Canute the Great Part 13

[218] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 1023.

[219] Steenstrup, _Normannerne_, i., 195-199; iii., 322-325.

[220] Saxo, _Gesta Danorum_, 328. The Sembrians are described by Adamus in his history (iv., c. 18) as a very barbarous but humane race.

[221] Henry of Huntingdon, _Historia Anglorum_, 187. The author dates this expedition in 1019, which is probably incorrect. An expedition to Wendland earlier than 1022 is quite unlikely.

[222] Steenstrup, _Venderne og de Danske_, 66.

[223] Adamus, _Gesta_, ii., c. 54

[224] See Manitius, _Deutsche Geschichte unter den sachsischen und salischen Kaisern_, 370.

CHAPTER VII

CANUTE AND THE ENGLISH CHURCH

1017-1026

The English Church enjoyed Canute's favour from the very beginning: the King was a Christian; furthermore, he no doubt saw in the Church a mighty force that should not be antagonised. At the same time, there is no evidence of any close union between church and monarchy before 1020; and even then it was more like an _entente cordiale_ than an open aggressive alliance, as it later came to be. Canute was a Christian, but he was also a shrewd statesman and a consummate politician. The religious situation among his Danish supporters in England as well as the general religious and political conditions in the North probably made it inexpedient, perhaps impossible, to accede to the full demands of the Church without danger to his ambitions and probable ruin to his imperialistic plans.

When the eleventh century opened, the North was still largely heathen.

Missionaries had been at work for nearly two centuries--ever since Saint Ansgar entered the Scandinavian mission field in the days of Louis the Pious--and the faith had found considerable foothold in Denmark, especially on the Jutish peninsula. Canute's father Sweyn had been baptised; but other indications of his Christian faith are difficult to find. His queen, Sigrid the Haughty, was almost violent in her devotion to the old G.o.ds. Sweden remained overwhelmingly heathen for some years yet, while the progress of the Church in Norway depended on royal mandates supported by the sword and the firebrand. Only five years before the death of Canute, Norse heathendom won its last notable victory, when Saint Olaf fell before the onslaught of the yeomanry at Stiklestead (1030).

[Ill.u.s.tration: POPPO'S ORDEAL (Altar decoration from about 1100. Danish National Museum).]

[Ill.u.s.tration: AN ENGLISH BISHOP OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY (From the Bayeux Tapestry.)]

The army that conquered England for Canute was no doubt also largely heathen. It seems, therefore, safe to a.s.sume that during the early years of the new reign, the worship of the Anse-G.o.ds was carried on in various places on English soil; surely in the Danish camps, perhaps also in some of the Danish settlements. This situation compelled the Christian King to be at least tolerant. Soon there began to appear at the English court prominent exiles from Norway, hot-headed chiefs, whose sense of independence had been outraged by the zealous missionary activities of Olaf the Stout.[225] Canute had not been lord of England more than six or seven years before the Norwegian problem began to take on unusual interest. Before long the missionary King found his throne completely undermined by streams of British gold. The exiles who sought refuge at Winchester and the men who bore the bribe-money back to Norway were scarcely enthusiastic for the faith that frowned on piracy; consequently it continued to be necessary for Canute to play the role of the tolerant, broad-minded monarch, who, while holding firmly to his own faith, was unwilling to interfere with the religious rites of others. In his later ecclesiastical legislation, Canute gave the Church all the enactments that it might wish for; but it is a significant fact that these laws did not come before the Northern question had been settled according to Canute's desires and his viceroy was ruling in Norway.

Edgar's laws, which were re-enacted in 1018, at the Oxford a.s.sembly, deal with the matter of Christianity in general terms only. The more explicit and extensive Church legislation of Ethelred's day was set aside and apparently remained a dead letter until it was in large measure re-enacted as a part of Canute's great church law late in the reign.

The early surroundings of the King had not been such as to develop in him the uncompromising zeal that characterised the typical Christian monarch in mediaeval times. We do not know when he was baptised; it may have been in childhood, and it must have been before the conquest of England, as the Christian name Lambert, which was added in baptism to the heathen name by which we know him, would suggest that the rite was administered by a German ecclesiastic.[226] It is believed that he was confirmed by Ethelnoth the Good, the English churchman who later became Archbishop of Canterbury.[227] We do not know when the rite of confirmation was administered, but the probabilities point to the winter months of 1015-1016; for during these months Canute was several times in South-western England where Ethelnoth lived at the time.

The subjection of England to an alien, half-heathen aristocracy must have caused many difficulties to the English Church. How the problems were met we do not know. The Mediaeval Church, however, was usually to be found on the side of power: the Church loved order and believed in supporting good and efficient government whenever circ.u.mstances would permit it. Soon after the meeting at Oxford, apparently in 1019, Archbishop Lifing made a journey to Rome; we may conjecture that he went to seek counsel and to obtain instructions as to what att.i.tude the English clergy should a.s.sume toward the new powers, but we do not know.

