Dio's Rome Volume II Part 9

They packed up their belongings with zeal just after nightfall and later[59] started out, but fell into the ambush set and suffered a terrible reverse. Cotta with many others perished immediately: Sabinus was sent for by Ambiorix under the pretext of saving him, for the Gallic leader was not on the ground and even then seemed faithful to him personally; on his arrival, however, Ambiorix seized him, stripped him of his arms and clothing, and then struck him down with his javelin, uttering boasts over him, one to this effect: "How can such creatures as you are have the idea of ruling a nation of our strength?" This was the fate that these men suffered. The rest managed to break through to the fortress from which they had set out, but when the barbarians a.s.sailed that, too, and they could neither repel them nor escape, they killed one another.

[-7-] After this event some other of the neighboring tribes revolted, among them the Nervii, though Quintus Cicero, a brother of Marcus Cicero and lieutenant of Caesar, was wintering in their territory. Ambiorix added them to his force and began a conflict with Cicero. The contest was close, and after capturing some prisoners alive the chieftain tried to deceive him likewise, but being unable to do so resorted to siege.

Before long by means of his large force and the experience which he had gained from the campaign that he made with the Romans, together with some detailed information that he obtained from the captives, he managed to enclose him with a palisade and ditch. There were battles, as natural in such operations,--many of them,--and far larger numbers of barbarians perished, because there were more of them. They, however, by reason of their abundant army were never in sight of destruction, whereas the Romans, not being many in the first place, kept continually growing fewer and were encompa.s.sed without difficulty. [-8-] They were unable to treat their wounds with success through lack of the necessary applications, and did not have a large supply of food, because they had been besieged unexpectedly. No one came to their aid, though many were wintering at no great distance, for the barbarians guarded the roads with care and all who were sent out they caught and slaughtered before the eyes of their friends. As they were therefore in danger of being captured, a Nervian who was friendly to them as the result of kindness shown and at this time was besieged with Cicero, presented them with a slave of his to send as a messenger through the lines. Because of his dress and his native speech he would be able to a.s.sociate with the enemy as one of their number, without attracting notice, and after that he could depart. [-9-] In this way Caesar learned of what was taking place (he had not yet gone to Italy but was still on the way), and, turning back, took with him the soldiers in the winter establishments through which he pa.s.sed, and pressed rapidly on. Meanwhile being afraid that Cicero in despair of a.s.sistance might suffer disaster or capitulate, he sent forward a horseman. He did not trust the servant of the Nervian, in spite of having received an actual proof of his good will: he was afraid that he might pity his countrymen and work him some great evil. So he sent a horseman of the allies who knew their dialect and had dressed himself in their garb. And in order that even he might not voluntarily or involuntarily reveal the secret he gave him no verbal message and wrote to Cicero in Greek all the injunctions that he wished to give, in order that even if the letter should be captured, it might still be incomprehensible to the barbarians and afford them no information. He had also the custom as a usual thing, when he was sending a secret order to any one, to write constantly the fourth letter beyond, instead of the proper one, so that the writing might be unintelligible to most persons.

The horseman reached the camp of the Romans, but not being able to come close up to it he fastened the letter to a small javelin and hurled it into the enemy's ranks, fixing it purposely in a tower.[-10-] Thus Cicero, on learning of the advent of Caesar, took courage and held out more stubbornly. The barbarians for a long time knew nothing of the a.s.sistance he was bringing; he journeyed by night, lying by day in most obscure places, so as to fall upon them as far as possible unawares. At last from the unnatural cheerfulness of the besieged they suspected it and sent out scouts. Learning from them that Caesar was at last drawing near they set out against him, thinking to attack him while off his guard. He received advance information of this movement and remained where he was that night, but just before dawn took up a strong position.

There he encamped apparently with the utmost haste, for the purpose of appearing to have only a few followers, to have suffered from the journey, to fear their onset, and by this plan to draw them to the higher ground. And so it proved. Their contempt for him led them to charge up hill, and they met with such a severe defeat that they committed not another warlike act.

[-11-] In this way both they and all the rest were at that time subdued; they did not, however, feel kindly toward the Romans. The Treveri, indeed, when Caesar sent for the princ.i.p.al men[60] of each tribe and punished them, through fear that they, too, might be called upon to pay the penalty a.s.sumed again a hostile att.i.tude, lending an attentive ear to the persuasions of Indutiomarus. They led some others who feared the same treatment to revolt and headed an expedition against t.i.tus Labienus, who was among the Remi, but were annihilated in an unexpected sally made by the Romans.

