Decision Points Part 9

Late in the afternoon of September 12, I made the short trip across the Potomac to the Pentagon. The building was smoldering, and there were still bodies inside. Don Rumsfeld and I walked the crash site and thanked the work crews for their devotion. At one point, a team of workers atop the building unfurled a giant American flag. It was a sign of defiance and resolve, exactly what the nation needed to see. One of the last groups I met was the morgue team. Joe Hagin Joe Hagin brought them over. They were covered in dust after performing the saddest duty of all. I told them how much I appreciated the dignity they brought to their work. brought them over. They were covered in dust after performing the saddest duty of all. I told them how much I appreciated the dignity they brought to their work.

Visiting the Pentagon on September 12, 2001, with Don Rumsfeld. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper The experience at the Pentagon convinced me I needed to go to New York as soon as possible. Joe told me there were some serious problems with that idea. The Secret Service wasn't sure the area was secure. The advance teams did not have time to prepare for a presidential event. No one knew what the environment at Ground Zero would be like. These were valid concerns, but I had made up my mind. I wanted New Yorkers to know that they were not alone. I took the attack as personally as they did. There was no subst.i.tute for telling them face to face.

I decided to break the news Thursday morning. Ari Fleischer Ari Fleischer had suggested that we invite the press into the Oval Office to witness my phone call with New York Governor had suggested that we invite the press into the Oval Office to witness my phone call with New York Governor George Pataki George Pataki and Mayor and Mayor Rudy Giuliani Rudy Giuliani. "I can't tell you how proud I am of the good citizens of your part of the world, and the extraordinary job you all are doing," I said. Then I dropped the surprise. "You've extended me a kind invitation to come to New York City. I accept; I'll be there tomorrow afternoon."

I agreed to take a few questions from the press after the call. They asked about the safety of the aviation system, the whereabouts of bin Laden, and what I was requesting from Congress. The last question came from a reporter for the Christian Science Monitor Christian Science Monitor: "Could you give us a sense as to what kind of prayers you are thinking and where your heart is...?"

I had managed to suppress my emotion in public for the past two days, but this question brought it to the surface. I had been thinking about Ted Olson's grief-stricken voice. I pictured the exhausted morgue team. I thought about the innocent children who had died, and those who had lost their mom or dad. The sorrow that had acc.u.mulated burst forth. My eyes filled with tears and my throat caught. I paused briefly as the cameras clicked rapidly. I regained my composure, put my hand down on the Resolute desk, and leaned forward. "Well, I don't think about myself right now. I think about the families, the children. I am a loving guy, and I am also someone, however, who has got a job to do. And I intend to do it."

Later that day, Laura and I went to the Washington Hospital Center to visit victims from the Pentagon. Some had been burned over huge portions of their bodies. I asked one if he was an Army Ranger. Without missing a beat, he answered, "No, sir, I'm Special Forces. My IQ is too high to be a Ranger." Everyone in the room-his wife, his doctors, Laura, and me-cracked up. It felt good to laugh. I left the hospital inspired by the courage of the wounded and the compa.s.sion of the doctors and nurses.

Andy Card was waiting in the South Lawn driveway when we returned from the hospital. Before I could get out of the limo, he opened the door and jumped in. He told me there had been a bomb threat to the White House. The Secret Service had relocated the vice president, and they wanted to evacuate me, too. I told the agents to double-check the intelligence and send home as many of the White House staff as possible. But I was staying put. I was not going to give the enemy the pleasure of seeing me hustled around to different locations again. The Secret Service extended the security perimeter of the White House. We made it through the day. When we went to bed, I thought, Another day with no attack. Thank G.o.d. Another day with no attack. Thank G.o.d.

Nearly three thousand innocent men, women, and children were killed on September 11. I felt it was important for the country to mourn together, so I set aside Friday as a National Day of Prayer and Remembrance National Day of Prayer and Remembrance. I knew September 14 would be a grueling and emotional day. I did not expect it to be the most inspiring one of my life.

