Canute the Great Part 17

During the succeeding summer (1025) King Olaf remained in the South.

Rumour had it that Canute was coming from England with a powerful host, and the Norwegian King made preparations to meet him. The chiefs were summoned to the Wick and seem to have appeared with their retainers in large numbers. Olaf's spies were everywhere on the lookout for the English fleet. Merchant ships were eagerly sought for news. But Canute was not yet ready to fight and did not appear before autumn. He spent the winter in Denmark but mainly for precautionary purposes; hostile activities were evidently to be postponed to a more favourable time.[298]

That same autumn Olaf approached the King of Sweden on the subject of an alliance against the ambitious King of Denmark. The young Anund Jacob, King Olaf's brother-in-law and admirer, was now on the Swedish throne.

It was easy to convince the youthful King that his realm would not long be left in peace should Canute succeed in adding Norway to his dominions. An alliance was accordingly concluded: the king who should first need a.s.sistance should have the other's help. A conference was also arranged for, as more definite plans would have to be agreed upon.

That year King Olaf prepared to winter at Sarpsborg, just across the firth from Tunsberg. King Anund made a winter journey into Gautland toward the Norse frontier, and tarried there for some months. During his stay there, envoys appeared from Canute with gifts and fair words. Anund was a.s.sured of peace and security if he would renounce his alliance with the Nors.e.m.e.n. But this emba.s.sy also had to return with unsatisfactory reports: Anund intended to be faithful to his pledge; no friendship for Denmark was to be looked for in Sweden.[299]

Spring came (1026) and developments were looked for; but the unexpected happened: Canute returned to England, leaving his young son Harthacanute, a boy of eight or nine years, as regent in Denmark under the guardianship of Ulf, Canute's brother-in-law, who seems to have succeeded Thurkil the Tall as viceroy in Denmark. The allied kings now proceeded to hold their projected conference at Kingscrag, near the south-east corner of Olaf's kingdom. In this conference a new agreement seems to have been reached; the defensive alliance was apparently changed to an offensive one and an attack on Canute's Danish possessions was planned.[300]

[Ill.u.s.tration: ORNAMENTS (CHIEFLY BUCKLES) FROM THE VIKING AGE.]

Why Canute failed to attack Norway in the autumn of 1025, or in the following spring, is not known. It seems, however, a fairly safe conjecture that he felt unprepared to meet the allied forces. He evidently preferred to wait until the spirit of disaffection and rebellion had spread more widely in Norway; for thus far only the great house of Soli had openly espoused the pretender's cause; most of the dissatisfied lords were in King Olaf's host. Doubtless he also hoped that by diplomatic means or otherwise dissension might be sown between the confederated kings, and their alliance dissolved.

Gold was the power that Canute depended upon to prepare rebellion in Norway. That the Danish King employed bribery in these years to a large extent is a well-attested fact. Florence of Worcester who wrote three generations later recounts how gold was distributed among the Norwegian chiefs in the hope that they would permit Canute to rule over them, though Florence is clearly misinformed when he tells us that the Nors.e.m.e.n had renounced their allegiance to King Olaf because of his simplicity and gentleness.[301] Olaf was a saint when the scribe at Worcester wrote his history; but he was not a saint of the ideal sort, and hence Florence is led into error. Richard of Cirencester, too, has heard of these proceedings and the "great supply of gold and silver that was sent to the magnates of that country."[302] Both writers represent the Nors.e.m.e.n as eager for the bribes. The sagas, of course, give fuller details. The result was that King Olaf's forces to some extent were made up of men whose loyalty had been undermined, who were in the pay of the enemy. The following year (1027), the year when the most Christian monarch made his pilgrimage to the tomb of Peter, seems to have seen the greatest activity in this direction; out the probabilities are that large sums of Danegeld had found their way to Norway also in the earlier two or three years.

FOOTNOTES:

[286] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 106.

[287] _Ibid._, cc. 22, 23, 116 ff.

[288] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, cc. 106-110.

[289] _Ibid._, c. 106.

[290] _Ibid._, c. 104.

[291] On the subject of the Norse chiefs in King Olaf's day, see Munch, _Det norske Folks Historie_, I., ii., 659-670; _Norges Historie,_ I., ii., 340-348.

[292] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 121. According to Snorre's reckoning, he left in the summer of 1023 and returned the following summer.

[293] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 130.

[294] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 131.

[295] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 131.

[296] _Corpus Poetic.u.m Boreale_, ii., 133-134.

[297] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 131.

