Doctrina Christiana Part 8

SA LA HA. MA A RA NA I HO HO. SA MA BU BU HA A SA NA NGA MA TA NA TA WO. O O. KA I LA. DI LE NA A A LA MA. SI NO KA YA A HO KO. A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. A KA LO LO WA NA TI.

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SA I PE NO. DO O MA HI HI RA SI YA. A MA KA KA SA KI. MA PA RA TI MA SA A. A NO KA YA A SA TA I LE SI YA. A LA HA NA TA WO KI NI TI YA NO.

SU MA SA PA LA TA YA SA DI YO. PA TI NA PO PO NI LA SI SE SO KI TO. NA SA LA NGI. A DI TO SA LU PA. A KA HA LI LI NI YA. A SA TO PA PA. DI TO SA SA TA I LE SI YA. MA I KA WA WA LA NA KA SA LA NA. A NO KA YA A I KA WA WA LA NA KA SA LA NA. A PA BI YA SA DI PA KI NI TI YA NO. A A PA KO KO PI SA. A MA NGA KA NI TI YA NO. MA KA SA LA NA. KU MA SI SI MA SA KI.

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NA BI NU BU HA A O TI YA NA PA RE. SA PA MI MI SA. SI NO KA YA A NA RO O. A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. DI YO TO TO O. A TA WO TO TO O. PA RA DO O SA LA NGI. SA KA LI. SI NO KA YA A NA DO O. A DU GO TO TO O. NA A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. KA PA RA NI U NA BO HO SA KU RU. NA NA MA TA SI YA. ANO KA YA. A GA GA I NA MA NGA KI NI TI YA NO. NA MA KA PA RO O SA LA NGI. A SU SU DI NI YA. A SA PO WO O TO NA DI YO. PA TI NA O TO NA SA TA I LE SI YA.

I NA NA TI.

Laus Deo

NOTES

[1] Tagalog characters are said to be similar to old Javanese, Ignacio Villamot, _La Antigua Escritura Filipina_, Manila, 1922, p. 30. They were replaced under the Spanish occupation by roman letters, and are not now used. The best definitive grammar is Frank R. Blake's _A Grammar of the Tagalog Language_, New Haven, 1925, where, p. 1, he defines the language as follows: "Tagalog is the princ.i.p.al language of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippine Archipelago. It is spoken in Manila and in the middle region of Luzon. Tagalog, like all the Philippine languages about which anything is known, belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian family of speech, which embraces the idioms spoken on the islands of Polynesia, Melanesia, and Malaysia, on the Malay peninsula, and on the island of Madagascar."

[2] The woodcut, showing St. Dominic beneath a star holding a lily and a book, the usual symbols of this saint, and clad in the white habit and black cloak of his order, seems to be of oriental workmanship, differing vastly from contemporary Spanish and Mexican cuts of the same type. The clouds, for instance, are characteristically Chinese, and the buildings in the background more reminiscent of eastern temples than European churches.

[3] T.H. Pardo de Tavera, _Noticias sobre La Imprenta y el Grabado en Filipinas_, Madrid, 1893, pp. 9-10. Dard Hunter in _Papermaking through Eighteen Centuries_, New York, 1930, pp. 109-16, describes papermaking in China, and mentions the use of "makaso" or "takaso,"

both species of the paper mulberry, as material for the making of paper. The paper mulberry's scientific name is _Broussonetia papyrifera_. Later, on p. 141, he speaks of the use by the Chinese of gypsum, lichen, starch, rice flour and animal glue for sizing.

[4] The best short summaries in English of the beginnings of printing in Mexico are Henry R. Wagner's introduction to the exhibition catalogue of _Mexican Imprints 1544-1600 In the Huntington Library_, San Marino, 1939, pp. 3-10; and Lawrence C. Wroth, _Some Reflections on the Book Arts in Early Mexico_, Cambridge (Ma.s.s.), 1945.

[5] J.B. Primrose, _The First Press in India and Its Printers_, The Library, 4th Series, 1939, XX, pp. 244-5.

