Drug Supplies in the American Revolution Part 2

Privateers to the Rescue

Despite Congress' slow start in providing medical supplies, its members realized as early as December 1775 that additional sources of supply outside the Colonies would be required. On December 23 they heard that 2,000 of medicines, surgeon's instruments, and lint and bandages were required by the army, and on January 3, 1776, the Secret Committee reported to Congress that these supplies should be imported as soon as possible.[98]

In September 1775 Congress had created the Secret Committee to supervise the export and import of vital materials required for the war. Licenses to leave port were given shipmasters on the condition that they would return with vital military stores. Under this dispensation, American ships set out for Europe, Africa, and the West Indies in search of essential supplies.[99] Many months were required, however, to establish such importation as a significant source of supply, and this was especially true with regard to medical supplies.

The delay in initiating importation can hardly be charged as the only or even the main reason for medical supply shortages in 1776. For example, in August of that year, when at least a half-dozen medical supply officers were pleading for drugs from Congress in Philadelphia, John Thomson of Petersburg, Virginia, advertised that he had for sale "Rhubarb and Jalap, Glauber and Epsom Salts, Jesuits Bark" and a host of other supplies.[100] Whether or not Thomson's supplies const.i.tuted any significant amount, the very fact that he had to advertise them indicates a lack of coordination and communication between those urgently seeking supplies and those selling them.

Even more frustrating were those suppliers right under Congress's nose advertising essential drugs. Suppliers like Dr. Anthony Yeldall at "his Medicinal Ware-House" were still advertising "Bark, Camphire, Rhubarb, &c" in July of '76.[101] Philadelphia was second only to New York for Loyalists, and Yeldall was later proven to be a strong Tory.

Then there were those who were neither Patriot nor Loyalist; they were just indifferent to the cause for American independence, and thus insisted on cash, even though six months' credit was the common practice just prior to the war. In 1771 in Philadelphia one druggist regularly gave a 15 percent discount on all purchases if paid within six months and 7-1/2 percent discount was allowed for payments between six and nine months, but interest was expected on all debts over a year's standing.[102]

The business-minded members of Congress tried to follow prewar methods by seeking credit. Merchants who sold on credit found that, when they finally were paid, they received paper money backed only by a promise to exchange for gold and silver at some future time. Furthermore, they were caught in a spiraling inflation, and often found that when they finally received their money from Congress it then would cost them twice as much to replenish their stocks. Medical supply officers therefore found it necessary to pay ready cash for merchandise out of their own pocket, and sometimes they had to wait six months for reimburs.e.m.e.nt from Congress.

As we have noted, by the fall of 1776 Boston had become a better source of supply of drugs than Philadelphia, although it had been occupied by the British for nine months and Morgan had removed most of the drugs left there the previous May. This was primarily due to a single factor--the American privateer. British shipping was vulnerable to the American privateers, which were fast vessels well suited to this kind of enterprise. Well over 1,000 captures were made during the war by Ma.s.sachusetts privateers alone, and the arrivals of rich prize ships at New England ports became frequent.[103]

The Greenleaf ledger confirms that drugs were included in some of these prize ships. On December 14, 1776, Greenleaf records the receipt of 62 from the Ma.s.sachusetts government in payment for "an invoice of Druggs taken from the prize ship Julius Caesar." Greenleaf received an even larger stock "of druggs taken in the prize Brig Three Friends"

in March 1777. This was valued at over 170, and was also used by Ma.s.sachusetts to pay on its account with Greenleaf, largely for outfitting its privateers.[104]

On June 30, 1777, J. G. Frazer of Boston wrote Dr. Potts, still at Ticonderoga, as follows:[105]

I have the pleasure to give you this Early notice of a prize ship being sent into Cas...o...b..y last week with four tons of Jesuits Bark on board for one valuable article besides a great quant.i.ty of other stores for the British Army at New-York.

