Canute the Great Part 8

The gain in Britain was, however, in a measure counterbalanced by the loss of Norway in the same year, though in this Canute was not directly interested at the time. After the battle of the Nesses, King Olaf sailed north to Nidaros (Throndhjem) where he now received unquestioned allegiance. He rebuilt the city and made it the capital of his kingdom.

The ruined Church of Saint Clemens, the patron saint of all seafaring men, was raised again and became in a sense the mother church of Norse Christianity. Without delay he began his great work as legislator, organiser, and missionary, a work of enduring qualities. But Canute did not forget that in this way his dynasty was robbed of one of its earliest possessions outside the Dane-lands. A clash between the great rivals was inevitable. For the present, however, Olaf's throne was safe; there was much to do before Canute could seriously think of proceeding against his virile opponent, and more than a decade pa.s.sed before the young King of England could summon his chiefs and magnates into solemn imperial councils in the new capital of Nidaros.

[Ill.u.s.tration: VIKING RAIDS IN ENGLAND 980-1016]

FOOTNOTES:

[116] Florence of Worcester, _Chronicon_, i., 173.

[117] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 1016.

[118] _Corpus Poetic.u.m Boreale_, ii., 108: the Lithsmen's Song.

[119] Book vii., c. 28.

[120] Florence of Worcester, _Chronicon_, i., 174.

[121] _Ibid._, i., 175.

[122] _Encomium Emmae_, ii., c. 6. See also Thietmar, _Chronicon_, vii., c. 28.

[123] The story is first told by Florence of Worcester (_Chronicon_, i., 175)

[124] If the skirmishers who were seeking booty were in advance of the rest and by a rally of the Danes were driven into the Thames, the main force must still have been on the north bank. The "battle" must therefore have been fought on the north bank while a fragment of Canute's army was on the retreat, perhaps on the point of fording the stream. At any rate, we seem hardly justified in calling the engagement at Brentford a "pitched battle." See Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, 579.

[125] Oman (_ibid._) seems to believe that Edmund retained his forces but went into Wess.e.x to get reinforcements. But unless Edmund's victorious army had to a large extent melted away, it is difficult to account for Canute's prompt return to the siege of London.

[126] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 1016. On this raid Eric seems to have met and defeated Ulfketel, who "gat ugly blows from the thingmen's weapons,"

as we are told by Thorrod in the _Eric's Praise_. _Corpus Poetic.u.m Boreale_, ii., 105. The raid seems also to be alluded to in the Lithsmen's Song (_ibid._, 107).

[127] Florence of Worcester, _Chronicon_, i., 176.

[128] The account in the _Chronicle_ of what occurred at Aylesford is ambiguous and has been variously interpreted: "and the King slew as many as he could come upon; and Eadric ealdorman turned against [or toward?]

the king at Aylesford. Nor was there ever worse counsel adopted than that was." Some writers have interpreted this to mean that Eadric joined Edmund at Aylesford and not after Sherstone, as stated by Florence. But the Saxon _gewende ongean_ has a hostile rather than a favourable colour. The probabilities are that Eadric opposed Edmund's plans at Aylesford and thus rendered further pursuit impossible. Such is Florence of Worcester's version (_Chronicon_, i., 177). For a different view see Hodgkin (_Pol. Hist. of Eng._, i., 397) and Oman (_England before the Norman Conquest_, 580).

[129] _Encomium Emmae_, ii., c. 12.

[130] The Encomiast admits that the tale is hard to believe, but avers that it is true (ii., c. 9). The story of the raven is old and occurs earlier in the English sources.

[131] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 1016. Florence of Worcester, _Chronicon_, i., 178.

[132] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 14.

[133] _Jomsvikingasaga_, c. 52.

[134] _Encomium Emmae_, ii., c. 12.

[135] _Encomium Emmae_, ii., c. 13.

[136] Probably not the isle of Olney, but some other islet that has since disappeared. See Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, 581.

[137] Henry of Huntingdon, _Historia Anglorum_, 185; _Knytlingasaga_, c.

16. The saga says distinctly that there was to be inheritance only if either died without children.

[138] _Saga of Magnus the Good_, c. 6.

[139] Florence of Worcester, _Chronicon_, i., 179.

[140] Sigeferth and Morcar were slain in Eadric's house at the Oxford gemot. (_Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 1015.)

[141] See Freeman (_Norman Conquest_, i., Note xx) whose argument seems conclusive.

[142] _Encomium Emmae_, ii., c. 14.

[143] _Gesta Regum_, i., 213-214. The author merely tells us that Edmund's mother was of ign.o.ble birth; but a woman of low degree would scarcely be made queen of England.

[144] Ethelred of Rievaux. See Freeman, _Norman Conquest_, i., Note ss.

[145] Kemble, _Codex Diplomaticus_, No. 1302.

CHAPTER V

THE RULE OF THE DANES IN ENGLAND

1017-1020

For eight months after the death of Ethelred there was no king of England. Neither Edmund nor Canute had an incontestable claim to the royal t.i.tle, as neither had been chosen by a properly const.i.tuted national a.s.sembly. There is some evidence that Edmund was crowned, perhaps in May, 1016[146]; but even consecration could hardly remove the defect in the elective t.i.tle. And after the agreement of Olney, there was, for a few weeks, no English kingdom. But, in December, it was possible once more to reunite the distracted land. In the North of England there was no vacant kingship; only Wess.e.x and East Anglia needed a ruler. As the latter region possessed a strong Scandinavian element that might be depended upon to declare for Canute, the only doubtful factor in the situation was the att.i.tude of the n.o.bility south of the Thames. Wess.e.x, however, had more than once showed a desire to give up the struggle: the old spirit of independence was apparently crushed.