It is clear, however, that the subject was seriously discussed at the papal court, for the archbishop brought back a letter to Canute exhorting him to practise the virtues of Christian kingship. It must have nattered the young Dane to receive this, for he refers to it in his Proclamation:

I have taken to heart the written words and verbal messages that Archbishop Lifing brought me from the pope from Rome, that I should everywhere extol the praise of G.o.d, put away injustice, and promote full security and peace, so far as G.o.d should give me strength.[228]

That same year the venerable Primate died, and Ethelnoth the Good was appointed to succeed him as Archbishop of Canterbury.[229] The choice was evidently the King's own and the two men seem to have laboured together in singular harmony. But though Ethelnoth was primate, the dominant influence at court seems to have been that of an abbot in Devonshire. When Abbot Lifing was yet only a monk at Winchester, he seems to have attracted the King's attention; at any rate, we are told by the historian of Malmesbury that he became an intimate friend of Canute and exerted great influence with him.[230] It may have been this friendship that secured to Lifing the abbacy of Tavistock, perhaps in 1024, in which year he witnessed charters for the first time as abbot.

Lifing's advance to power was rapid. Two years after his first appearance in the doc.u.ments as abbot, we find that he had been elevated to the episcopal office, having probably been advanced to the see of Crediton.[231] The Devonshire country had been the centre of a persistent anti-Danish movement, it appears, and it was surely a prudent move to place a strong partisan of the new order in control of the Church in the southwestern shires. In the same year, the King further honoured him with landed estates in Hampshire. This must have been just prior to the Holy River campaign in Sweden, on which expedition the bishop probably accompanied his royal master (William of Malmesbury tells us that he frequently went to Denmark with Canute); at all events, when Canute without first returning to England made his journey to Rome, in the early months of 1027, the bishop of Crediton was an important member of the King's retinue. It was Bishop Lifing who was sent back to England with Canute's famous message to the English Church and people, the King himself going on to Denmark. William of Malmesbury describes him as a violent, wilful, and ambitious prelate; when he died (in 1046) the earth took proper notice and trembled throughout all England.[232]

The year 1020 was one of great significance for English history in the reign of Canute. In that year he returned to England as Danish king; in that same year he issued his Proclamation to his Anglian subjects and announced his new governmental policy; the same year saw the appointment of a new and friendly primate of the Anglican Church; in that year, too, began a series of benefactions and other semi-religious acts that made Canute's name dear to the English churchmen and secured him the favour of monastic chroniclers. These took various forms: new foundations were established and many of the older ones received increased endowments; monasteries that had been defiled or destroyed in the Danish raids were repaired or rebuilt; the fields where the Lord of Hosts had given the victory to Canute's armies were adorned with churches where ma.s.ses were said for the souls of the slain; saints were honoured; pilgrimages were made; heathen practices were outlawed.

The series properly begins with the consecration of the church on Ashington field in 1020. The church itself was apparently a modest structure, but the dedication ceremonies were elaborate. As the primacy was evidently vacant at the time, Archbishop Lifing having died about mid-year (June 12),[233] the venerable Wulfstan of the northern province was called on to officiate. With him were numerous ecclesiastics, bishops, abbots, and monks. King Canute and Earl Thurkil also graced the occasion with their presence.[234] It is interesting to note that the office of chapel priest at Ashington was given to a clerk of Danish blood, the later prelate Stigand, one of the few Danes who have held ecclesiastical offices in England. Stigand for a time sat on the episcopal throne in the cathedrals of Winchester and Canterbury.

Doubtless a Dane could perform the offices on this particular field with a blither spirit than a native Englishman. If the intention was to impress the English Church, Canute clearly succeeded. Though details are wanting, it is understood that similar foundations soon graced the other fields where Canute had fought and won.

In that same year, apparently, monks were subst.i.tuted for secular clerks as guardians of Saint Edmund's shrine. Grievously had the Danes sinned against the holy East Anglian King. Five generations earlier he had suffered ignominious martyrdom at the hands of the vikings. The saint had again suffered outrage in the closing months of King Sweyn's life by what seemed to be petty persecution of the priests who served at his sacred shrine. As we have already seen, the King's sudden death while the matter of tribute was still unsettled gave rise to the legend that Saint Edmund struck down the Dane "in like manner as the holy Mercurius slew the nithing Julian."

It was charged that the priests of the holy place led disorderly lives, and on the advice of the neighbouring bishop, Elfwine of Elmham, it was determined to eject them. Earl Thurkil's consent was asked and received.