Brisk Business in Boston

A series of letters to Director General Potts from Apothecary Andrew Craigie, who was on a purchasing trip through New England, gives us an interesting glimpse into the situation. On August 29, 1777, Craigie wrote Potts from Springfield[106] that he had just arrived from Wethersfield where he purchased 222 pounds of bark of excellent quality. He saw it weighed and repacked, and left the necessary instructions for shipment to Albany. Having heard that "a quant.i.ty of Bark & other articles are arrived at some eastern ports" Craigie took off for Boston where he wrote Potts on September 1 as follows:[107]

I wrote you from Springfield aquainting you that I had engaged 222 lb. Bark at the Price [5 per pound] Mr. Livingston mentioned to you; it being very dear induced me to engage a less quant.i.ty than you proposed 'til I should make enquiry here. I find to my great mortification that it is 40/[shillings] less than that in Wethersfield. I wish we could get clear of that engagement, and at least think some adjustment should be made as I am informed it cost Mr. Livingston who bought it at publick sale only 3 Pounds at which price I expect to engage 1 or 200 lb. tomorrow.... In the morning I go to Cape Anne about 40 miles from this, after medicines that have lately arrived....

Recalling Stringer's long absence of the previous year, Craigie concluded:

I shall pay particular attention to, and if to be had, procure the articles, but everything is very dear. I hope not to exceed the time you have limited.

Craigie returned to Albany on September 20 and advised Potts that he "succeeded in procuring medicines as expected" and that he had "on the road 2 covered waggons of capital medicines &c."[108] The shipment included 200 pounds of bark that Craigie bought at 3 a pound, and waiting for him in Albany were also the 222 pounds of bark, for which he was billed at 5 a pound plus 23/10 "Carting and Expenses."[109]

Payment had not been made by November 10,[110] nor was there any evidence of an adjustment.

At the same time that Craigie was in Boston purchasing supplies for the Northern Department, Apothecary Jonathan B. Cutting of the Middle Department was also there, competing with him.[111] Furthermore, several agents for the Congress (Thomas Cushing, Daniel Tillinghast, and John Bradford) were purchasing drugs for the Continental Navy.

Greenleaf's ledger records that between January 23 and May 28 over 500 worth of medicine chests and sundry medicines were sold to "The United American States" for the Continental frigates _Boston_, _Hanc.o.c.k_, _Providence_, and _Columbus_.

This compet.i.tion among various branches of the army and navy led to a brisk business in Boston. Druggists in nearby communities chanced the British blockade to send supplies which they had on hand. For example, Jonathan Waldo, an apothecary at Salem, Ma.s.sachusetts, recorded in his account book[112] on April 8, 1777, that "13 packages and 4 cases of medicines are ship'd on Board the Sloop called the Two Brothers Saml West Master. An Account and [illegible word] of Mr. Oliver Smith of Boston Apothecary and to him consigned." Evidence of the war appears in the footnote to the entry, however. It reads: "The cases are unmarked being ship'd at Night. Error Excepted. Jon. Waldo."

The Situation Improves

Oliver Smith, advertising in a Boston newspaper in October 1777, clearly emphasized the fact that "A Large and Valuable a.s.sortment of Drugs and Medicines" were on hand. Included in the listing were bark, gum camphor, gum opium, jalap, rhubarb, and salts.[113]

Back in Philadelphia, the supply situation was also improving. William Smith, Continental Druggists, received over $5,000 from Congress for drug purchases,[114] and the Marshalls also continued to furnish Congress with a variety of medical supplies in amounts upwards of $4,000.[115] Drugs were occasionally being imported into Philadelphia despite the British blockade. In January 1777, Robert Ba.s.s, an apothecary in Market Street, advertised[116] "A Quant.i.ty of Peruvian Bark, just imported ... together with Drugs and Medicines of most kinds." Ba.s.s was supplying the Northern Department with drugs in February 1777, but, according to a letter from John Warren to Potts, "he is determined not even to pack them untill he shall receive the money in payment for them."[117] In March, Ba.s.s wrote Potts directly that