A little after 7:00 a.m., Andy Card Andy Card met me in the Oval Office for my national security briefing. The CIA believed that there were more al Qaeda operatives in the United States and that they wanted to attack America with biological, chemical, or nuclear weapons. It was hard to imagine anything more devastating than 9/11, but a terrorist attack with weapons of ma.s.s destruction would qualify. met me in the Oval Office for my national security briefing. The CIA believed that there were more al Qaeda operatives in the United States and that they wanted to attack America with biological, chemical, or nuclear weapons. It was hard to imagine anything more devastating than 9/11, but a terrorist attack with weapons of ma.s.s destruction would qualify.

I asked FBI Director Bob Mueller Bob Mueller and Attorney General and Attorney General John Ashcroft John Ashcroft to update me on the progress of the FBI's investigation of the hijackers. Bob told me they had identified most of the terrorists and determined when they'd entered the country, where they'd stayed, and how they'd executed the plot. It was an impressive piece of investigation. But it wasn't enough. to update me on the progress of the FBI's investigation of the hijackers. Bob told me they had identified most of the terrorists and determined when they'd entered the country, where they'd stayed, and how they'd executed the plot. It was an impressive piece of investigation. But it wasn't enough.

With Bob Mueller. White House/Paul Morse White House/Paul Morse

With John Ashcroft. a.s.sociated Press/Doug Mills a.s.sociated Press/Doug Mills "What are you doing to stop the next attack?" I asked. People nervously shifted in their seats. I told Bob I wanted the Bureau to adopt a wartime mentality. We needed to disrupt attacks before they happened, not just investigate them after they took place. At the end of the meeting, Bob affirmed, "That's our new mission, preventing attacks." Over the years ahead, he fulfilled his promise and carried out the most fundamental transformation of the FBI in its century-long history.

After a phone call with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon Ariel Sharon of Israel, a leader who understood what it meant to fight terror, I began my first Cabinet meeting since the terrorist attacks. As I stepped into the room, the team broke out in sustained applause. I was surprised, and I choked up at their heartfelt support. The tears flowed for the second time in two days. of Israel, a leader who understood what it meant to fight terror, I began my first Cabinet meeting since the terrorist attacks. As I stepped into the room, the team broke out in sustained applause. I was surprised, and I choked up at their heartfelt support. The tears flowed for the second time in two days.

We started the Cabinet meeting with a prayer. I asked Don Rumsfeld to lead it. He offered moving words about the victims of the attacks and asked for the "patience to measure our l.u.s.t for action." The moment of silence after the prayer gave me time to collect my emotions. I thought about the speech I would soon give at the National Cathedral. Apparently Colin Powell did, too. The secretary of state slipped me a note.

"Dear Mr. President," he wrote. "When I have to give a speech like this, I avoid those words that I know will cause me to well up, such as Mom and Pop." It was a thoughtful gesture. Colin had seen combat; he knew the powerful emotions we were all feeling and wanted to comfort me. As I began the meeting, I held up the note and joked, "Let me tell you what the secretary of state just told me....'Dear Mr. President, Don't break down!'"

The National Cathedral is an awesome structure, with 102-foot ceilings, elegant b.u.t.tresses, and sparkling stained gla.s.s. On September 14 the pews were filled to capacity. Former Presidents Ford, Carter, Bush, and Clinton were there with their wives. So was almost every member of Congress, the whole Cabinet, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the justices of the Supreme Court, the diplomatic corps, and families of the victims. One person not there was d.i.c.k Cheney d.i.c.k Cheney. He was at Camp David to ensure the continuity of government, a reminder of the ongoing threat.

At the National Cathedral. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper I had asked Laura and Karen Hughes Karen Hughes to design the program, and they did a fine job. The speakers included religious leaders of many faiths: Imam to design the program, and they did a fine job. The speakers included religious leaders of many faiths: Imam Muzammil Siddiqi Muzammil Siddiqi of the Islamic Society of North America, Rabbi of the Islamic Society of North America, Rabbi Joshua Haberman Joshua Haberman, Billy Graham Billy Graham, Cardinal Theodore McCarrick Theodore McCarrick, and Kirbyjon Caldwell Kirbyjon Caldwell. Near the end of the service, my turn came. As I climbed the steps to the lectern, I whispered a prayer: "Lord, let your light shine through me."

