and other stones," and valued at 16 [1,200]. It is tempting to conclude that Queen Edith's crown was regarded as being invested with a similar sanct.i.ty to her husband's, but there seems to have been no tradition of crowning queens with a hereditary crown.

In a panel painting known as the St. George altarpiece, which dates from ca. 150309 and is now in the Royal Collection (see Appendix I), Elizabeth is shown wearing a very ornate imperial crown-a "closed" crown featuring gold arches. This type of crown-as opposed to a traditional open circlet with crosses and fleurs-de-lis-was first worn in England by Henry V (reigned 141322). Similar crowns appear in drawings of Richard III and Anne Neville in the Rous Roll, and in various images of Richard III and Edward IV. A drawing of the wedding of Henry V and Katherine of Valois, in the Beauchamp Pageant, dating from ca. 1485, shows them both wearing imperial crowns. The earliest image of an English queen wearing an imperial crown is a medal of Margaret of Anjou, dating from 1463. Henry VII also wears one in the St. George altarpiece, but it differs from Elizabeth's so it is unlikely that they were made at the same time; possibly Elizabeth was wearing the one made for Margaret of Anjou, which was probably also worn by Anne Neville and perhaps Elizabeth Wydeville. The King and Queen wear their imperial crowns in an illumination in the "Ordinances of the Confraternity of the Immaculate Conception" of 1503 (see Appendix I), and these crowns are probably the same ones that appear in the St. George altarpiece. By the fifteenth century it had become customary for a queen to wear her crown on the anniversary of her coronation, so it is possible that the crown worn by Elizabeth in the painting is the one that had become a.s.sociated with her, which she wore for her crowning. As one of the crown jewels, it was normally entrusted to the care of the Master of the Jewel House in the Tower of London.

None of Elizabeth's crowns survive. The ancient crown jewels, as symbols of monarchy, were "totally broken and defaced" in the seventeenth century under Oliver Cromwell because they symbolized "the destestable rule of kings." Detailed inventories were made of what was destroyed, but Elizabeth's imperial crown does not appear to be listed. Almost certainly it was used by at least one later Queen. A woodcut depicting the coronation of Henry VIII shows Katherine of Aragon being crowned with a very similar crown, probably the one used by her mother-in-law. Like Elizabeth, she wears hers on top of her long-lappeted gable hood in a stained-gla.s.s window in St. Margaret's Church, Westminster. This is not the crown that appears in Elizabeth I's coronation portrait (or in any of her numerous portraits), so by 1559 it had probably gone out of fashion; Elizabeth's granddaughter's crowns have wider arches. The likelihood is that her own crown had already been melted down and perhaps remodeled.

While Ma.s.s was said, Elizabeth remained seated on the ancient coronation chair, then the pax was brought to her. She kissed it and went to the altar, where she prostrated herself again to make her confession. After this, she was given communion, then enthroned once more. The ceremony culminated with the Queen escorted to St. Edward's shrine, where she laid her crown on the altar dedicated to him.

A ma.n.u.script drawing of the coronation of Joan of Navarre, wife of Henry IV, in 1403,16 but dating from ca. 148590, might more accurately portray the crowning of Elizabeth of York. It shows a queen seated on a throne on a raised platform beneath a canopy of estate bearing the royal arms, with two bishops placing the crown on her head, and lords and ladies standing at the foot of the steps. The Queen wears traditional ceremonial dress of a style dating back to the fourteenth century: a sideless surcoat with a kirtle beneath, and a mantle fastened across the upper chest with cords and ta.s.sels. Her hair, by custom, is loose.

It has been suggested17 that Thomas Ashwell's anthem may have been sung at Elizabeth's coronation, given the repeated emphasis on her name: G.o.d save King Henry, whereso'er he be, And for Queen Elizabeth now pray we, And for all her n.o.ble progeny.

G.o.d save the Church of Christ from any folly; And for Queen Elizabeth now pray we.18 The ceremony over, the procession then re-formed and Elizabeth returned to the Palace of Westminster. While she washed and refreshed herself in preparation for her coronation banquet in Westminster Hall, Bedford acted as the Queen's Champion. Riding a horse trapped with red roses and dragons, he led other mounted lords around the hall, ensuring that the hordes of spectators were kept well back. Then the Queen and her train entered and the banquet commenced. Again the King and his mother played no part, watching from another latticed closet hung with cloth of Arras, set up on "a goodly stage" in a window embrasure to the left of the high table, "that they might privily, at their pleasure, see that n.o.ble feast and service."

Elizabeth, wearing her crown, sat alone at the high table at the top of a flight of steps. "The Lady Katherine Grey and Mistress Ditton went under [in front of] the table and sat at the Queen's feet; and the countesses of Oxford and Rivers kneeled on either side, and certain times held a kerchief before Her Grace." Archbishop Morton, seated nearest the Queen on her right, was guest of honor. When all were in place, the trumpeters and minstrels standing on a stage at the farther end of the hall "began to blow," and knights entered the hall in procession, carrying a vast array of dishes up to the high table, where the Queen would make her choices before they were offered to others. The first dish was a subtlety, an elaborate sugar sculpture, often with dynastic or political symbolism.