[6] Jose Toribio Medina, _La Imprenta en Lima_, Santiago de Chile, 1904-17, no. 1, p. 3.

[7] A contemporary copy of this letter--the original is not known--lay forgotten and unnoticed in the Archives of the Indies (1-1-3/25, no. 52), Torres, III, no. 4151, p. 83, until discovered there by Pascual de Gayangos, who called it to the attention of W.E. Retana, who first printed it in _La Politica de Espana en Filipinas_, no. 97, Oct. 23, 1894. It was later rediscovered independently by Medina who also printed it in his _La Imprenta en Manila_, p. xix. Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, formerly corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena in Spain, was appointed governor of the Philippines in 1589, landed at Manila in May 1590, and remained in office until his death in October 1593.

[8] _Relacion de lo que se ha escrito y escribe en las Filipinas fecho este ano de 1593_, an apparently inedited MS. in the A. of I., Index 9, no. 81, from which the pa.s.sage was quoted by Retana in his edition of Antonio de Morga's _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, Madrid, 1909, p. 425, and Manuel Artigas y Cuerva, _La Primera Imprenta en Filipinas_, Manila, 1910, p. xi. This may be the MS. listed by Torres, III, no. 4229, p. 91, as _Breve sumario y memorial de apuntamientos de lo que se ha escrito y escribe en las Islas Filipinas_, undated but probably 1593.

[9] _Recopilacion de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias_, Madrid, 1681, I, ff. 123v-124r, where they are Laws 1 and 3, t.i.tle XXIV, Book I.

[10] Medina, p. xxviii, from. _Libro de provisiones reales_, Madrid, 1596, I, p. 231.

[11] Inflation in the Philippines was discussed in a report sent by Bishop Salazar to the King in 1583, B. & R., V, pp. 210-11, translated from Retana, _Archivo del bibliofilo filipino_, Madrid, 1895-97, III. no 1.

[12] Henry R. Wagner, _The House of Cromberger_, in _To Doctor R[osenbach]_, Philadelphia, 1946, pp. 234 & 238, where he gives some interesting comparative figures: in 1542 the Casa de Cromberger could charge 17 maravedis a sheet; in Spain in 1552 Lopez de Gomara's _Historia de las Indias_ was appraised at 2 maravedis a sheet; and in Mexico Vasco de Puga's _Provisiones_ of 1563 was permitted to sell at the tremendous figure of one real or 34 maravedis a sheet.

[13] Juan de Cuellar was mentioned in the Letter of Instruction given by Philip II to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas on August 9, 1589, as among those "who are men of worth and account" in the Philippines and who should be provided for and rewarded accordingly, B. & R., VII, p. 151, translated from the original MS. in the A. of I. (105-2-11), Torres, III, no. 3567, p. 17. Cuellar received a commission from Dasmarinas and signed various doc.u.ments during his administration as secretary and notary. Antonio de Morga, _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, Mexico, 1609, f. 13v, reports that Cuellar was one of two survivors of the ship on which Dasmarinas sailed in October 1593 as part of an expedition to conquer the fort of Terrenate in Maluco. On the second day out, while the ship was weather-bound at Punta del Acufre, the Chinese rowers mutinied, and only Cuellar, there described as the governor's secretary, and the Franciscan father, Francisco de Montilla, survived the ensuing ma.s.sacre. They were set ash.o.r.e on the coast of Ylocos, and made their way back to Manila. A similar account appears in Chapter XVI of Leonardo de Argensola's, _Conqvista delas Islas Malvcas_, Madrid, 1609. We have been able to find no subsequent record of Cuellar.

[14] Colin, I, pp. 501, 507-14, 561-6.

[15] Pedro Chirino, _Primera parte de la Historia de la provincia de Philipinas de la Compania de Ihs_, unpublished MS. of 1610, from which the present pa.s.sage was quoted by Retana, col. 25. For an account of the MS. see Santiago Vela, VI, p. 435n. Schilling, p. 214, demonstrates that according to the original punctuation the meaning is that the first printers were Villanueva and Blancas de San Jose, but with the shifting of a semi-colon it could be read to mean that the first printers were of the Order of St. Augustine. We can see no reason to shift the semi-colon, and have retained it in its original place.