The speech at the cathedral was the most important of my young presidency. I had told my speechwriters-Mike Gerson, John McConnell John McConnell, and Matthew Scully Matthew Scully-that I wanted to accomplish three objectives: mourn the loss of life, remind people there was a loving G.o.d, and make clear that those who attacked our nation would face justice.

With my speechwriters (from left) Dan Bartlett, Mike Gerson, Matthew Scully, and John McConnell.White House/Eric Draper "We are here in the middle hour of our grief," I began. "So many have suffered so great a loss, and today we express our nation's sorrow. We come before G.o.d to pray for the missing and the dead, and for those who love them....To the children and parents and spouses and families and friends of the lost, we offer the deepest sympathy of the nation. And I a.s.sure you, you are not alone."

I scanned the crowd. Three soldiers sitting to my right had tears cascading down their faces. So did my lead advance woman, Charity Wallace Charity Wallace. I was determined not to fall prey to the contagion of crying. There was one place I dared not look: the pew where Mother, Dad, and Laura were seated. I continued: Just three days removed from these events, Americans do not yet have the distance of history. But our responsibility to history is already clear: to answer these attacks and rid the world of evil. War has been waged against us by stealth and deceit and murder. This nation is peaceful, but fierce when stirred to anger. This conflict was begun on the timing and terms of others. It will end in a way, and at an hour, of our choosing....G.o.d's signs are not always the ones we look for. We learn in tragedy that His purposes are not always our own. Yet the prayers of private suffering, whether in our homes or in this great cathedral, are known and heard, and understood....This world He created is of moral design. Grief and tragedy and hatred are only for a time. Goodness, remembrance, and love have no end. And the Lord of life holds all who die, and all who mourn.

As I took my seat next to Laura, Dad reached over and gently squeezed my arm. Some have said the moment marked a symbolic pa.s.sing of the torch from one generation to another. I saw it as the rea.s.suring touch of a father who knew the challenges of war. I drew strength from his example and his love. I needed that strength for the next stage of the journey: the visit to the point of attack, lower Manhattan.

The flight north was quiet. I had asked Kirbyjon Caldwell Kirbyjon Caldwell to make the trip with me. I had seen the footage of New York on television, and I knew the devastation was overwhelming. It was comforting to have a friend and a man of faith by my side. to make the trip with me. I had seen the footage of New York on television, and I knew the devastation was overwhelming. It was comforting to have a friend and a man of faith by my side.

Governor Pataki and Mayor Giuliani greeted me at McGuire Air Force Base in New Jersey. They looked spent. The governor had been working tirelessly since Tuesday morning, allocating state resources and rallying the troops under his command. And rarely had a man met his moment in history more naturally than Rudy Giuliani Rudy Giuliani did on September11. He was defiant at the right times, sorrowful at the right times, and in command the entire time. did on September11. He was defiant at the right times, sorrowful at the right times, and in command the entire time.

Huddling with Rudy Giuliani (left) and George Pataki at McGuire Air Force Base. White House/Paul Morse White House/Paul Morse I boarded the chopper with George and Rudy. On the flight into the city, the Marine pilots flew over Ground Zero. My mind went back to the helicopter flight on the evening of September 11. The Pentagon had been wounded, but not destroyed. That was not the case with the Twin Towers. They were gone. There was nothing left but a pile of rubble. The devastation was shocking and total.

The view from the air was nothing compared to what I saw on the ground. George, Rudy, and I piled into a Suburban. We had just started the drive to the disaster site when something on the side of the road caught my eye. It appeared to be a lumbering gray ma.s.s. I took a second look. It was a group of first responders covered head to toe in ash.