John Ratcliffe, Lord Fitzwalter, the Queen's "sewer or dapifer, came before her in his surcoat with tabard sleeves, his hood about his neck and a towel over all, and sewed [essayed, or tasted] all the messes" (portions of food sufficient for four people). The royal cooks had excelled themselves: twenty-four dishes were offered to the Queen at the first course: "shields of brawn in armor," frumenty (wheat porridge) with venison; a rich "bruet," or brewet (broth with meat); minced venison with spices and dried fruits, "pheasant royal," "swan with chawdron" (spiced entrails), capons of high grease, "lampreys in galantine" (eels in a seasoned bread sauce spiced with ginger), crane with cretonne (a thick meat soup with almonds and eggs), pike in Latimer sauce; "heron with his sique," or sake, another word for sauce; carp "in foil" (leaves), kid, perch in jelly, "coneys of high grease," "mutton royal richly garnished," "Valence baked" (raisins or almonds), "custard royal," "tart poleyn"-probably baked in the shape of the piece of armor that protected the kneecap, "leyse damask" (lees-residual yeast from ale or wine-in rosewater), ruby-red fruit "sinopia," "fruit formage"-formage being old French for cheese; and another subtlety, which is not described.

The tables were then cleared for the second course, which was heralded by another fanfare of trumpets and the parading of a third subtlety, this time served with hippocras (spiced wine). A further twenty-seven dishes were offered: mawmenny (rich beef or chicken broth) garnished with lozenges of gold leaf; roast peac.o.c.k in hackle, i.e., re-dressed in its plumage; bitterns, pheasants, "browes" (broth or gravy), "egrets in beorwetye" (possibly a beer sauce), c.o.c.ks, partridge, sturgeon with fresh fennel, plovers, suckling rabbit, "seal in fenyn [leeks] entirely served richly," red shanks, snipe, quails, "larks engrailed" (presumably in a pie with an indented crust), crayfish, "venison in paste royal" (pastry), baked quinces, marchpane royal, cold baked meats, "lethe of Cyprus" and "lethe ruby" (milk puddings), fritters, "castles of jelly in temple-wise made," and a last subtlety.19 During the meal the King's minstrels "played a song before the Queen."

After the feast, Elizabeth distributed largesse three times, as was customary at coronations, and Garter King of Arms, "with other kings of arms, heralds, and pursuivants, did their obeisance, and in the name of all the officers, gave the Queen thanks, saying, 'Right high, mighty, most n.o.ble and excellent Princess, most Christian Queen, and all our most dread sovereign and liege lady, we, the officers of arms and servants to all n.o.bles, beseech Almighty G.o.d to thank you for the great and abundant largesse which Your Grace has given us in honor of your most honorable and righteous coronation, and to send Your Grace to live in honor and virtue.' " And he cried her largesse "in five places of the hall."

"Then played the Queen's minstrels, and after them the minstrels of other estates." A bowl and towel were presented so the Queen could wash her hands, whereupon the trumpets sounded, "fruit and wafers" were served to her, and the Lord Mayor, Sir William Horne, came forward and offered her the traditional golden goblet of hippocras-wine infused with costly spices-in return for which she gave him a covered gold cup in fee. "And after the feast the Queen departed with G.o.d's blessing and the rejoicing of many a true Englishman's heart."

Verses were composed in her honor, such as this one, "Prophecy for the Crowned Queen," probably written by Bernard Andre: Descend, Calliope, from your sacred ridge, descend, bearing the quill of clean-shaven Apollo, and come with your Pythian lyre, first of the Muses.

The Queen, progeny of highest Jove, whiter than the roses of spring, bears her crown as Diana leaps brightly from the midst of rose gardens.

Sprung from the n.o.blest G.o.ds of heaven, you were joined by divine majesty to so great a prince, who excels all the earth with becoming virtues.

O nymph, who gave wondrous birth to such a prince, and who surpa.s.ses the divinities in virtue, you are blessed more than the mother of Phoebus, begotten of a great father.

Her chast.i.ty, sworn by united compact, restored increased limits of justice for all ages in which the peaceful Sibyl reigns in love.

O Commonwealth, the Queen with joyous heart takes up her glorious crown.

Rejoice for both roses, and ever celebrate them with honour.

With "divine inspiration," Andre "foretold the success of the happy prince," Arthur, while lauding his "distinguished mother." Calliope, the G.o.ddess muse of epic poetry, was the inspirer of this panegyric, along with Apollo, or Phoebus, the G.o.d of music and prophecy, light and the sun. Diana was a huntress but, more importantly here, the virgin G.o.ddess of women and childbirth. The Sibyl had the gift of prophecy. The theme of the roses predominates.

On the morning after the coronation, the King and Queen, the Lady Margaret and the princesses, heard Ma.s.s in St. Stephen's Chapel, "n.o.bly accompanied" by eighty peeresses, ladies, and gentlewomen. Then Elizabeth went in procession to the Parliament chamber, where "she kept her estate" to receive guests, sitting on her throne under a canopy of estate, with the Lady Margaret seated firmly at her right hand, and her aunt, the d.u.c.h.ess of Bedford, and Cecily of York, on her left. They sat together thus at the banquet that followed, with the Archbishop of Canterbury and many d.u.c.h.esses and baronesses also at the table. After dinner Elizabeth presided over the celebrations at court, during which she and her ladies danced. On that day, November 26, Elizabeth was finally a.s.signed her dower as Queen of England. The next day she was conveyed by barge to Greenwich Palace.