[298] _Ibid._

[299] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 132. The legendary _Olafs-saga_ tells us that the gifts were two golden candlesticks, a golden dish highly jewelled for the table service, and two gold rings. Anund is said to have remarked that he did not wish to sell Olaf for a dish.

[300] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 134.

[301] Florence of Worcester, _Chronicon_, i., 184.

[302] _Speculum Historiale_, ii., 178.

CHAPTER X

THE BATTLE OF HOLY RIVER AND THE PILGRIMAGE TO ROME

1026-1027

One of the notable results of the expedition to the South Baltic in 1022 was that a reconciliation was effected with Thurkil the Tall. "And he gave Denmark into the keeping of Thurkil and his son; and the King brought Thurkil's son with him to England."[303] The son who was thus made regent was probably Sweyn; it was scarcely Harthacanute, as this Prince was present at the translation of Saint Alphege from London to Canterbury that same year (1023); of Canute's other son, Harold Harefoot, we hear nothing until after the King's death. The hostage that Canute took with him to England may have been Harold who played an important part in Northern history two decades later. Thurkil cannot have lived long after his promotion to the vice-royalty, for three years later (1026), we find Harthacanute representing royal authority in Denmark with Earl Ulf as guardian and actual wielder of power. This change in the regency we may, perhaps, ascribe to the activities of Queen Emma, one of whose chief purposes in life was to disinherit her husband's illegitimate offspring.

The next few months seem to have witnessed a revolution in Denmark: Earl Ulf appears to have summoned a national a.s.sembly at Viborg, an old sanctuary in the north central part of Jutland, where he announced that it was Canute's desire to have his young eight-year-old son chosen and proclaimed King of Denmark. With evident success he argued that the ancient kingdom, which always had had a ruler within its borders, was poorly served by the present arrangement of subjection to an absentee-king. He also called attention to the threatened invasion from the allied kingdoms of Norway and Sweden. The sagas a.s.sert that Queen Emma had plotted with Earl Ulf to secure the royal name for her son and that she had even forged a doc.u.ment to support the move. The a.s.sembly a.s.sented and Harthacanute was proclaimed King.[304]

There are suggestions that Ulf at this time was in communication with the allied monarchs and that he had even encouraged them to invade the Danish territories. Evidence is wanting, but it is clear that Ulf's activities in 1026 were not of the proper sort.[305] The Earl was an ambitious and turbulent man, closely connected with both the Danish and the Swedish dynasties. He was a man of the type that finds service difficult; it is clear that Canute suspected him of treason.

After Canute's departure for England the Northern kings had their conference at Kingscrag where a closer alliance was formed and offensive operations were probably determined upon. Soon afterwards King Olaf was on his way to his northern capital to raise the host for a grand effort.

It seems that the chiefs quite generally obeyed the summons; of the leaders in the northern shires Einar Thongshaker alone remained at home on his estates. A considerable fleet gathered at the rendezvous at the mouth of Throndhjem Firth; as it sailed southward there were constant additions, till it finally counted 480 ships. The royal flagship was the _Bison_, a longship that had been built the winter before, the prow of which bore the head of a bison adorned with gold.

On the journey southward, King Olaf learned that Canute was still in England, but that he was making preparations for a grand attack. He also learned that Erling Skjalgsson was now with his sons in the enemy's service. But no one knew when the English host might be expected; time pa.s.sed and the Nors.e.m.e.n began to tire of inaction. Accordingly King Olaf dismissed the least effective part of his forces and with the remainder, sixty large and well-manned ships, sailed for the coast of Zealand, expecting later to join the Swedish armament that had gathered on the Scanian coast.[306]

Meanwhile, Canute had hastened his preparations. One of his Scanian subjects, Hakon of Stangeby, had, when the plans of the enemy had become evident, hastened to England to warn his King. It is said that Canute rewarded him with an estate in Scania for his loyalty and promptness.[307] It was a mighty fleet that sailed from southern England that summer; Canute led the expedition in person with Earl Hakon apparently as second in command. Snorre reports that Canute's ship had one hundred and twenty oars, while that of the Earl had eighty. Both ships were provided with golden figureheads; but their sails were counted particularly splendid with their stripes of blue and red and green.

Earl Ulf had by this time come to realise that Denmark could not afford to ignore the Lord of England. There was evidently much dissatisfaction with the Earl's regime, for we find that the Danes in large numbers accepted the invaders. Ulf and Harthacanute soon retreated to Jutland, and left the islands and Scania to the enemy.