I asked the driver to stop. I walked over, started shaking hands, and thanked the men for all they had done. They had been working nonstop. Several had tears running down their faces, cutting a path through the soot like rivulets through a desert. The emotion of the encounter was a harbinger of what was to come.

As we approached Ground Zero, I felt like I was entering a nightmare. There was little light. Smoke hung in the air and mixed with suspended particles of debris, creating an eerie gray curtain. We sloshed through puddles left behind by the morning rain and the water used to fight the fires. There was some chatter from the local officials. "Here is where the old headquarters stood....There is where the unit regrouped." I tried to listen, but my mind kept returning to the devastation, and to those who ordered the attacks. They had hit us even harder than I had comprehended.

We had been walking for a few minutes when George and Rudy led us down into a pit where rescue workers were digging through the rubble for survivors. If the rest of the site was a nightmare, this was pure h.e.l.l. It seemed darker than the area up top. In addition to the heavy soot in the air, there were piles of shattered gla.s.s and metal.

When the workers saw me, a line formed. I shook every hand. The workers' faces and clothes were filthy. Their eyes were bloodshot. Their voices were hoa.r.s.e. Their emotions covered the full spectrum. There was sorrow and exhaustion, worry and hope, anger and pride. Several quietly said, "Thank you" or "G.o.d bless you" or "We're proud of you." I told them they had it backward. I was proud of them.

With rescue workers amid the wreckage of the towers. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper After a few minutes, the mood started to turn. One soot-covered firefighter told me that his station had lost a number of men. I tried to comfort him, but that was not what he wanted. He looked me square in the eye and said, "George, find the b.a.s.t.a.r.ds who did this and kill them." It's not often that people call the president by his first name. But that was fine by me. This was personal.

The more time I spent with the workers, the more raw emotions rose to the surface. To most of these men and women, I was a face they had seen on TV. They didn't know me. They hadn't seen me tested. They wanted to make sure I shared their determination. One man yelled, "Do not let me down!" Another shouted straight at my face, "Whatever it takes!" The bloodl.u.s.t was palpable and understandable.

Andy Card asked if I wanted to say something to the crowd. I decided I should. There was no stage, no microphone, and no prepared remarks. Andy pointed me to a mound of metal. I looked at Secret Service agent Carl Truscott Carl Truscott, who nodded that it was safe to climb up. An older firefighter was standing atop the pile. I put out my hand, and he pulled me up next to him. His name was Bob Beckwith Bob Beckwith.

Nina Bishop, a member of the advance team, had tracked down a bullhorn that I could use to address those a.s.sembled. She thrust it into my hands. The crowd was able to see me atop the mound, which I later learned was a crumpled fire truck. My first instinct was to console. I told them that America was on bended knee in prayer for the victims, the rescuers, and the families.

People shouted, "We can't hear you." I shot back, "I can hear you!" It got a cheer. I had been hoping to rally the workers and express the resolve of the country. Suddenly I knew how. "I can hear you. The rest of the world hears you," I said, prompting a louder roar. "And the people who knocked these buildings down will hear all of us soon!" The crowd exploded. It was a release of energy I had never felt before. They struck up a chant of "USA, USA, USA!"

I had spent a fair amount of time in New York over the years. But it wasn't until September 14, 2001, that I got a sense of the city's real character. After the visit to Ground Zero, we drove three miles north to the Javits Center. I was amazed by the number of people on the West Side Highway waving flags and cheering. "I hate to break it to you, Mr. President," Rudy joked, "but none of these people voted for you."

At the Javits Center, I walked into a staging area for first responders from across the country. I greeted firemen and rescuers from states as far away as Ohio and California. Without being asked, they had come to the city to serve as reinforcements. I thanked them on behalf of the nation and urged them to continue their good work.

The building's parking garage had been converted into a gathering place for about two hundred family members of missing first responders. The people in the room spanned all ages, from elderly grandmothers to newborn babies. Many were living the same nightmare: Their loved ones had last been seen or heard near the World Trade Center. They wanted to know if they had survived.