[-12-] This was what took place in Gaul, and Caesar wintered there so as to be able to keep strict control of affairs. Cra.s.sus, desiring for his part to accomplish something that would confer some glory and profit upon him, made a campaign against the Parthians, since after consideration he saw no such opportunity in Syria, where the people were quiet and the officers who had formerly warred against the Romans were by reason of their impotency causing no disturbance. He had no complaint to bring against the Parthians nor had war been decreed, but he heard that they were exceeding wealthy and expected that Orodes would be easy to capture, because but newly established. Therefore he crossed the Euphrates and proceeded to traverse a considerable portion of Mesopotamia, devastating and ravaging the country. As his crossing was unexpected by the barbarians no strong guard had been placed at that point. Silaces, then governor of that region, was quickly defeated near Ichnai, a fortress so named, after contending with a few hors.e.m.e.n. He was wounded and retired to report personally to the king the Romans'

invasion:[-13-] Cra.s.sus quickly got possession of the garrisons and especially the Greek cities, among them one named Nicephorium. Many of the Macedonians and of the rest that fought for the Parthians were Greek colonists, oppressed by violence, and not unwillingly transferred their allegiance to the Romans, who, they strongly hoped, would be favorable to the Greeks. The inhabitants of Zenodotium, pretending a willingness to revolt, sent for some of the invaders, but when they were within the town cut them off and killed them, for which act they were driven from their homes. Outside of this Cra.s.sus for the time being neither inflicted nor received any serious harm. He certainly would have subdued the other regions beyond the Tigris, if he had followed up the advantage from his own attack and the barbarians' panic equally in all respects, and had he wintered furthermore where he was, keeping a sharp lookout on their behavior. As it turned out, he captured only what he could seize by sudden a.s.sault and paid no heed to the rest nor to the people themselves, but wearied by his stay in Mesopotamia and longing for the indolence of Syria he afforded the Parthians time to prepare themselves and to injure the soldiers left behind in their country.

[-14-]This was the beginning that the Romans made of war against them.

They dwell beyond the Tigris, possessing for the most part forts and garrisons, but also a few cities, among them Ctesiphon, in which there is a palace. Their stock was very likely in existence among the original barbarians and they had this same name even under the Persian rule. But at that time they inhabited only a small portion of the country and had not obtained any transmontane sovereignty. When the Persian kingdom had been destroyed and that of the Macedonians had reached its prime, and then the successors of Alexander had quarreled one with another, cutting off separate portions for their own and setting up individual monarchies, this land then first attained prominence under a certain Arsaces from whom their succeeding rulers have received the t.i.tle of Arsacidae. By good fortune they acquired all the neighboring territory, kept control of Mesopotamia by means of satrapies, and finally advanced to so great glory and power as to fight against the Romans at that period and to be considered worthy antagonists up to present time.[61]

They are really formidable in warfare and possess the greater reputation, in spite of never having gained anything from the Romans and having parted with certain portions of their own domain, because they have not yet been enslaved, but even now carry wars against us to the end, whenever they get into conflicts. [-15-] About their race and their country and the peculiarities of their customs many persons have spoken, and I have no intention of compiling an account. But it is fair to mention in what follows their equipment of arms, and the way they handle a war: the examination of these details properly concerns the present narrative, since it here needs to introduce them. The Parthians make no use of a shield, but their forces consist of mounted archers and pike-bearers, mostly in full armor. Their infantry is small, made up of the weaker persons; hence it may be said they are all archers. They practice from boyhood, and the sky and the country cooperate with them for two good ends. The latter, being for the most part level, is excellent for raising horses and very suitable for riding over with horses. Therefore even in war the people lead about whole droves so that they can use some horses at one place and others at another, can ride up suddenly from a distance and also retire to a distance speedily. The sky above them, too, which is very dry and contains not the least moisture, affords them perfect opportunity for archery, except in the winter. For that reason they make no campaigns in any direction during the winter season. But the rest of the year they are almost invincible in their own country and in any that has similar characteristics. By long custom they can endure the sun, which is very scorching, and they have discovered many remedies for the scantiness and difficulty of a supply of drink,--a fact which is a help to them in repelling without difficulty the invaders of their land. Outside of this district and beyond the Euphrates they have once or twice exercised some sway by battles and sudden incursions, but to fight with any nation continuously, without stopping, is not in their power, when they encounter an entirely different condition of land and sky and have no supplies of either food or pay.