12.

"Elysabeth ye Quene"

As Queen, Elizabeth had her own household and administrative officers. They were an extension of the King's court, and very much a part of it, although they operated separately, enabling her to fulfill her duties in her husband's absence. Her household and estates were her legitimate sphere of influence,1 and it was through them that she could exercise patronage, but no queen could function without an army of officers and servants to support her, headed by her councilors and her chamberlain; and all were answerable ultimately to the King.2 They organized all her "matters and businesses" for her, from managing her estates and maintaining standards in her household to buying clothing, providing entertainment, and arranging pilgrimages and visits to her children. They were appointed by the Queen herself, or by the King or members of his council.

The Queen had her own council to govern her affairs, which comprised her chief administrative officers-her chamberlain, chancellor, receiver-general (who collected her rents and revenues), secretary, attorney-general, sergeants-at-law, knights carver, the clerk to her council, and several n.o.blemen. It probably met in the chamber in Westminster Palace that had been used since 1404 by the councils of previous queens. The function of the Queen's council was to give her advice, oversee the administration of her lands, deal with her legal business, and act as a court of appeal.3 These were areas in which she and her council enjoyed some autonomy and took their own internal decisions without reference to the King. The business they transacted would be administered by clerks and other officials. Elizabeth's chancellor, Edward Chaderton, had been Treasurer of the Chamber to Richard III. Richard Eliot was her attorney, Richard Bedell her auditor, John Holland keeper of the council chamber, and John Mordant, her sergeant-at-law.4 Sir Thomas Lovell, who led the commons when they pet.i.tioned the King to marry, was the first treasurer of the Queen's chamber, and treasurer of the King's chamber and household. It was not uncommon for a man to serve both the King and the Queen in similar capacities. The Queen's treasurer, unlike her council, was accountable to the Exchequer.5 John Yotton was the Queen's secretary. Richard Deacons was her clerk of the signet, cofferer, accountant, and surveyor of her lands. In 1503 his salary was 10 [4,860]. In addition, "for his costs lying in London about the Queen's matters and business" and riding out to survey the Queen's lands, he received 16.13s.4d. [8,100]. Paper, ink, and sealing wax was provided for him at an annual cost of 3.6s.8d. [1,620].6 Elizabeth's most important personal servant was her chamberlain, to which office the King's friend, the wealthy Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond, was appointed "with the Queen's good grace."7 His task was to rule her privy chamber, and by August 1486 he had been rewarded for his "good and acceptable service to the King and his consort, to their singular pleasure."8 His chief duty was to look to his mistress's welfare and comfort. He appointed and supervised her staff, ensured that due ceremonial was observed in her household and whenever she appeared in public, and made sure that she was properly attired at all times.9 Much of his work was delegated, of course.

The Queen's chamberlain had under him a vice chamberlain and many ladies, gentlemen, household officers, knights carver, esquires, valets, ushers, grooms, pages, and porters. Menial servants, such as kitchen staff, were employed by the King's household, but the Queen had to pay their wages when her husband was away, and it has been estimated that Henry and Elizabeth were apart for an average of four or five months each year. When they were residing together she was obliged to pay 7 [3,400] a day for their services. She also employed a personal chef, Brice, the "cook of the Queen's mouth," and a "gentleman of the pantry," Richard Brampton.10 Sir Roger Cotton, Elizabeth's master of horse, had responsibility not only for supplying and caring for the Queen's horses, but also for her traveling arrangements. Elizabeth journeyed widely around England. Her main form of transport was a horse litter (also known as a chair or chariot), a covered but unsprung wagon, which was "appareled" in velvet at a cost of 22.9s.8d. [11,000]. She also owned "palfreys and other horses,"11 and would have used the former for riding when she wasn't pregnant.

Cotton was a.s.sisted in his duties by John Reading, the clerk of the Queen's aviary-her "avener." In July 1486, Reading was paid 51 [25,000] for various "expenses of stable," and later that year he received further payments of 50 "for his expenses in waiting upon the palfreys and other horses of the Queen," and "for the expenses of her horses and other necessaries of her stable," and also "for the expenses of the Queen's palfreys and offices." Cotton himself received various payments for "harness and other necessaries." Nicholas Mayor was the Queen's saddler.12 Elizabeth's privy purse expenses show that she had horses stabled at the royal stud at Stratfield Mortimer, Berkshire, Havering, Ess.e.x, Fotheringhay, and Ham, near Richmond,13 and no doubt others were stabled elsewhere. The King gave frequent payments to Elizabeth for the support of her horses, in which she evidently took a keen and affectionate interest, given the many references to them in the records.