[16] Retana, col. 26, said that he was able to find no information regarding Villanueva except for the listing of his name by Cano, p. 43, as having arrived in the Philippines at an unknown date. The destruction of the early records of the Augustinians when the English sacked Manila in 1762 accounts for the paucity of information, but there are a few references which throw some little light on the two Villanuevas. San Agustin, p. 212, says that when Herrara sailed for Mexico in 1569 he left in Cebu only "P. Fr. Martin de Rada and two virtuous clerics, the one named Juan de Vivero, and the other Juan de Villanueva, who had come with Felipe de Salcedo." Salcedo had come back to Cebu in 1566. Francisco Moreno, _Historia de la Santa Iglesia Metropolitana de Filipinas hasta 1650_, Manila, 1877, p. 226, states that Villanueva came in 1566, and died shortly after 1569. San Antonio, I, p. 173, writes, "Another cleric was the Licentiate Don Juan de Villanueva, of whom the only thing known is that he was a churchman and lived but a short time--and that after the erection of the church." This refers to the foundation of the church in Manila in 1571. Of the other Villanueva our information comes from Perez, p. 63.

[17] Alonso Fernandez, _Historia Eclesiastica de Nvestros Tiempos_, Toledo, 1611, pp. 303-4. The book referred to here is called _De los mysterios del Rosario de nuestra Senora_ by Jacques Quetif and Jacques Echard, _Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum_, Paris, 1719, II, p. 390; and _Devotion del Santisimo Rosario de la Bienaventurada Virgen_ by Vicente Maria Fontana, _Monvmenta Dominicana_, Rome, 1675, p. 586.

[18] Fernandez, _Historia de los insignes Milagros qve la Magestad Diuina ha obrado por el Rosario santissimo de la Virgen soberana, su Madre_, Madrid, 1613, f. 216. I have been unable to locate a copy of this book in the United States, but the pa.s.sage is printed in Retana, _Aparato Bibliografico de la Historia General de Filipinas_, Madrid, 1906, I, pp. 64-5. It was first cited in modern times by Pedro Vindel, _Catalogo_, Madrid, 1903, III, no. 2631.

[19] A sketch of the life of Aduarte was added to his history by Goncalez, II, pp. 376-81, and a notice also appears in Ramon Martinez-Vigil, _La Orden de Predicadores ... seguidas del Ensayo de una Bibliotheca de Dominicos Espanoles_, Madrid, 1884, p. 229.

[20] Aduarte, II, pp. 15-18.

[21] Artigas, _op. cit._, pp. 3-22, stresses the part played by him in establishing printing and gives much information regarding this father. There, referring to the _Acta Capitulorum Provincialium provinciae Sanctissimi Rosarii Philippinarum_, Manila, 1874-77, Artigas traces the career of Blancas de San Jose as follows: in Abucay from May 24, 1598 until April 27, 1602; at San Gabriel in Binondo from April 27, 1602 until May 4, 1604; as Preacher-General of the order at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Manila from 1604 to 1608; back at Abucay from April 26, 1608 until May 8, 1610; and at San Gabriel again from May 8, 1610 until May 4, 1614.

[22] Medina, no. 8, p. 7. A copy of this book and an unique copy of the recently discovered _Ordinationes_ of 1604, see note 127, are in the Library of Congress. Both books are entirely typographical, and the Tagalog in the 1610 volume has been transliterated. These two and the present Doctrina are, so far as I have been able to find out, the only Philippine imprints before 1613 in the United States.

[23] Medina, no. 14, p. 11. The text was written by Thomas Pinpin, who appears as the printer of the former book, and a confessionary by Blancas de San Jose, who probably edited the volume, is included.

[24] Juan Lopez, _Quinta Parte de la Historia de San Domingo_, Valladolid, 1621, ff. 246-51.