[-16-] Such is the Parthian state. Cra.s.sus, as has been stated, invaded Mesopotamia and Orodes sent envoys to him in Syria to censure him for the invasion and ask the causes of the war; he sent also Surena with an army to the captured and revolted sections. He himself had in mind to lead an expedition against Armenia, which had once belonged to Tigranes, in order that Artabazes, son of Tigranes, the king of the land at that time, should, through fear for his own domains, send no a.s.sistance to the Romans. Now Cra.s.sus said that he would tell him in Seleucia the causes of the war. (This is a city in Mesopotamia having even at the present day chiefly a Greek population.) And one of the Parthians, bringing down upon the palm of his left hand the fingers of the other, exclaimed: "More quickly will hair grow herein, than you will reach Seleucia."

[B.C. 53 (_a.u._ 701)]

[-17-] And when the winter set in,[62] in which Gnaeus Calvinus and Valerius Messala became consuls, many portents occurred even in Rome itself. Owls and wolves were seen, prowling dogs did damage, some sacred statues exuded sweat and others were destroyed by lightning. The offices, partly through rivalry but chiefly by reason of birds and omens, were with difficulty filled at last in the seventh month. Those signs, however, gave no clear indication as to what the event would be.

For affairs in the City were in turmoil, the Gauls had risen again, and, though the Romans knew it not as yet, they had broken into war against the Parthians: but to Cra.s.sus signs that were both evident and easy to interpret appeared as he was crossing the Euphrates opposite Zeugma.[63]

That spot has been so called from the campaign of Alexander, because he crossed at this point. [-18-] The omens were of the following nature.

There is a small shrine and in it a golden eagle, which is found in all the legions that are on the register, and it never moves from the winter-quarters except the whole army goes forth on some errand. One man carries it on a long shaft, which ends in a sharp spike for the purpose of setting it firmly in the ground. Now of these so-called eagles one was unwilling to join him in his pa.s.sage of the Euphrates at that time, but stuck fast in the earth as if planted until many took their places around it and pulled it out by force, so that it accompanied even involuntarily. But one of the large standards, that resemble sheets, with purple letters upon them to distinguish the division and its commander, turned about and fell from the bridge into the river. This happened in the midst of a violent wind. Then Cra.s.sus, who had the rest of equal length cut down, so as to be shorter and consequently steadier to carry, only increased the prodigies. In the very pa.s.sage of the river so great a mist enshrouded the soldiers that they fell over one another and could see nothing of the enemy's country until they set foot upon it: and the sacrifices both for crossing and for landing proved very unfavorable. Meantime a great wind burst upon them, bolts of lightning fell, and the bridge, before they had all pa.s.sed over, was destroyed.

The occurrences were such that any one, even if extremely ignorant and uninstructed, would interpret them to mean that they would fare badly and not return. Hence there was great fear and dejection in the army.

[-19-] Cra.s.sus, trying to encourage them, said: "Be not alarmed, fellow soldiers, that the bridge has been destroyed nor think because of this that any disaster is portended. For I declare to you upon oath that I have decided to make my return march through Armenia." By this he would have emboldened them, had he not at the end added in a loud voice the words: "Be of good cheer: for none of you shall come back _this_ way."

When they heard this, the soldiers deemed that it, no less than the rest, had been a portent for them, and fell into greater discouragement; and so it was that they paid no heed to the remainder of his exhortation, in which he belittled the barbarian and glorified the Roman State, offered them money and announced prizes for valor.

Still, even so, they followed and no one said a word or committed an act to oppose him, partly by reason of the law, but further because they were terrified and could neither plan nor carry out any measures of safety. In all other respects, too, as if predestined to ruin by some Divinity, they deteriorated both in mind and body.

[-20-] Nevertheless, the greatest injury was done them by Abgarus of Osrhoene. He had pledged himself to peace with the Romans in the time of Pompey, but now chose the side of the barbarians. The same was done by Alchaudonius the Arabian, who always attached himself to the stronger party. The latter, however, revolted openly, and hence was not hard to guard against. Abgarus favored the Parthian cause, but pretended to be well disposed toward Cra.s.sus. He spent money for him unsparingly, learned all his plans (which he reported to the foe), and further, if any course was excellent for the Romans he tried to divert him from it, but if disadvantageous, to urge him to it. At last he was responsible for the following occurrence. Cra.s.sus was intending to advance to Seleucia by such a route as to reach there safely along the side of the Euphrates and on its stream, with his army and provisions. Accompanied by the people of that city, whom he hoped to win over easily, because they were Greeks, he could cross without difficulty to Ctesiphon.