... if in future you want any compositions let me know in time that I may have them ready. I cou'd not send a full quant.i.ty [of] fly Plasters, but am this week making a large quant.i.ty of most kinds and shall send of deficiency in your next order.[118]

In June, Christopher and Charles Marshall also received "a small a.s.sortment of valuable medicines, just imported and to be sold"[119]

to replenish their stock. Even Congress purchased directly certain of the importations, on May 28, 1778, for example, ordering that "755 42/90 dollars be advanced to the Committee of Commerce, to enable them to pay Andrew and James Caldwell, the freight of sundry medicines imported in their sloop from Martinico."[120] Many of the British prize ships were carried to the French island of Martinique in the West Indies for trans-shipment of their cargoes.

These shipments however did not meet with the requirements for medical supplies. In March, Apothecary Cutting, then stationed at the "Continental Medicine Store in Fourth-Street," Philadelphia, advertised that "any price will be given for old sheets, or half worn linen proper for lint and bandages," while, in May, Commissary Hugh James advertised that "a handsome price will be given for Vials and Corks."[121] The problems of medical supplies were often brought to the attention of the public. Thomas Carnes, "Quarter Master and Steward" of the American hospital in New England, advertised in several papers that he

is authorized to make known in this public manner, that no Expense shall be spared in future in making the most ample Provision for the sick and wounded of the Army.... Proper medicines will be prepared, not only by General Hospitals, but by Regimental Surgeons. The Difficulties the Sick and Wounded met with the last Campaign arose from the unsettled State of the Army, and the Distance Medicines, and other Necessaries used to be sent.[122]

The reorganization of the medical department by Congress, including the establishment of "two Apothecaries" and their duties, was published in the _Pennsylvania Packet_ on April 15, and a front page account presenting "directions for preserving the Health of Soldiers"

was featured in the next issue.[123]

Dr. Potts wrote the Medical Committee in Congress on April 3, 1777:

I have the Honour to enclose you a Return of the Medicines & Stores belonging to the General Hospital in the Department, which I have received from Doctor Samuel Stringer, these with what I brought with me from Philadelphia & some few I expect from Boston will be quite sufficient for this campaign.

In contrast to the time when stores were short in '76, the chairman of the Medical Committee, M. Thornton, was quick to reply on April 12 that

... we are highly pleased with your having the prospect of a sufficient supply of medicines in your Department for the ensuing Campaign, & approve of the returns you have made us.[124]

Valley Forge

Washington's forces were defeated at Brandywine on September 11, 1777, and on September 25 the British army occupied Philadelphia.

Washington, after trying without success to dislodge them by a sudden attack at Germantown on October 4, retreated to Valley Forge.

Business in Philadelphia under British occupation continued much as it had under American control, except for a few missing suppliers and a few new ones. One druggist who was little in evidence after the war commenced was back in business advertising within two weeks after the British occupied Philadelphia. It was William Drewet Smith (not to be confused with William Smith) who advised "friends and customers ...

that they can be supplied with Medicine and Drugs as usual, at his shop in Second-Street." To indicate that he was expecting an active business, Smith also advertised for "a person who can be well recommended for honesty and sobriety ... to attend a Druggist's Shop."[125]

[Ill.u.s.tration: Figure 3.--Page from the Waste Book ma.n.u.script of the Christopher Marshall, Jr., and Charles Marshall apothecary shop in Philadelphia. This is the first page of the contents of a medicine chest furnished on order of the Continental Congress for the Pennsylvania 4th Battalion. Preserved at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia.]

[Ill.u.s.tration: Figure 4.--Page from the ledger of the Greenleaf apothecary shop in Boston, showing the accounts between September 3, 1776, and May 28, 1777, with "the United American States" for outfitting ships of the Continental Navy. Preserved at the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Ma.s.s.]