[25] Quetif and Echard, _op. cit._, II, p. 390. This same statement was made in Antonio de Leon Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental y Occidental, Nautica, y Geografica_ (ed. Antonio Gonzalez de Barcia), Madrid, 1737-38, col. 737, and was reprinted almost word for word by Jose Mariano Beristain y Sousa, _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americana Septentrional_, Mexico, 1883-97, I, p. 177.

[26] A fairly complete biography is given by Vinaza, pp. 112-7, where he points out that several of the major Jesuit biographers have erroneously stated that Hervas went to America some time before 1767.

[27] Lorenzo Hervas y Panduro, _Origine, formazione, meccanismo, ed armonia degli' idiomi_, Cesena, 1785, p. 88.

[28] Hervas, _Saggio Pratico delle lingue, Con prolegomeni, e una raccolta di orazioni Dominicali in piu di trecento lingue, e dialetti_, Cesena, 1787, pp. 128-9. Although Schilling, p. 208, says that Hervas had a copy of the 1593 Doctrina before him, which "had been lent or given" by Bernardo de la Fuente, Hervas merely says that he took his information "from the best doc.u.ments, which showed the grammar; and the Tagalog and Visayan dictionary were given me by Messrs. D. Antonio Tornos and D. Bernardo de la Fuente." There is no doubt, however, but that Hervas had a copy of the Doctrina, or accurate and extensive transcripts from a copy known to one of his friends.

[29] Franz Carl Alter, _Ueber die Tagalische Sprache_, Vienna, 1803, p. vii. Alter speaks of having had extensive correspondence with Hervas.

[30] Johann Christoph Adelung, _Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde mit dem Vater Unser als Sprach probe in beynahe funfhundert Sprachen und Mundarten_, Berlin, 1806, I, pp. 608-9.

[31] Beristain, _op. cit._, II, p. 464. The first edition was published in 1819-21, but we have used the second for our quotations.

[32] Juan de Grijalva, _Cronica de la orden de N.P.S. Augustin de Nueva Espana_, Mexico, 1624, f. 199v.

[33] Nicolas Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, Madrid, 1783, I, p. 764. The first edition was Rome, 1672, but I could locate no copy in this country.

[34] San Agustin, p. 352. On pp. 443-4 referring to Grijalva and Herrera, he says merely that Quinones "was very learned in the Tagalog language, and wrote a grammar and dictionary of it."

[35] "He succeeded in learning that language with such perfection that he composed a treatise, as a light and guide for the new missionaries, and a vocabulary, with which in a short time they could instruct those islanders in the mysteries of the faith," Medina, p. xxvii, a.s.sumed that this referred to Jose Sicardo, _La Cristiandad del j.a.pon_, Madrid, 1698, where he could find nothing about Quinones, but Beristain cited specifically his _Historias de Filipinas y j.a.pon_, which Santiago Vela, VI, p. 441, thinks must be his additions to Grijalva, including a life of Quinones, which San Agustin used and quoted from. The quotation here is from San Agustin, p. 442, where Sicardo is given as the source.

[36] Tomas de Herrera, _Alphabetvm Avgvstinianvm_, Madrid, 1644, I, p. 406, according to P. & G., p. xxiv.

[37] Schilling, p. 204.

[38] Pedro Bello, _Noticia de los escritores y sus obras impresas y ma.n.u.scritas en diferentes idiomas por los religiosos agustinos calzados hasta 1801_, unpublished MS., from which the citation is given by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 441.

[39] P. & G., pp. xxv-xxvi.

[40] Medina, p. xxviii, who gives as source the A. of I. and _Libro de provisiones reales_, Madrid, 1596, I, p. 231. In his note Medina says that this cedula was not in the _Recopilacion_, but referring back to the note on p. xxiv, we find that he there prints a law of the same content and date, cited as Law 3, t.i.tle XXIV, Book 1 of the _Recopilacion_, where we have seen it, with the extremely significant addition, "it shall not be published, _or printed_, or used." If this phrase was not included in the original cedula sent to Manila, but added when printed as applying to all the Indies, it is important evidence that the King felt an admonition against printing unnecessary where no facilities for printing existed.