Abgarus caused him to give up this course, on the ground that it would take a long time, and persuaded him to a.s.sail Surena, because the latter was near and had only a few men.

[-21-] Then, when he had arranged matters so that the invader should perish and the other should conquer (for he was continually in the company of Surena, on the pretext of spying), he led out the Romans, blinded by folly, to what he said was a victory in their very hands, and in the midst of the action joined the attack against them.

It happened like this.

[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]

The Parthians confronted the Romans with most of their army hidden; the ground was uneven in spots and wooded. Cra.s.sus seeing them--not Cra.s.sus the commander, but the younger, who had come to his father from Gaul,--and despising them (supposing them to be alone), led out his cavalry and, as they turned purposely to flight, pursued them. In his eagerness for victory he was separated far from his phalanx, and was then caught in a trap and cut down. [-22-] When this took place the roman infantry did not turn back, but valiantly joined battle with the Parthians to avenge his death. They accomplished nothing worthy of themselves, however, because of the enemy's numbers and tactics, especially as they suffered from the plotting of Abgarus. If they decided to lock shields for the purpose of avoiding the arrows by the density of their array, the pike-bearers were upon them with a rush, would strike down some, and at least scatter the others: and if they stood apart, so as to turn these aside, they would be shot with arrows.

Hereupon many died from fright at the very charge or the pike-bearers, and many hemmed in by the hors.e.m.e.n perished. Others were upset by the pikes or were carried off transfixed. The missiles falling thick upon them from all sides at once struck down many by an opportune blow, put many out of the battle, and caused annoyance to all. They flew into their eyes and pierced their hands and all the other parts of the body and penetrating their armor, forced them to take off their protection and expose themselves to wounds each minute. Thus, while a man was guarding against arrows or pulling out one that had stuck fast he received more wounds, one upon another. Consequently it was not feasible for them to move, nor feasible to remain at rest. Neither course afforded them safety, and both were fraught with destruction, the one because it was out of their power, and the other because they were more easily wounded. [-23-] This was what they suffered while they were fighting only against visible enemies. Abgarus did not immediately make his attempt upon them. When he, too, attacked, the Orshoeni themselves struck the Romans from behind in exposed places while they were facing in a different direction, and rendered them easier for the others to slaughter. For the Romans, altering their formation, so as to be facing them, put the Parthians behind them. They wheeled around again against the Parthians, then back again against the Orshoeni, then against the Parthians once more. Thrown into still greater confusion by this circ.u.mstance, because they were continually changing position this way and that and were forced to face the body that was wounding them at the time, many fell upon their own swords or were killed by their comrades.

Finally they were shut up in so narrow a place, with the enemy continually a.s.saulting them from all sides at once, and compelled to protect their exposed parts by the shields of those who stood beside them, that they could no longer move. They could not even get a sure footing by reason of the number of corpses, but kept falling over them.

The heat and thirst--it was mid-summer and this action took place at noon--and the dust of which all the barbarians raised as much as possible by riding around them, told fearfully upon the survivors, and many succ.u.mbed to these influences, even though unwounded. [-24-] And they would have perished utterly, but for the fact that some of the pikes of the barbarians were bent and others were broken, while the bowstrings snapped under the constant shooting, the missiles were all discharged, every sword blunted, and, chief of all, that the men themselves grew weary of the slaughter. Under these conditions, then, when it grew night the a.s.sailants being obliged to ride off to a distance retired. They never encamp near even the weakest bodies, because they use no intrenchments and if any one comes upon them in the darkness, they are unable to deploy their cavalry or their archery to advantage. However, they captured no Roman alive at that time. Seeing them standing upright in their armor and perceiving that no one threw away any part of it or fled, they deemed that they still had some strength, and feared to lay hold of them.

[-25-] So Cra.s.sus and the rest, as many as could, set out for Carrae, kept faithful to them by the Romans that had stayed behind within the walls. Many of the wounded being unable to walk and lacking vehicles or even men to carry them (for the survivors were glad of the chance to drag their own persons away) remained on the spot. Some of them died of their wounds or by making away with themselves, and others were captured the next day. Of the captives many perished on the road, as their physical strength gave out, and many later because they were unable to obtain proper care immediately. Cra.s.sus, in discouragement, believed he would be unable to hold out safely even in the city any longer, but planned flight at once. Since it was impossible for him to go out by day without being detected, he undertook to escape by night, but failed to secure secrecy, being betrayed by the moon, which was at its full. The Romans accordingly waited for moonless nights, and then starting out in darkness and a foreign land that was likewise hostile, they scattered in tremendous fear. Some were caught when it became day and lost their lives: others got safely away to Syria in the company of Ca.s.sius Longinus, the quaestor. Others, with Cra.s.sus himself, sought the mountains and prepared to escape through them into Armenia. [-26-]

Surena, learning this, was afraid that if they could reach any headquarters they might make war on him again, but still was unwilling to a.s.sail them on the higher ground, which was inaccessible to horses.