Nicholas Gainsford and Arnold Chollerton were "ushers of the chamber to the King's most dear consort," with responsibility for many tasks, the most important being controlling entrance to the Queen's apartments. Gainsford, who was granted an annuity of 20 [10,000] in June 1486, had served Elizabeth Wydeville in the same capacity, and his wife, Margaret Sidney, was in the household of both Queen Elizabeths in turn. Nicholas Matthew was a yeoman of the Queen's chamber; in 1502 she recompensed him for the charges he had incurred after being injured by servants of Sir William Sandys. John Duffin, William Pole, John Field, Thomas Woodnote, and John Staunton were grooms of the chamber, and Edmund and Edward Calvert, William Gentleman, and John Bright pages of the chamber. Owen Whitstones was the Queen's messenger, receiving 2 [970] per annum.14 "The boys and pages of the Queen's chamber" were sometimes handsomely rewarded with sums of 40 [19,500]; it was the responsibility of the pages of the chamber to keep Elizabeth's jewels securely.15 Her portraits show that she owned many costly pieces. George Hamerton was groom porter. William Denton was the Queen's carver, as well as the King's, and his high salary of 26.13s.4d. [12,960] reflected the perception that carving meat was the attribute of a gentleman. Elizabeth also had her own cupbearers and servers.16 One grant from the King was made "in consideration of the true and faithful service which our well-beloved Richard Smythe, the yeoman of the robes with our dearest wife, the Queen, hath done to us."17 The Queen's wardrobe, where her clothing and personal household stuff were stored, was headed by Smythe, appointed on June 20, 1486,18 and was staffed by a groom, Ellis Hilton, and pages.19 The pages were busy men, for the Queen's clothes, food hampers, and other effects were frequently transported from one house to another, whenever she changed residences, and they also had to make each set of lodgings ready for her.20 In 1502, for instance, Richard Justice, page of the robes, was dispatched from the Great Wardrobe at Blackfriars to Westminster to fetch a gown for the Queen. Richard Deacons gave him 8d. for hiring a boat; 5d. "for conveying all the Queen's lined gowns from London to Westminster by water, and for men's labor that bare the same gowns" to and from the water; 5d. "for bringing the Queen's furred gowns"; 4d. for conveying "such stuff as remaineth there"; 4d. for "going from Westminster to London for black damask, and for a frontlet of gold for the Queen"; and 6d. for making a new key for the "great standard" at her wardrobe of the robes and mending two locks. His expenses totaled 2s.8d. [70]. His duties also included mending and hemming Elizabeth's clothes.21 John Coope was keeper "of the Queen's stuff of her wardrobe of the beds" at Baynard's Castle. John Belly and William Hamerton (probably a relation of George) were "yeomen of the Queen's stuff of her wardrobe of the beds," John Brown was groom of the beds, and Henry Roper, Benjamin Digby, Thomas Swan, and William Paston were pages of the beds, and were each paid 1.13s.4d. [810]. Elizabeth bought William Paston his wedding clothes in 1502. The pages of the beds were responsible for seeing that the Queen's bed was properly arrayed and made up. Her wardrobes had a clerk to help with administration.22 Lewis Walter was the Queen's bargeman, with responsibility for the twenty-one oarsmen who rowed her barge-gaily decked out in her colors of blue and murrey-along the Thames, where most of the royal palaces were situated.23 Transport by river through London was quicker, as the streets were so narrow and overcrowded.

Lewis Gough, John Rede, Richard Chollerton (probably a relation of Arnold), and Thomas Barton, who accompanied Elizabeth's daughter Margaret to Scotland in 1503, were the Queen's footmen. They wore gowns of tawny damask, doublets of yellow Bruges satin, and jackets of black velvet.24 Elizabeth had her own medical team. She did not forget the debt she owed to Dr. Lewis Caerleon, who had served her mother and been so active on their behalf during the dangerous days of 1483, and received him into her service as her physician.25 He died around 149495.26 Robert Taylor was her surgeon,27 but the word then meant one who works with instruments, inferior to a physician, although surgery had for some time been a recognized branch of medicine. Many surgeons were also barbers, who acted as dentists and performed blood-letting, operations, and amputations (the red and white barber's pole represents a limb in a b.l.o.o.d.y bandage), all of course without anesthetics. John Pickenham and John Grice were the Queen's apothecaries.28 She had her own chaplains, who administered to her spiritual needs. One was Henry Haute, her maternal kinsman. Another, Jacques Haute, also related, was her servitor. One of Elizabeth's chaplains, Christopher Plummer, later became confessor to Katherine of Aragon.29 Elizabeth's confessor in 1502 was Dr. Edmund Underwood.30 One example of the Queen operating within her permitted sphere occurred in the autumn of 1498, when, upon the death of Giovanni de' Gigli (who had written the epithalamium on her wedding), she put forward her confessor as a candidate for the vacant see of Worcester. When Pope Alexander VI wrote to the King suggesting his own nominee-Gigli's nephew, Silvestro-Henry replied that he had already promised the see to the Queen's confessor. In the end, however, it went to Silvestro de' Gigli.31 In 1501, Elizabeth took her half brother, Arthur Plantagenet, Edward IV's illegitimate son by Elizabeth Lucy (nee Waite), into her household, possibly through the good offices of Margaret Beaufort. That year, Margaret mentioned doing the King's pleasure "for the b.a.s.t.a.r.d of King Edward's," which, she said, she "would be glad to fulfill to my little power."32 Older than Elizabeth by three to five years, Arthur Plantagenet was "the gentlest heart living," according to the future Henry VIII, who liked him enormously-until Arthur fell foul of him in 1540. Elizabeth would have known him well in childhood, for he was raised at her father's court. In 1472 the Exchequer accounts record that the King's tailor was paid for robes for "my lord the b.a.s.t.a.r.d"-probably a reference to Arthur. But after that he disappears from the record, and it may be that when his father died, he went to live with his mother's family near Southampton. The next mention of him occurs in 1501, when, as "Arthur Waite," he entered Elizabeth's service as her carver.33 He was probably the "Master Arthur" (occupation not specified), paid a handsome salary of 26.13s.4d. [12,960] in 1503.34 Most of the members of the Queen's household were men; the women who served her were those who kept her company or attended to her personal needs. Her life was governed by ceremonial and ritual, even in private. She was rarely alone; there was always someone in attendance or within earshot-usually her ladies, gentlewomen, and female servants, who were naturally chosen from the higher ranks of society. These were the women whom the Queen saw daily, in whose company she spent much of her life, and who might, with luck, become her friends.35 They had to be congenial to her, and virtuous, for their conduct would reflect upon her.