The situation that Canute found when he sailed into the Lime Firth was perhaps not wholly a surprise; he must have known something about what his deputy had been plotting and doing. That he was angry is evident; that his wrath was feared is also clear. Harthacanute was advised to submit; he knelt before his father and obtained forgiveness, as the King realised that no responsibility could lodge with a witless boy. Ulf also tried to make terms with the offended monarch, but was merely told to collect his forces and join in the defence of the kingdom; later he might propose terms.

Such is Snorre's account[308]; it may be inaccurate in details, but the main fact that Earl Ulf was faithless to his trust seems to be correctly stated. Elsewhere, too, Ulf is accused of opposition to his King: Saxo charges him with treason[309]; and an entry in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ tells us that Canute went east to fight Ulf and Eglaf.[310]

There has been some dispute as to the ident.i.ty of these chiefs, but unless evidence to the contrary is forthcoming, we shall have to conclude that they were the two brothers who were earls in England in the early days of Canute as English king. Shortly before this (1024), Eglaf's name disappears from the English sources. The Chronicler was evidently not informed as to the situation in the North; but he knew that the two brothers were among the opponents of the King and recorded what he knew.

Meanwhile, Olaf was on the sh.o.r.es of Zealand with his longships. Saxo relates that one day while he was addressing the Danes at a public a.s.sembly with a view to winning them to his own allegiance, spies rushed up and reported that they had seen several ships approaching. An aged Dane a.s.sured the King that the ships were merchantmen only; but when sails in growing numbers began to cross the horizon, he added that they were merchantmen who had come to buy Denmark with iron.[311]

From the Lime Firth, Canute must have sailed his fleet southeastward to the upper entrance of the Sound; at any rate, King Olaf soon discovered that the homeward route had been effectually blocked. There was now nothing to do but to continue the journey eastward and to form a junction with King Anund's fleet which was harrying the Scanian coast.

Canute must have followed in hot pursuit, for before the enemies could form a junction he seems to have found and defeated a part of the Swedish fleet at Stangeberg.[312] A little later, he came up with the combined strength of the allied Kings near the mouth of Holy River.

Holy River is a short stream in the eastern part of Scania that serves as the outlet of a group of lakes not far inland. Between these lakes and the sea the forest was heavy enough to conceal any activities inland. When the Kings learned that the Danish fleet was approaching, they took counsel and decided to draw up their ships in battle order east of the river mouth, but to act on the defensive. King Anund was to remain in charge of the fleet while King Olaf, who is reputed to have been something of a military engineer, went inland to prepare a trap for the enemy. Where the river left the lakes he is said to have built a temporary dam of trees and turf, and he also improved the outlets of some of the smaller lakes, so as to increase the water ma.s.ses behind the dam. Many days the work continued under Olaf's direction. Then came the message that Canute had arrived and the Nors.e.m.e.n hastened to their ships.

It was late in the afternoon when Anund's spies finally caught sight of the great armament approaching from the west. Swift-footed couriers at once left for the lakes to inform Olaf, who immediately prepared to break the dam, at the same time filling the course with large trees.

Canute saw the enemy drawn up in line and ready for the fight; but it was then too late to proceed to the attack; moreover, the enemy had the advantage of a carefully chosen position. The Dane therefore refused battle that day. Finding the harbour at the river mouth empty, he sailed into it with as many ships as could be accommodated; the remainder were left just outside.

At dawn the next morning, a large part of Canute's forces was found to have landed; some were conversing, others seeking amus.e.m.e.nt.

Then without the least warning the waters came down in torrents, dashing the floating trees against the ships. The ships were injured and the waters overflowed the river banks, drowning the men who had gone on land and also many who were still on the ships.

Those who were able to do so cut the ropes and allowed their ships to drift, each in its own direction. The great dragon that Canute himself commanded was among these; it was not easily managed by the oars alone and drifted out toward the hostile fleet. But when the allies recognised the ship, they immediately surrounded it; but it was not easily attacked, for the ship was high like a castle and had a number of men on board, who were carefully chosen, thoroughly armed, and very reliable. It was not long before Earl Ulf came up alongside with his ships and men and the battle was now joined in earnest. Canute's forces now came up from all sides. Then the Kings Olaf and Anund realised that they had now won as much as fate had allowed them for this time; so they ordered a retreat, withdrew from Canute's fleet, and separated from the fight.[313]

In its disorganised condition Canute's host could make no effective pursuit. The Danes and English had suffered heavy losses, while those of the Swedes and Nors.e.m.e.n were slight; still their combined forces were yet inferior to those of Canute. It was, therefore, agreed to avoid further battle. Eastward the course continued, the intention being to stop for the night in the harbour of Barwick on the coast of Bleking.