As they were heavy-armed men, fighting from higher ground, and in a kind of frenzy, through despair, contending with them was not easy. So he sent to them, inviting them to submit to a truce, on condition of abandoning all territory east of the Euphrates. Cra.s.sus, nothing wavering, trusted him. He was in the height of terror and distraught by his private misfortune and the public calamity as well; and because, further, he saw that the soldiers shrank from the journey (which they thought long and rough) and that they feared Orodes, he was unable to foresee anything that he ought. When he displayed acquiescence in the matter of the truce, Surena refused to conduct the ceremony through the agency of others, but in order to cut him off with only a few and seize him, he said that he wished to hold a conference with the commander personally. Thereupon they decided to meet each other in the s.p.a.ce between the two armies with an equal number of men from both sides.

Cra.s.sus descended to the level ground and Surena sent him a present of a horse, to make sure of his coming to him more quickly. [-27-] While Cra.s.sus was thus delaying and planning what he should do, the barbarians took him forcibly and threw him on his horse. Meanwhile the Romans also laid hold of him, they came to blows, and for a time carried on an equal struggle; then aid came to the kidnapers, and they prevailed. The barbarians, who were in the plain and were prepared beforehand, were too quick for the Romans above to help their men. Cra.s.sus fell among the rest, whether he was slain by one of his own men to prevent his capture alive, or whether by the enemy because he was wounded anyway. This was his end. And the Parthians, as some say, poured gold into his mouth in mockery; for though a man of great wealth he was so eager for money as to pity those who could not support an enrolled legion from their own means, regarding them as poor men. Of the soldiers the majority escaped through the mountains to friendly territory, but a fraction fell into the hands of the enemy.

[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]

[-28-] The Parthians at this time did not advance beyond the Euphrates, but won back the whole country east of it. Later they also (though not in any numbers) invaded Syria, because the province had neither general nor soldiers. The fact that there were not many of them enabled Ca.s.sius easily to effect their repulse. When at Carrae the soldiers through hatred of Cra.s.sus granted to Ca.s.sius absolute control of themselves, and the commander himself on account of the greatness of the disaster voluntarily allowed it, but Ca.s.sius would not accept it: now, however, he took charge of Syria perforce, for the time being and subsequently.

For the barbarians would not keep away from it, but campaigned once more against them with a larger band and under the nominal leadership of one Pacorus by name, the son of Orodes, though under the real direction of Osaces (for the other was still a child). They came as far as Antioch, subduing the whole country before them. They had hopes of subjugating also what remained, since the Romans were not at hand with a force fit to cope with them, and the people were fretting under Roman rule but ready to turn to the invaders, who were neighbors and acquaintances.

[-29-]As they failed to take Antioch, where Ca.s.sius repulsed them severely and they were unable to inst.i.tute any siege, they turned to Antigonea. The neighborhood of the city was overgrown with wood and they were dismayed, not being able to march into it. They then formed a plan to cut down the trees and lay bare the whole place so that they might approach the town with boldness and safety. Finding themselves unable to do this, because the task was a great one and their time was spent in vain, while Ca.s.sius hara.s.sed those scattered about, they retired apparently with the intention of proceeding against some other position.

Meanwhile Ca.s.sius set an ambush on the road along which they were to depart, and confronting them there with a few men he induced them to pursue, led them into the trap, and killed Osaces and others. Upon the latter's death Pacorus abandoned all of Syria and never invaded it again.

[-30-] He had scarcely retired when Bibulus arrived to govern Syria. His coming, to be sure, was in contravention of a decree intended to prevent rivalry for office, so productive of seditions, that no praetor nor consul, at once or at any time within four years, should go abroad to hold office. He administered the subject country in peace, and turned the Parthians against one another. Having won the friendship of Orondapates, a satrap, who had a grudge against Orodes, he persuaded him through messengers to set up Pacorus as king, and with him to conduct a campaign against the other.