Places in the Queen's household were much sought after, for they provided women with status and an independent income, as well as perquisites, pensions for good service on retirement, and privileged access to their mistress-and sometimes the King himself-from which could flow the lucrative benefits of patronage. Effectively they were career women, and if they were as efficient as they were well-connected, they could look forward to years in royal service.

Elizabeth's mother once had just five ladies-in-waiting, but Spanish amba.s.sador Rodrigo de Puebla was astonished to discover that "the Queen has thirty-two ladies, very magnificent and in splendid style,"36 who attended her even in private. Eighteen of them were n.o.ble-women.37 In 150203, Elizabeth had seven maids of honor, who each received salaries of 6.13s.4d. [3,300], while sixteen gentlewomen each got 3.6s.8d. [1,620] per annum. There were also three chamberers-women who attended the Queen in her chamber or, more specifically, bedchamber.38 All the Queen's unmarried sisters waited on her. Cecily was her chief attendant until her marriage in 1487, when she was replaced by Anne. Next in precedence came Lady Elizabeth Stafford (d. after 1544), who served as first lady of the bedchamber from 1494, at the latest. The daughter of Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, by Katherine Wydeville, she was Elizabeth's first cousin. She married Sir Walter Herbert, who died in 1507, and then George Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon. The highest paid of the Queen's female attendants, she received a salary of 33.6s.8d. [16,300].39 Margaret, Lady Pole, was another of the Queen's cousins. Her husband, Sir Richard Pole, was a kinsman of Margaret Beaufort and great-grandson of the poet Geoffrey Chaucer. He had been in the service of the future Edward V at Ludlow, and fought for his cousin Henry Tudor at Bosworth. His marriage to Margaret had been arranged to bind another Yorkist claimant to the royal house. Elizabeth's aunt, Mary FitzLewes, Lady Rivers, widow of the executed Anthony Wydeville, was also one of her favored attendants.40 These close relations ranked above the ladies-in-waiting, married women who waited daily upon Elizabeth; some were there because their husbands served the King in his Privy Chamber. Impeccable courtesy, discretion, and social skills would have been expected of them, and indeed of all the women and girls who served the Queen. The ladies-in-waiting were her constant daily companions in her privy chamber; they attended her on ceremonial occasions and in private, and their function was to provide pleasant and decorous companionship at all times. They had to have "a vigilant and reverent respect and eye," so that they might notice by their mistress's "look or countenance what lacketh, or is her pleasure to be had or done."41 Elizabeth's ladies were required to be accomplished in dancing, singing, playing musical instruments, and other pastimes beloved by their royal mistress. Besides music and watching players and other entertainers, Elizabeth took pleasure in her gardens, and enjoyed gambling at games of chance, dice and cards.42 Playing cards, which originated in China, became popular in Europe in the late fourteenth century. The four suits we know today originated in France around 1480, and so would have been known at Henry VII's court. It was in the fifteenth century that kings, queens, and knaves began to feature on the cards. The "knave" derives from the German knabe, meaning a male child or prince.

An old tradition, probably apocryphal, has it that the image of the queen of hearts in a pack of playing cards represents Elizabeth of York. It is said that, after her death, Henry VII ordered her image to appear on every deck of cards, in commemoration of the love they had shared. Certainly the long-lappeted gable headdress resembles the type she is known to have worn, and the queen of hearts is usually shown holding a Tudor rose. But others have claimed that the lady is meant to be Helen of Troy, and still others argue that the figures on playing cards represent no one in particular.

Dancing was often practiced in the Queen's chamber in preparation for court entertainments, or just for its own sake. The ladies would also have been diverted by the antics of Elizabeth's fools, Patch and William. Henry VII once bought new shoes for Patch, and Elizabeth paid for William to be boarded out for several months while he was sick; she also bought coats, shirts, and shoes for her fools.43 Every married woman in Elizabeth's train was expected to put the Queen's needs before those of her family, for royal service meant spending long periods at court. Time off was allowed for confinements, but once the baby was established with a nurse, the mother would return to court.

Next in rank after the ladies-in-waiting came the maids of honor, unmarried, well-born girls who were often appointed by the recommendation of the ladies-in-waiting, or through the influence of their relations or friends at court. The usual age for appointment was around sixteen. Since Edward IV's reign, beauty had been a prerequisite, since it would enhance the appearance of the Queen's entourage, and attract suitable husbands for the girls in question. Ambitious parents would compete to place their daughters in the Queen's household, for she and the King were better placed than anyone to arrange advantageous marriages for them, upon which they might be promoted to the rank of lady-in-waiting. Maids of honor were therefore expected to be virtuous, for their mistress was in loco parentis, and no scandal could reflect upon her name.