During the British occupation there was a large number of thefts and losses--perhaps aided by the American patriots who remained in Philadelphia--that included drugs and surgical instruments. In November an advertis.e.m.e.nt reported the loss of "a sett of Surgeons Pocket instruments in a crimson chequered covering, with a silver clasp. Whoever will bring them to the bar of the coffee-house or to Mr. Allman, surgeons mate of the Royal Artillery, shall have a Guinea reward, and no questions asked." In April an unidentified druggist advertised: "Stolen yesterday afternoon out of an apothecary's shop Three Specie Gla.s.ses, with bra.s.s caps; one contained two pounds of native cinnabar. Whoever discovers the thief and goods shall have Twenty Shillings reward from the printer."[126]

A sign of the times is evident from the advertis.e.m.e.nt by Dr. Anthony Yeldall, who offered his "Anti-Venereal Essence at only Two Dollars."

This nostrum, it was claimed, would not only cure the disease, but would "absolutely prevent catching the infection." Each bottle came with printed instructions "so that no questions need be asked." The fact that the advertis.e.m.e.nt appeared no less than 10 times from January through April speaks for its success.[127] It is interesting to note that, after the British evacuated Philadelphia, "Anthony Yeldall, Surgeon, late of the city of Philadelphia," was included among those who were charged as having "knowingly and willingly aided and a.s.sisted the enemies" and who would be brought to trial for high treason.[128]

While the British forces rested, well nourished, warm, and relatively secure in Philadelphia, Washington's troops, hardly more than 20 miles away, were tortured by cold, hunger, and disease. On December 23 there were 2,898 men at Valley Forge reported sick or unfit for duty because of lack of clothing.[129] Even so, the lack of medical supplies was nowhere near as bad as the conditions that existed in '76. Under the command of Director General Shippen and Purveyor General Potts,[130]

the medical department operated a series of hospitals in such Pennsylvania communities as Easton, Bethlehem, Lancaster, Ephrata, and Lit.i.tz. The princ.i.p.al hospital for Valley Forge was established 10 miles away at Yellow Springs (now Chester Springs).

The largest drain on medical supplies appears not to have been during the height of winter but rather in the early spring when the medicine chests of various regiments and hospitals were being restocked for the expected spring offensive. The first step was to supplement the supply of medical supplies on hand. In late February or early March, Dr.

William Brown sent Purveyor General Potts a list of needs of the entire medical department that included 20,000 worth of medicines, vials, corks, etc.[131] Dr. Brown supplemented this list with a letter to Potts dated March 11 in which he itemized the following equipment:[132]

3 doz. Boxes Small Apothecary's Weights & Scales 3 doz. Bolus knives 3 doz. Pot Spathulae 2 doz. Marble Mortars, of one pint, & Pestles 2 doz. Setts Measures, from 1/2 ounce to 1 [pint?]

6 doz. Earthen Vessels (deep) with handles--of different sizes, from 2 quarts to 2 galls, for boiling Decoctions, or 2 doz. copper Do. of one gallon--for that purpose.

6 doz. Delft Ware Tiles, for mixing Boluses &c. on.

While Dr. Brown was completing his report on medical supplies, he was also concluding his compilation of an emergency military hospital formulary which has become known as the _Lit.i.tz Pharmacopoeia_, so named because Brown was making Lit.i.tz his headquarters at the time.

The preface is dated "Lit.i.tz, March 12, 1778." The actual t.i.tle (translated from Latin) reads: "Formulary of simple and yet efficacious remedies for the use of the military hospital, belonging to the army of the Federated States of America. Especially adapted to our poverty and straitened circ.u.mstances, caused by the ferocious inhumanity of the enemy, and the cruel war unexpectedly brought upon our fatherland." This formulary was published by Styner & Cist of Philadelphia in 1778, which means that it was not actually printed until sometime after June 18, when the British evacuated Philadelphia.