[B.C. 51 (_a.u._ 703)]

This war came to an end in the fourth year from the time when it had begun, and while Marcus Marcellus and Sulpicius Rufus were consuls.

[-31-] In that same period Caesar by battle again gained control of Gallic affairs, which were in an unsettled state. He accomplished very much himself and some things through his lieutenants, of which I will state only the most important.

[B.C. 54 (_a.u._ 700)]

Ambiorix won the confidence of the Treveri, who at this time were still smarting under the setback of Indutiomarus's death, raised a greater conspiracy in that quarter, and sent for a mercenary force from the Celtae. Labienus wishing to join issue with them before this last contingent should be added to their number invaded the country of the Treveri in advance. The latter did not defend themselves, as they were awaiting reinforcements, but put a river between the two armies and remained quiet. Labienus then gathered his soldiers and addressed them in words of such a nature as were likely to alarm his own men and encourage the others: they must, he said, before the Celtae repelled them, withdraw to Caesar and safety; and he immediately gave the signal to pack up the baggage. Not much later he began actually to withdraw, expecting that that would occur which really did. The barbarians heard of his speech,--they took very good care in such matters and it was for just that reason that it had been delivered publicly,--and thought he was really afraid and truly taking to flight. Hence they eagerly crossed the river and started toward the Romans with spirit, as fast as each one could. So Labienus received their attack while they were scattered, and after terrifying the foremost easily routed the rest because of the action of the men in front. Then as they were fleeing in disorder, falling over one another and crowding toward the river, he killed many of them.

[B.C. 53 (_a.u._ 701)]

[-32-] Not a few of them escaped even so, of whom Caesar made no account, except of Ambiorix: this man by hurrying now one way and now another and doing much injury caused Caesar trouble in seeking and pursuing him. Not being able to catch him by any device the Roman commander made an expedition against the Celtae, alleging that they had wished to help the Treveri. On this occasion likewise he accomplished nothing, but retired rapidly through fear of the Suebi: he gained the reputation, however, of having crossed the Rhine again, and of the bridge he destroyed only the portions near the barbarians, constructing upon it a guard-house, as if he might at any time have a desire to cross. Then, in anger at the successful flight of Ambiorix, he delivered his country, though guilty of no rebellion, to any one who wished, to be plundered. He gave public notice of this in advance, that as many as possible might a.s.semble, wherefore many Gauls and many Sugambri came for the plunder. It did not suffice the Sugambri, however, to make spoil of Gallic territory, but they attacked the Romans themselves. They watched until the Romans were absent getting provender and made an attempt upon their camp; but meanwhile the other soldiers, perceiving it, came to the rescue and killed a number of the a.s.sailants. Inspired with a fear of Caesar by this encounter they hurriedly withdrew homeward: he inflicted no punishment upon any one of them because of the winter and the political disputes in Rome, but after dismissing the soldiers to their winter-quarters, went himself to Italy on the plea of caring for Hither Gaul, but really in order that he might be located close to what was taking place in the city.

[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]

[-33-] Meantime the Gauls made another outbreak. The Arverni under the leadership of Vercingetorix revolted, killed all the Romans they found in their country, and proceeding against the tribes in alliance with the foreigner bestowed favors upon such as were willing to join their revolt, and injured the rest. Caesar, on ascertaining this, returned and found that they had invaded the Bituriges. He did not try to repel them, all his soldiers not being at hand as yet, but by invading the Arvernian country in his turn drew the enemy home again, whereupon, not deeming himself yet a match for them, he retired in good season. [-34-] They accordingly went back to the Bituriges, captured Avaric.u.m, a city of theirs, and in it maintained a resistance a long time, for the wall was hard to approach, being bordered on one side by almost trackless swamps and on the other by a river with a swift current. When, therefore, later they were besieged by the Romans, their great numbers made it easy for them to repel a.s.saults, and they made sallies, inflicting great damage.

Finally they burned over everything in the vicinity, not only fields and villages but also cities from which they thought a.s.sistance could come to the foe, and if anything was being brought to them from allies at a distance, they seized it for booty. Therefore the Romans, while appearing to besiege the city, really suffered the fate of besieged, until a furious rain and great wind sprang up (the winter having already set in) during their attack on one point in the wall, which first drove the a.s.sailants back, making them seek shelter in their tents, and then confined the barbarians, too, in their houses. When they had gone from the battlements the Romans suddenly attacked again, while there were no men there: and first capturing a tower, before the enemy became aware of their presence, they then without difficulty got possession of the remaining works, plundered the whole city, and in anger at the siege and their hardship slew all the men.