Also residing in the Queen's household, but not in her service, were the daughters and gentlewomen of her ladies, many of whom made good marriages through living at court. All the women attendant upon the Queen and her ladies had accommodation and board at court, as well as stabling for their horses. In addition to their salaries, they received new liveries and clothing at Christmas and Whitsun, and for coronations, royal weddings, and funerals. They were given gifts by the King and Queen at New Year and at other times, often in recognition of good service, and if they were lucky they were granted annuities and pensions, which could be quite substantial.44 The names of many of Elizabeth's female attendants are known, although it is not possible to determine in what capacity they all served. They are listed in alphabetical order in Appendix II. Some had clearly been appointed at the behest of the King or Margaret Beaufort. Several served Elizabeth for many years, and were later rewarded for good service; some were entrusted with positions in the households of the royal children. The Queen's personal household, like the court, was composed of people who were often related to her and/or to one another, making it almost a familial organization.

Elizabeth's female attendants would have dressed her, for help was essential, given the elaborate clothing worn by high-ranking ladies of the period. Queens were not expected to perform even personal tasks for themselves, so they also washed and bathed her, and attended her when she used the privy or close stool, wiping her with a clean cloth afterward. It was taken for granted that body servants, who were required to be of gentle rank, would be in attendance even for the most intimate of functions.

It was a mark of rank to look clean and smell pleasant. Since the thirteenth century, kings and queens had the luxury of piped hot and cold water from a cistern, and Elizabeth was fortunate in that she had many servants, but not everyone at court was fastidious, and sanitation was poor: hers was a world scented with herbs, spices, and flowers-variously spread or sprinkled on rush matting, napery, food, bedding, and parts of the body-so that offensive smells might be camouflaged. Good manners dictated that the upper cla.s.ses washed on rising, before and after meals, and on retiring for the night; the royal chamberlains would be at hand at those times with a basin and a towel of fine Holland cloth. Yet it is not known how often, or how thoroughly, people actually washed themselves. Elizabeth's father, Edward IV, had his head, hands, and feet washed every Sat.u.r.day, which suggests there was a difference between the ideal and the reality. The rich did take baths fairly often, using a wooden tub lined with cloth and covered with a canopy. The bather sat on a bed of sponges, which were also used to wash her with herbs, rosewater, and soap, and was attended by servants who spread mats for her to stand on and who stood ready with towels. Toothpicks and cloths were used to clean and buff teeth, and Elizabeth's attendants would have tidied her hair with an ivory comb.

All the Queen's ladies were expected to be expert needlewomen, as much of their time was spent working with costly materials and threads of silk and gold, embroidering altar cloths, hangings, bedding, and garments, or sewing clothing such as fine shirts. These might be given as New Year's gifts. Elizabeth Lock was the Queen's silkwoman, and also made items for the King. At Christmas 1502, Elizabeth paid her for "certain bonnets, frontlets, and other stuff of her occupation for her own wearing."45 Like many aristocratic women, Elizabeth enjoyed embroidery. She employed a French embroiderer, Robinet, who got board and wages, and hired other embroiderers,46 but embroidered the King's garter robe herself, using Venetian gold that Henry had purchased,47 and in 1502 she paid 8d. [16] for an ell of linen cloth "for a sampler." A sampler at that time was an embroidery specimen or template that could be copied.48 Much time was devoted by the Queen and her ladies to making, mending, embellishing, or trying on clothes. In an age of outward display, appearance counted for much, and it was expected of them to enhance the splendor of the court by the resplendence of their attire. Elizabeth's ladies were required to dress almost as lavishly-and expensively-as she did: despite strict sumptuary laws restricting the wearing of certain materials to certain ranks, their dress was to reflect their employer's status rather than their families'. The rich materials and long trains worn at court reflected the wealth and status of their wearers, for such fabrics were dear. Needless to say, it cost a lot to equip a girl for royal service.