London, the great rallying point of the national party, was in Canute's hands. Beyond the Thames were the camps of the dreaded host that had come from the North the year before. The Danish fleet still sailed the British seas. No trusted leader appeared to take up the fight for the house of Alfred; Ethelred's many sons seem nearly all to have perished, and only children or princes of doubtful ability remained as possible candidates for the kingship. In addition there was no doubt a feeling that England should be one realm. The accession of Canute was therefore inevitable.

The Dane evidently realised the strength of his position. There was consequently little need of hasty action; it was clearly best to observe const.i.tutional forms and to give the representatives of the nation ample time to act. It was a Northern as well as a Saxon custom to celebrate the Yule-tide with elaborate and extended festivities; and there was every reason why Canute and his warriors in London should plan to make this year's celebration a memorable event. To these festivities, Canute evidently invited the magnates of England; for we learn that a midwinter gemot was held in London, at which the Danish pretender received universal recognition as king of all England.[147]

To say that this a.s.sembly elected a king would be incorrect; Canute gave the lords no opportunity co make an election. In a shrewd fashion he brought out the real or pretended fact that in the agreement of Deerhurst it was stipulated that the survivor should possess both crowns. Those who had witnessed the treaty were called on to state what had been said in the conference concerning Edmund's sons and brothers; whether any of them might be permitted to rule in England if Edmund should die first. They testified that they had sure knowledge that no authority was left to Edmund's brothers, and that Canute was to have the guardianship of Edmund's young sons until they were of sufficient age to claim the kingship. Florence of Worcester believes that the witnesses were bribed by Canute and perjured themselves grossly; but the probabilities are, that their statement was accurate. Canute's object in submitting the problem of the succession in the South to the witan seems to have been, not exactly to secure his own election, but rather to obtain the highest possible sanction for the agreement with Edmund.

To the Northern mind the expedient adopted was both legal and proper. We know very little about the const.i.tutional framework and principles of the Scandinavian monarchies at this period; but, so far as we can discern, the elective principle played an incidental part only; the succession was in fact hereditary. To the Anglo-Saxons the whole must have resolved itself into finding some legal form for surrender and submission. Oaths were taken and loyalty was pledged. Once more the Saxon began to enjoy real peace and security. At the same time, all the rejoicing can scarcely have been genuine; for English pride had received a wound that for some years refused to heal. It must also be said that the opening years of the new reign were not of such a character as to win the affections of unwilling subjects.

The task that the young monarch undertook in the early months of 1017 was one of peculiar difficulty. It must be remembered that his only right was that of the sword. Important, too, is the fact that at the time England was his only kingdom. As a landless prince, he had crossed the sea, landless except for possible rights in Norway; had led with him a host of adventurers most of whom were probably heathen; had wrested large areas from the native line of English Kings; and now he was in possession of the entire kingdom.

Something of a like nature occurred in 1066, when William of Normandy conquered England; but there are also notable differences. William was the lord of a vigorous duchy across the narrow Channel, in which he had a storehouse of energy that was always at his disposal. Young Canute had no such advantages. Before he was definitely recognised as king in the Danelaw, he had no territorial possessions from which to recruit and provision his armies. Not till 1019 did he unite the crowns of England and Denmark.

Historians generally have appeared to believe that in governing his English kingdom, Canute pursued a conscious and well-defined course of action, a line of political purposes originating early in his reign. He is credited with the purpose of making England the central kingdom of an Anglo-Scandinavian empire, of governing this kingdom with the aid of Englishmen in preference to that of his own countrymen, of aiming to rule England as a king of the Saxon type. It is true chat before the close of his reign Canute made large use of native chiefs in the administration of the monarchy; but such was not the case in the earlier years. There were no prospects of empire in 1017 and 1018: his brother Harold still ruled in Denmark; the Nors.e.m.e.n were still loyal to the vigorous Olaf. And at no time did the kingdoms that he added later consider themselves as standing in a va.s.sal relation to the English state. In Canute's initial years, we find no striving after good government, no dreams of imperial power. During these years his chief purpose was to secure the permanence and the stability of his new t.i.tle and throne.

Nor should we expect any clear and definite policy in the rule of a king who was still inexperienced in dealing with the English const.i.tution. At the time of his accession, Canute is thought to have been twenty-one or twenty-two years old.[148] Younger he could scarcely have been, nor is it likely that he was very much older. Ottar the Swart in the _Canute's Praise_ is emphatic on the point that Canute was unusually young for a successful conqueror: "Thou wast of no great age when thou didst put forth in thy ship; never younger king set out from home."[149] As Ottar's other patron, Olaf the Stout, was only twelve when he began his career as a viking, we should hardly expect the poet to call attention to Canute's youth if he had already reached manhood when he accompanied his father to England. The probabilities favour 995 as the year of his birth; if the date be correct he would be about seventeen in 1012, when the invasion was being planned, nineteen at the death of his father in 1014; and twenty-one (or twenty-two, as it was late in the year) when he became king of all England. But whatever his age, he was young in training for government. So far as we know, he could have had but little experience as a ruler before the autumn of 1016, when the battle of Ashington secured his position in England. His training had been for the career of a viking, a training that promised little for the future.