[-35-] After effecting this Caesar conducted a campaign against their territory. The rest of the Arverni in view of the war being made upon them had gained possession in advance of the bridges which he had to cross; and he being in doubt as to how he should pa.s.s over, proceeded a considerable distance along the bank to see if he could find any place suitable for going over on foot through the water itself. Soon after he reached a woody and overshadowed spot, from which he sent forward the baggage-carriers and most of his army a long way, with line stretched out: he bade them go forward so that all his troops might appear to be in that one division. He himself with the strongest portion remained behind, cut down the wood, made rafts, and on them crossed the stream while the barbarians still had their attention fixed on those going along in front and calculated that Caesar was among them. After this he called back the advance party by night, transferred them across in the same way, and conquered the country. The people fled in a body to Gergovia, carrying there all their most valued possessions, and Caesar had a great deal of toil to no purpose in besieging them. [-36-] Their fort was on a strong hill and they had strengthened it greatly with walls; also the barbarians round about had seized all the high ground and were keeping guard over it, so that if they remained in position they could safely hold their own, and if they charged down they would gain the greater advantage. For Caesar, not having any sure position to choose, was encamped in the plain and never knew beforehand what was going on: but the barbarians, higher up, could look down upon his camp and kept making opportune charges. If they ever advanced farther than was fitting and were beaten back, they quickly got within their own domain again; and the Romans in no way could come as near to the places as stones and javelins could be hurled. The time was in general spent uselessly: often when he a.s.saulted the very height upon which their fortress was located, he would capture a certain portion of it so that he could wall it in and continue thence more easily his progress against the rest of it, but on the whole he met with reverses. He lost a number of his soldiers, and saw that the enemy could not be captured. Moreover, there was at this time an uprising among the Aedui, and while he was absent attending to them, the men left behind fared badly. All these considerations led Caesar to raise the siege.

[-37-] The Aedui in the beginning abode by their agreements and sent him a.s.sistance, but later they made war rather involuntarily, being deceived by Litaviccus and others. He, having been unable by any other course to persuade them to adopt a hostile att.i.tude, managed to get the appointment of conveying some men to Caesar to be the latter's allies. He started off as if to fulfill this mission, but sent ahead also some hors.e.m.e.n and bade some of them return and say that their companions and the rest of their men in the camp of the Romans had been arrested by the latter and put to death. Then he further excited the wrath of his soldiers by delivering a speech appropriate to the message. In this way the Aedui themselves rose and led others to revolt with them. Caesar, as soon as he ascertained this, sent to them the Aedui whom he had and was thought to have slain, so that they might be seen by all to be alive, and followed on with his cavalry. On this occasion, then, they repented and made terms. [-38-] The Romans were later, by reason of Caesar's absence, defeated close to Gergovia and then entirely withdrew from that country; wherefore those who had caused the uprising and were always desirous of a change in politics feared that if they delayed the Romans might exact vengeance[64] from them, and consequently rebelled entirely.

Members of their tribe who were campaigning with Caesar, when they learned of this, asked him to allow them to return home, promising that they would arrange everything. Released on these conditions they came to Noviodunum where the Romans had deposited money and grain and many hostages, and with the cooperation of the natives destroyed the garrisons, who were not expecting hostility, and became masters of all of them. That city, because advantageous, they burned down, to prevent the Romans from making it a starting point for the war, and they next caused the remainder of the Aedui to revolt. Caesar, therefore, attempted to march against them at once, but not being able, on account of the river Liger he turned his attention to the Lingones. And not even there did he meet with success. Labienus, however, occupied the island in the Sequana river by conquering its defenders on the sh.o.r.e, and crossed over at many points at once, both down stream and up, in order that his troops might not be hindered by all crossing at one spot.

[-39-] Before this happened Vercingetorix, filled with contempt for Caesar because of his reverses, had marched against the Allobroges. And he intercepted the Roman leader, who had meantime started out evidently to aid them, when he was in Sequania, and surrounded him but did him no damage: on the contrary he compelled the Romans to be brave through despair of safety, but he failed himself by reason of his numbers and audacity and was even defeated to a certain extent by the Celtae that were allies of the Romans; for to their charges with unwearying bodies they added the strength of daring and so broke through the enclosing ranks. Having discovered this device Caesar did not give ground, but shut up in Alesia such of the foe as fled, and besieged them. [-40-]Now Vercingetorix at first, before the wall had entirely cut off his followers, had sent out the hors.e.m.e.n to get fodder for the horses (there being none on hand), and in order to let them disperse, each to his native land, and bring thence provisions and a.s.sistance. As these delayed and food supplies began to fail the beleaguered party, he thrust out the children and the women and the most useless among the rest, vainly hoping that either the outcasts would be saved as booty by the Romans or else those left in the town might perhaps survive by enjoying for a longer time the supplies that would have belonged to their companions. But Caesar to begin with had not sufficient himself to feed others. Thinking, therefore, that by their return he could make the deficiency of food seem more severe to the enemy (for he expected that the expelled would without doubt be received), he forced them all back.