I had just seen the debris of the towers. I knew it would be a miracle if anyone emerged. Yet the families refused to give up hope. We prayed together and wept together. Many people asked for pictures or autographs. I felt awkward signing autographs in a time of grief, but I wanted to do anything I could to ease their pain. I asked each family to tell me a little bit about their missing loved one. Then I said, "I'll sign this card, and then when your dad [or mom or son or daughter] comes home, they'll believe that you really met the president."

As I came to the last corner of the room, I saw a family gathered around a seated woman. I sat down next to the woman, who told me her name was Arlene Howard Arlene Howard. Her son was a Port Authority police officer who'd had September 11 off but volunteered to help as soon as he heard about the attacks. He had last been seen rushing into the dust and smoke three days earlier.

With Arlene Howard. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper As I was getting ready to say goodbye, Arlene reached into her purse and held out her hand. It contained a metal object. "This is my son's badge. His name is George Howard. Please remember him," she said as she pressed the badge into my hand. I promised I would.

George Howard's badge. I still carry it today. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper

I served 2,685 days as president after Arlene gave me that badge. I kept it with me every one of them. As the years pa.s.sed, most Americans returned to life as usual. That was natural and desirable.

It meant the country was healing and people felt safer. As I record these thoughts, that day of fire is a distant memory for some of our citizens. The youngest Americans have no firsthand knowledge of the day. Eventually, September 11 will come to feel more like Pearl Harbor Day-an honored date on the calendar and an important moment in history, but not a scar on the heart, not a reason to fight on.

For me, the week of September 11 will always be something more. I still see the Pentagon smoldering, the towers in flames, and that pile of twisted steel. I still hear the voices of the loved ones searching for survivors and the workers yelling, "Do not let me down!" and "Whatever it takes!" I still feel the sadness of the children, the agony of the burn victims, and the torment of the broken families. I still marvel at the bravery of the firefighters, and the compa.s.sion of strangers, and the matchless courage of the pa.s.sengers who forced down that plane.

September 11 redefined sacrifice. It redefined duty. And it redefined my job. The story of that week is the key to understanding my presidency. There were so many decisions that followed, many of them controversial and complex. Yet after 9/11, I felt my responsibility was clear. For as long as I held office, I could never forget what happened to America that day. I would pour my heart and soul into protecting the country, whatever it took.

*The source of the reporting, a foreign intelligence service, remains cla.s.sified.

n October 17, 2001, I boarded Air Force One for my first trip out of the country since 9/11. We were headed to Shanghai for the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit, a gathering of twenty-one leaders from Pacific Rim nations. The Secret Service was anxious about the trip. For weeks, we had received chilling intelligence reports about potential follow-up attacks. Yet strengthening America's relationships in the Far East was one of my top priorities, and I wanted my fellow world leaders to see firsthand my determination to battle the terrorists.

As Air Force One touched down at the Shanghai airport, I thought back to the dusty, bicycle-filled city I had visited with Mother in 1975. This time we made the forty-five-minute drive to downtown Shanghai on a modern highway. We sped past a sparkling new section of the city called Pudong. I later learned the government had moved roughly one hundred thousand people off the land to enable the construction. The skysc.r.a.pers and neon lights reminded me of Las Vegas. For Shanghai, the Great Leap Forward had finally arrived.

The next morning, I squeezed into a blue tent at the Ritz-Carlton with Colin Powell Colin Powell, Condi Rice, Andy Card Andy Card, and the CIA briefer. The structure was designed to protect the national security briefing from potential eavesdroppers. We turned on a video monitor and d.i.c.k Cheney d.i.c.k Cheney's face popped up from New York City. He was wearing white tie and tails for his speech at the Alfred E. Smith Memorial Foundation Dinner, an annual charity event organized by the Catholic archdiocese.

As soon as I saw d.i.c.k, I could tell something was wrong. His face was as white as his tie.

"Mr. President," he said, "one of the bio-detectors went off at the White House. They found traces of botulinum toxin. The chances are we've all been exposed."