As Queen, Elizabeth was expected to dress more magnificently than any other woman. The measure of a monarch's standing was judged by the conspicuous display he and his family maintained, and clothing was an outward sign of rank, which was why sumptuary laws were regularly-and sometimes ineffectively-pa.s.sed, and anyone wearing apparel above their station was liable to a fine. The King instructed the Great Wardrobe and his own chamber to issue Elizabeth with the more expensive items that she needed, which was a great boon in view of her limited income. The Great Wardrobe also supplied clothing, normally of black or tawny, for the ladies and gentlewomen of the Queen's household, although peeresses in attendance were expected to wear their own rich attire. The King did not stint on such items, recognizing the importance of outward display,49 but Elizabeth had to pay the cost of transporting her clothes whenever she changed residences.50 The chief item of dress worn by women was the gown, which had a fitted bodice, a natural waistline, and a flowing skirt. Sleeves were usually narrow until ca. 1500, when they became fashionably wider; in 1502, Elizabeth ordered her tailor, Robert Ragdale, to line a gown of black velvet with wide sleeves with black sarcenet.51 Narrow sleeves had cuffs, sometimes of fur, as can be seen in Elizabeth's portraits, and fur was often used to trim the neckline, line the gown, or as a border on the skirt. During Elizabeth's lifetime the square neck replaced the boat-shaped or V-shaped necklines of her younger years. She seems to have favored black above other colors, black then being one of the costliest dyeing processes and therefore a symbol of status, but she also owned gowns of crimson, purple, gold, and other hues.52 Some of her gowns were of wool; some had a deep contrasting border at the hem, as can be seen in the Whitehall mural (see Appendix I), where it is of ermine, or purfils, which were decorative edgings. One russet velvet gown had a purfil of cloth of gold and damask; another of purple velvet had a purfil of cloth of gold.53 Beneath the gown was worn an undergown called a kirtle. Kirtles were not usually made of the rich fabrics in gowns, unless they were on display when trains were looped up at the back: they could be of silk or worsted, and like outer gowns were often lined with wool. Elizabeth's privy purse expenses show payments for several kirtles and the hemming of one of damask.54 Gowns and kirtles were made for the Queen and her ladies by tailors of the Great Wardrobe, or by professional tailors. Elizabeth's tailors were Robert Johnson of the Merchant Adventurers' Company, Robert Ragdale, Stephen Higham, and Robert Addington; Thomas Staunton was her cutter.55 However, she and the women attendant on her made their own body linen, which comprised smocks (the basic undergarment), kerchiefs (for the neck or nose), and head rails (coifs). Heavy fabrics could only be brushed or sponged, so smocks were worn next to the skin to preserve gowns and kirtles from sweat stains and keep them fresh. Smocks could be changed and laundered frequently, although that might have meant weekly. The Queen's laundress, Agnes Dean, was paid 3.6s.8d. [1,620] a year.56 In 1486, Thomas Fuller, mercer of London, provided Elizabeth with "linen cloth" for body linen such as smocks; this cost 8.2s. [4,000].57 She also owned petticoats of scarlet and linen, and socks of white fustian.58 It has long been thought that women in this period wore no undergarments apart from smocks and hose, but in 2012 well-preserved linen underclothing resembling a bra and (male?) thong, thought to date from ca. 1480, were found in a vault in Lengberg Castle, East Tyrol. Hilary Davidson, fashion curator at the Museum of London, believes it is "entirely probable" that similar garments were worn in late medieval England.59 If so, it is credible that Elizabeth might have owned something similar. One would not normally expect to find any surviving due to their flimsy nature, so the Austrian undergarments are unique examples.

Coifs were worn beneath hoods, which were usually in the English gable style. During this period they had long lappets, frontlets, and a black veil, and were usually of black velvet or silk with decorative, sometimes bejeweled, trims. "Frontlets of gold" are itemized in Elizabeth's privy purse expenses,60 and Henry VII once made her a gift of them.61 Elizabeth's headdresses were usually bought from Mrs. Lock, her silkwoman, who made her bonnets, hoods, and frontlets. Joan Wilc.o.c.k of Yorkshire, another silkwoman, supplied the Queen with a bonnet on May 25, 1502, and "certain bonnets, frontlets, and other stuff" in January 1503, for which she was paid 20 of a bill totaling 60.6s.5d. [29,300], Elizabeth signing the bill with her own hand.62 Cloaks were worn as outer wear. Elizabeth owned several, and her privy purse accounts also mention stoles (large shawls). She also purchased laces, ribbon, and lengths of sarcenet in eight colors to make girdles and tippets (shoulder capes). Late in 1502, Richard Weston brought her "certain harnesses of girdles" from France costing 4.10s. [2,190].63 The Queen's shoes were bought by the dozen, single- or double-soled pairs with tin or latten (copper alloy, like bra.s.s) buckles costing a shilling [25]. It is often claimed that she could not afford expensive buckles for her shoes, but in fact she bought the same kind as her wealthy mother-in-law. At Christmas 1502 she bought buskins, which were knee-high boots of leather or silk, usually with turned-down tops.64 In the first year of their marriage, Henry VII saw to it that Elizabeth was suitably accoutred as befit a queen. On February 10, 1486, she was provided with ten yards of black velvet at 16s. [400] a yard, and twelve yards of purple velvet at 21s. [510] a yard, for two gowns. For the first Easter after her marriage, she was lavishly supplied with luxury fabrics and tr.i.m.m.i.n.gs. Hildebrand Vannonhawe, furrier, was paid 44.2s. [21,500] for "forty-nine timbers of ermines, for the furring of one gown of the Lady Elizabeth, Queen of England, at 18s. [440] the timber." The Queen's skinner, Richard Story, was paid 31.14s. [1,600] for powdering these ermines65 and st.i.tching them to the gown. Elizabeth had gowns and kirtles of white damask cloth of gold trimmed with powdered ermines.66 In 1502 another of the Queen's skinners, Master Hayward, was paid for furring a crimson gown for Princess Margaret and adding cuffs of pampilion, a fur that may have come from Pamplona, Navarre.67 John Exnyng, grocer of London, supplied three yards of green cloth of gold "for the use of the lady the Queen" for 13.10s. [6,600]; and Richard Smythe, yeoman of her wardrobe, bought Elizabeth "black silk of damask and crimson satin" costing 11.5s.6d. [5,500]. Above this, the King commanded his wife to be given "ten verges [yards] of crimson velvet" and the sum of 90 [44,000].68 Such prices give us a good idea of how expensive-and sumptuous-the clothing of the upper cla.s.ses was in Tudor times.