So these perished most miserably between the city and the camp, because neither party would receive them. The relief looked for from the hors.e.m.e.n and such others as they were conducting reached the barbarians before long, but it was then defeated[65] by the onset of the Romans in a cavalry battle. Thereupon the relief party tried by night to enter the city through the enclosing wall but was bitterly disappointed: for the Romans had made hidden pits in those roads which were used by horses and had fixed stakes in them, afterward making the whole surface resemble the surrounding country; thus horse and man, falling into them absolutely without warning, were mangled. These reinforcements did not, however, give up until, marshaled once more in battle array beside the very walls, they themselves and at the same time the men in the city who came out to fight had met with failure.

[-41-] Now Vercingetorix might have escaped, for he had not been captured and was unwounded, but he hoped because he had once been on friendly terms with Caesar, that he would obtain pardon from him. So he came to him without any announcement by herald, but appeared before him suddenly, as Caesar was seated on a platform, and threw some that were present into alarm; he was first of all very tall, and in a suit of armor he made an extremely imposing figure. When quiet had been restored, he uttered not a word, but fell upon his knees and remained so, with clasped hands. This inspired many with pity at remembrance of his former fortune and at the distressing state in which he now appeared. But Caesar reproached him in this very matter on which he most relied for ultimate safety, and by setting before him how he had repaid friendliness with the opposite treatment proved his offence to have been the more abominable. Therefore he did not pity him even for one moment, but immediately confined him in bonds, and later, after sending him to his triumph, put him to death.

[B.C. 51 (_a.u._ 703)]

[-42-] This was really a later occurrence. At the time previously mentioned he gained some of the survivors by capitulation and enslaved the rest, after conquering them in battle. The Belgae, who live near by, put at their head Commius, an Atrebatian, and resisted for a great while. They fought two close cavalry battles and the third time in an infantry battle they showed themselves at first an equal match, but later, attacked unexpectedly in the rear by cavalry, they turned to flight. [-43-] After this the remainder abandoned the camp by night, and as they were pa.s.sing through a wood set fire to it, leaving behind only the wagons, in order that the enemy might be delayed by these and by the fire, and they retire to safety. Their hopes, however, were not realized. The Romans, as soon as they perceived their flight, pursued them and on encountering the fire they extinguished part of it and hewed their way through the rest. Some even ran right through the flame, overtook the fugitives without warning and slaughtered great numbers.

Thereafter some of them capitulated, but the Atrebatian, who escaped, would not keep quiet even after this experience. He undertook at one time to ambush Labienus, and after a defeat in battle was persuaded to hold a conference with him. Before any terms were made he was wounded by one of the Romans who surmised that it was not his real intention to make peace, but he escaped and again proved troublesome to them. At last, despairing of his project, he secured for his a.s.sociates entire amnesty extending to all their people, and for himself, as some say, on condition of never appearing again within sight of any Roman. So the contending parties became reconciled and subsequently the rest, some voluntarily and others overcome in war, were subdued. Then Caesar by garrisons and legal penalties and levies of money and a.s.signment of tribute humbled some and tamed others.

[B.C. 50 (_a.u._ 704)]

[-44-] Thus this trouble came to an end in the consulship of Lucius Paulus and Gaius Marcellus. Caesar in the interest of the Gauls and to see about the term allowed him for leadership had to leave Gaul and return to Rome. His office was about to terminate, the war had ceased, and he had no longer any satisfactory excuse for not disbanding his troops and returning to private life. Affairs in the city at this time were in turmoil, Cra.s.sus was dead, and Pompey had again come to power, after being three times consul and having managed to get the government of Spain granted to him for five years more. The latter had no longer any bond of alliance with Caesar, especially now that the child, who alone had kept them on friendly terms, had pa.s.sed away. The returning general therefore was afraid that stripped of his soldiers he might fall into the power of Pompey and of his other enemies, and therefore did not dismiss them.

[B.C. 53 (_a.u._ 701)]