The CIA had briefed me on botulinum toxin. It was one of the world's most poisonous substances. n.o.body said a word. Finally, Colin asked, "What's the time of exposure?" Was he doing the mental math, trying to figure out how long it had been since he was last in the White House?

Deputy National Security Adviser Steve Hadley Steve Hadley explained that the FBI was testing the suspicious substance on mice. The next twenty-four hours would be crucial. If the mice were still scurrying around, feet down, we would be fine. But if the mice were on their backs, feet up, we were goners. Condi tried to lighten the mood. "Well," she said, "this is one way to die for your country." explained that the FBI was testing the suspicious substance on mice. The next twenty-four hours would be crucial. If the mice were still scurrying around, feet down, we would be fine. But if the mice were on their backs, feet up, we were goners. Condi tried to lighten the mood. "Well," she said, "this is one way to die for your country."

I went to the summit meetings and awaited the test results. The next day, Condi got a message that Steve was trying to reach her. "I guess this is the call," she said. After a few minutes, Condi came back with the news.

"Feet down, not feet up," she said. It was a false alarm.

Years later, incidents like the botulinum toxin scare botulinum toxin scare can seem fanciful and far-fetched. It's easy to chuckle at the image of America's most senior officials praying for lab mice to stay upright. But at the time, the threats were urgent and real. Six mornings a week, can seem fanciful and far-fetched. It's easy to chuckle at the image of America's most senior officials praying for lab mice to stay upright. But at the time, the threats were urgent and real. Six mornings a week, George Tenet George Tenet and the CIA briefed me on what they called the Threat Matrix, a summary of of potential attacks on the homeland. On Sundays, I received a written intelligence briefing. Between 9/11 and mid-2003, the CIA reported to me on an average of 400 specific threats each month. The CIA tracked more than twenty separate alleged large-scale attack plots, ranging from possible chemical and biological weapons operations in Europe to potential homeland attacks involved sleeper operatives. Some reports mentioned specific targets, including major landmarks, military bases, universities, and shopping malls. For months after 9/11, I would wake up in the middle of the night worried about what I had read. and the CIA briefed me on what they called the Threat Matrix, a summary of of potential attacks on the homeland. On Sundays, I received a written intelligence briefing. Between 9/11 and mid-2003, the CIA reported to me on an average of 400 specific threats each month. The CIA tracked more than twenty separate alleged large-scale attack plots, ranging from possible chemical and biological weapons operations in Europe to potential homeland attacks involved sleeper operatives. Some reports mentioned specific targets, including major landmarks, military bases, universities, and shopping malls. For months after 9/11, I would wake up in the middle of the night worried about what I had read.

I peppered my briefers with questions. How credible was each threat? What had we done to follow up on a lead? Each piece of information was like a tile in a mosaic. In late September, FBI Director Bob Mueller Bob Mueller inserted a big tile when he told me there were 331 potential inserted a big tile when he told me there were 331 potential al Qaeda al Qaeda operatives inside the United States. The overall image was unmistakable: The prospect of a second wave of terrorist attacks against America was very real. operatives inside the United States. The overall image was unmistakable: The prospect of a second wave of terrorist attacks against America was very real.

With the national security team in the Situation Room in late October 2001. Clockwise from me: Clockwise from me: Colin Powell, Don Rumsfeld, Pete Pace, Colin Powell, Don Rumsfeld, Pete Pace, Condi Rice, George Tenet, Andy Card, and d.i.c.k Cheney. White House/Eric Draper White House/Eric Draper Prior to 9/11, many had viewed terrorism primarily as a crime to be prosecuted, as the government had after the bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993. After 9/11, it was clear that the attacks on our emba.s.sies in East Africa and on the USS USS Cole Cole were more than isolated crimes. They were a warm-up for September 11, part of a master plan orchestrated by were more than isolated crimes. They were a warm-up for September 11, part of a master plan orchestrated by Osama bin Laden Osama bin Laden, who had issued a religious edict, known as a fatwa, calling the murder of Americans "an individual duty for every Muslim who can do it in any country in which it is possible to do it."