Four months later, in July, Elizabeth's wardrobe was further embellished. Hildebrand Vannonhawe received 42.2s. [20,500] for forty-nine "timbers of ermines for a gown for the Queen," and another fifteen timbers were bought for the same gown for 10 [4,860] from Gerard Venmar. Both were probably Flemish merchants. John Exnyng was paid 13.10s. [6,600] for three yards of green cloth of gold, all "to the Queen's use." Richard Smythe bought "divers silks" for 11.5s.6d. [5,500]. By 1487 there were "divers workers and furriers working for the lady the Queen," all of whom were paid wages.69 Over the years, the King gave Elizabeth occasional, sometimes very personal gifts of money, jewels, ornaments, furs, gowns, frontlets, crimson satin for a kirtle, robes furred with miniver, fur-lined night boots, gold wire for tr.i.m.m.i.n.gs, a communion cloth, beds, and household essentials such as hammers. He also purchased a lion "for the Queen's Grace," costing 2.13s.4d. [1,300], which was no doubt sent straight to the royal menagerie in the Tower.70 But having outlaid a fortune on his wife's wardrobe, Henry evidently expected her to make things last, and her accounts show that her gowns were continually mended, turned, "new-bodied," or newly trimmed, for which her tailor, Robert Addington, was paid 4d. [8], and rehemmed for 2d. [4].71 A degree of contriving must have gone into ensuring that she did not disappoint when she appeared in public.

13.

"Unbounded Love"

Elizabeth was family orientated to a high degree. She gave "unbounded love"1 and support to her children, her sisters, and other relations, and always interested herself in their affairs. She kept her sisters with her at court before they wed, and sometimes after, and they were usually included in the royal celebrations of Christmas, Easter, and Whitsun.

Cecily of York, who had played such a prominent role at the coronation, was the first of the Queen's sisters to marry. Henry VII was aware that while Edward IV's daughters might be a.s.sets to him in terms of making advantageous marriages, they were also a threat by virtue of their Yorkist lineage. In 1486, determined to neutralize their dynastic claims by marrying them to his loyal supporters, Henry had Cecily's marriage to Richard III's adherent Ralph Scrope dissolved, and between November 25 and December 31, 1487, Cecily was married to Margaret Beaufort's half brother, John, Viscount Welles. Margaret, who was always a good friend to Cecily,2 probably had a hand in brokering the marriage.

Welles had been in high favor with Edward IV and was one of those who watched over his body after his death.3 An opponent of Richard III, he had joined Henry Tudor in Brittany after Buckingham's rebellion. He was a favorite of the King, and had been rewarded with his t.i.tle in 1485. He was probably about thirty-seven, and his bride eighteen. The King and Queen attended their wedding.4 Cecily was described as being "not so fortunate as fair."5 She got on well with the Lady Margaret, whom she took to visiting at Collyweston, and Margaret would later protect her from the consequences of an ill-advised second marriage, and pay toward her funeral expenses.6 Sadly, Cecily's two daughters by Welles were to die young. After she married, her next sister, Anne of York, now twelve, became the Queen's chief lady-in-waiting, and was constantly in attendance on her.

In the months following her coronation, Elizabeth received various financial and material gifts. On December 21, Henry granted her "the next presentation to the deanery of the College of St. Stephen in the Palace of Westminster."7 Five days later "our dearest wife the Queen" received a grant-backdated to February 20-of some of Elizabeth Wydeville's lordships and manors that appear to have been overlooked earlier, namely "Waltham Magna, Baddow, Mashbury, Dunmow, [Great] Leighs, and Farnham, all in Ess.e.x," with the offices of feodary8 and bailiff9 in each. With that, the transfer of land from queen to queen was complete.10 On March 6, 1488, a charter was given "to the King's very dear consort, that she may have and take for her life all the goods and chattels of all her men and tenants being either fugitives or felons, or persons condemned and convicted of felony"; she also received "liberties and immunities in all her castles, lordships, etc." This charter was granted "at the suit of the Queen herself."11 At Easter, 100 marks [15,500] were paid to her "for the maintenance of her state." She also received a tun of wine "by way of reward." On May 8 a royal writ was issued to the mayor and burgesses of Bristol "requiring them to render to Elizabeth, the Queen consort, the arrears, and also the half-yearly payments [of rents], as they become due." Another writ was sent "to the men of the town of Bedford in respect of an annuity of 20 [10,000] out of the farm [rents] of the town, granted to the Queen from February 20 last past."12 The Christmas of 1487 was kept "full honorably" at Greenwich. The King presided over the customary feast in the great hall of the palace, while the Queen dined with her mother-clearly Elizabeth Wydeville was still welcome at court-and the Lady Margaret in her chamber. Cecily, "the n.o.ble princess, sister of the Queen, our sovereign lady," and her new husband, Viscount Welles, joined the festivities. The court stayed at Greenwich for a week after Christmas, and on New Year's Day largesse was cried in the great hall, where Henry and Elizabeth distributed gifts to members of their households, with the Welleses following suit; and there was a banquet and "a goodly disguising" in the evening.

When the King and Queen wore their crowns in public on Twelfth Day, January 5, Elizabeth and Margaret Beaufort appeared in identical mantles and surcoats of estate, Margaret wearing "a rich coronal" on her head. "And when the High Ma.s.s was done, the King went to his chamber and from thence to the hall, and there kept his estate, crowned with a rich crown of gold set with pearl and precious stones, and under [a] marvelous rich cloth of estate. The Queen, also crowned under a cloth of estate, hanging somewhat lower