On 9/11, it was obvious the law enforcement approach to terrorism had failed. Suicidal men willing to fly pa.s.senger planes into buildings were not common criminals. They could not be deterred by the threat of prosecution. They had declared war on America. To protect the country, we had to wage war against the terrorists.

The war would be different from any America had fought in the past. We had to uncover the terrorists' plots. We had to track their movements and disrupt their operations. We had to cut off their money and deprive them of their safe havens. And we had to do it all under the threat of another attack. The terrorists had made our homefront a battleground. Putting America on a war footing was one of the most important decisions of my presidency.

My authority to conduct the war on terror came from two sources. One was Article II of the Const.i.tution, which entrusts the president with wartime powers as commander in chief. The other was a congressional war resolution pa.s.sed three days after 9/11. By a vote of 98 to 0 in the Senate and 420 to 1 in the House, Congress declared: That the President is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations, or persons.

In the years ahead, some in Congress would forget those words. I never did. I woke up every morning thinking about the danger we faced and the responsibilities I carried. I was also keenly aware that presidents had a history of overreaching during war. John Adams John Adams signed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which banned public dissent. signed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which banned public dissent. Abraham Lincoln Abraham Lincoln suspended suspended habeas corpus habeas corpus during the Civil War. during the Civil War. Franklin Roosevelt Franklin Roosevelt ordered j.a.panese Americans interned during World War II. When I took the oath of office, I swore to "preserve, protect, and defend the Const.i.tution." My most solemn duty, the calling of my presidency, was to protect America-within the authority granted to me by the Const.i.tution. ordered j.a.panese Americans interned during World War II. When I took the oath of office, I swore to "preserve, protect, and defend the Const.i.tution." My most solemn duty, the calling of my presidency, was to protect America-within the authority granted to me by the Const.i.tution.

The immediate task after 9/11 was to harden our nation's defenses against a second attack. The undertaking was daunting. To stop the enemy, we had to be right 100 percent of the time. To harm us, they had to succeed only once.

We implemented a flurry of new security measures. I approved the deployment of National Guard forces to airports, put more air marshals on planes, required airlines to harden c.o.c.kpit doors, and tightened procedures for granting visas and screening pa.s.sengers. Working with state and local governments and the private sector, we increased security at seaports, bridges, nuclear power plants, and other vulnerable infrastructure.

Shortly after 9/11, I appointed Governor Tom Ridge Tom Ridge of Pennsylvania to a new senior White House position overseeing our homeland security effort. Tom brought valuable management experience, but by early 2002, it had become clear that the task was too large to be coordinated out of a small White House office. Dozens of different federal agencies shared responsibility for securing the homeland. The patchwork approach was inefficient, and there was too much risk that something would slip through the seams. One egregious example came in March 2002, when the of Pennsylvania to a new senior White House position overseeing our homeland security effort. Tom brought valuable management experience, but by early 2002, it had become clear that the task was too large to be coordinated out of a small White House office. Dozens of different federal agencies shared responsibility for securing the homeland. The patchwork approach was inefficient, and there was too much risk that something would slip through the seams. One egregious example came in March 2002, when the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) mailed a letter notifying a Florida flight school that it had granted student visas to mailed a letter notifying a Florida flight school that it had granted student visas to Mohamed Atta Mohamed Atta and and Marwan al Shehhi Marwan al Shehhi. The person opening the letter must have been shocked. Those were the two pilots who had flown airplanes into the Twin Towers on 9/11.

I was shocked, too. As I told the press at the time, "I could barely get my coffee down." The sloppy error exemplified the need for broader reform. INS, a branch of the Justice Department, wasn't the only agency struggling with its new homeland security responsibilities. The Customs Service Customs Service, reporting to the Treasury Department, faced the enormous task of securing the nation's ports. They shared that responsibility with the Coast Guard, which was part of the Transportation Department.

Democratic Senator Joe Lieberman Joe Lieberman of Connecticut had been making the strong case for creating a new federal department that unified our homeland security efforts. I liked and respected Joe. He was a solid legislator who had put the bitterness of the 2000 election behind him and understood the urgency of the war on terror. Initially I was wary of his idea for a new department. A big bureaucracy would be c.u.mbersome. I was also anxious about a ma.s.sive reorganization in the midst of crisis. As of Connecticut had been making the strong case for creating a new federal department that unified our homeland security efforts. I liked and respected Joe. He was a solid legislator who had put the bitterness of the 2000 election behind him and understood the urgency of the war on terror. Initially I was wary of his idea for a new department. A big bureaucracy would be c.u.mbersome. I was also anxious about a ma.s.sive reorganization in the midst of crisis. As J.D. Crouch J.D. Crouch, later my deputy national security adviser, put it: "When you are in the process of beating swords into plowshares, you can't fight and you can't plow."

Over time, I changed my mind. I recognized that having one department focused on homeland security would align authority and responsibility. With the agencies accountable for protecting the country under one roof, there would be fewer gaps and less redundancy. I also knew there was a successful precedent for restructuring the government in wartime. At the dawn of the Cold War in 1947, President Harry Truman Harry Truman had consolidated the Navy and War departments into a new Department of Defense. His reforms strengthened the military for decades to come. had consolidated the Navy and War departments into a new Department of Defense. His reforms strengthened the military for decades to come.

I decided the reorganization was worth the risk. In June 2002, I addressed the nation from the White House to call on Congress to create a new Department of Homeland Security Department of Homeland Security.

Despite support from many lawmakers, the bill faced rough sledding. Democrats held up the legislation by insisting that the new department grant its employees extensive collective bargaining rights that did not apply in any other government agency. I was frustrated that Democrats would delay an urgent security measure to placate labor unions.

Republican candidates took the issue to the voters in the 2002 midterm elections, and I joined them. On election day, our party picked up six seats in the House and two in the Senate. Karl Rove reminded me that the only other president to pick up seats in both the House and Senate in his first midterm election was Franklin Roosevelt Franklin Roosevelt.

Within weeks of the election, the homeland security bill pa.s.sed. I didn't have to search long for my first secretary of the new department. I nominated Tom Ridge Tom Ridge.

With Tom Ridge. White House/Paul Morse White House/Paul Morse

On October 2, 2001, a tabloid photo editor named Bob Stevens Bob Stevens was admitted to a Florida hospital with a high fever and vomiting. When doctors examined him, they discovered that he had inhaled a lethal bacteria, anthrax. Three days later, he was dead. was admitted to a Florida hospital with a high fever and vomiting. When doctors examined him, they discovered that he had inhaled a lethal bacteria, anthrax. Three days later, he was dead.

More employees at the tabloid turned up sick, along with people who opened the mail at NBC, ABC, and CBS News. Envelopes laced with white powder arrived at the Senate office of Tom Daschle Tom Daschle. Several Capitol Hill staffers and postal workers got sick. So did a New York City hospital worker and a ninety-four-year-old woman in Connecticut. Ultimately, seventeen people were infected. Tragically, five died.

One of the letters containing anthrax read: 09-11-01YOU CAN NOT STOP US.WE HAVE THIS ANTHRAX.YOU DIE NOW.ARE YOU AFRAID?DEATH TO AMERICA.DEATH TO ISRAEL.ALLAH IS GREAT.

I was struck by a sickening thought: Was this the second wave, a biological attack?

I had been briefed on the horrifying consequences of a bioweapons attack. One a.s.sessment concluded that a "well-executed smallpox attack by a state actor on the New York City metropolitan area" could infect 630,000 people immediately and 2 to 3 million people before the outbreak was contained. Another scenario contemplated the release of bioweapons on subway lines in four major cities during rush hour. Some 200,000 could be infected initially, with 1 million victims overall. The economic costs could "range from $60 billion to several hundred billion or more, depending on the circ.u.mstances of the attack."