Monks to the number of twenty were brought from Saint Benet Hulme and Ely.[235] The same year a new church was begun, that the relics of the martyr might have a more suitable home. The monks naturally organised themselves into a monastic community, which seems to have enjoyed full immunity from the very beginning: a trench was run around Saint Edmund's chapel on the edge of which all tax-gathering was to stop. In addition it is said that the Lady Emma pledged an annual gift of tour thousand eels from Lakenheath, though this was probably a later contribution. The brethren of the monastery also claimed that Canute granted them extensive jurisdiction over the manors that belonged to the new foundation.[236] It is evident that large endowments were given and Canute in this way became in a sense the founder of one of the most important sanctuaries of mediaeval England.

William of Malmesbury tells us that Canute disliked the English saints, but the evidence indicates the contrary. The only instance of ill-will recorded is in the case of Saint Edith, King Edgar's holy daughter.

Saint Edith rested at Wilton, where there was a religious house for women that had enjoyed her patronage. Canute expressed a doubt as to the sanct.i.ty of a daughter of the immoral Edgar and ordered the shrine to be opened. The offended princess arose, we are told, and struck the impious King in the face.[237] Canute acknowledged his error and did penance.

There may be some truth in the story so far as it relates to the King's hostility or incredulity, for Saint Edith was the sister of Canute's old enemy, King Ethelred.

It may have been the vigorous argument of Saint Edith, or genuine piety, or political considerations that wrought the change, but it is clear that Canute soon developed a profound respect for the saints that rested in England. He caused the relics of Saint Wistan to be translated from Repingdon to a more suitable home in the honoured abbey of Evesham.[238]

The remains of Saint Felix were brought back to Ramsey in the face of strong opposition from the jealous monks of Ely.[239] On one of his northern journeys the King turned aside to Durham to adore the bones of the mighty Saint Cuthbert. Five miles did the King walk with bare feet to the Durham sepulchre, and after showing proper respect and veneration, he concluded his visit with a royal gift of lands, two manors, we are told, with all their belongings.[240] Toward the close of his reign, by legislative act, he gave the strenuous Dunstan a place on the calendar of English saints.[241]

By far the most famous act of homage of this sort was the translation of Saint Alphege from London to Canterbury in 1023, famous not because of its peculiar importance, but because certain literary monks saw fit to write long accounts of it. This, too, was an act of expiation: so far as the sins of Canute's people were concerned the case of Bishop Alphege was much like that of the martyred King Edmund. Alphege was from Western England and became a monk at Deerhurst in Gloucestershire. He was for a time abbot of Bath and later bishop of Winchester. It was he who confirmed Olaf Trygvesson and thus indirectly began the work that resulted in the conversion of Norway. As Archbishop of Canterbury he seems to have taken a pastoral interest in the Danish besiegers, for which he was rewarded with indignities and death. His bones had been laid at rest at Saint Paul's in London; but Canterbury was naturally anxious to have her first martyred bishop in her own house, while London, on the other hand, is said to have watched over the sacred remains with a jealous care that bore the marks of avarice rather than of veneration.

We are told that Canute earlier had formed the purpose of translating the relics and that certain calamities had recalled the intention to his mind. He suggested the project to Archbishop Ethelnoth, who doubted the feasibility of the venture. According to the highly-coloured report of the monk Osbern who claims to have his information from an eye-witness, the King and the Archbishop secretly removed the body from its resting-place and gave it to a monk who bore it to the Thames where the King's ship lay ready to receive it. The attention of the Londoners was diverted to other parts of the city by feigned excitement at the farther gates, for which the King's housecarles were responsible. Meanwhile, the royal ship, with Canute himself at the rudder, was conveying the remains to Southwark, where they were given into the keeping of the Archbishop and his companions, who bore them joyfully on to Rochester. Here the party was joined by Queen Emma and the five-year-old princeling Harthacanute accompanied by a strong force of housecarles. The translation was effected in June and occupied seven days.[242]

The Dane's interest in the Church also expressed itself in frequent and important endowments. While it is not always possible to verify these grants, there can be little doubt that the monastic records are usually correct on the points of possession and donors, though the extant charters are frequently forgeries produced at a time when t.i.tles were called into question. In some of these gifts, too, we see clearly a desire to atone for past wrongs. Canterbury, which had suffered heavy losses at the hands of Thurkil and his wild comrades, was a.s.sured of its liberties and immunities early in the reign.[243] Another act of expiation was the visit and gift to Glas...o...b..ry, the famous monastery that had received the bones of Edmund Ironside. A century after Canute's time Edmund's grave was covered with a "pall of rich materials, embroidered with figures of peac.o.c.ks." Legend ascribes the gift to Canute, and may in this case be trustworthy. With the King at Edmund's grave stood Archbishop Ethelnoth, who was at one time a monk at Glas...o...b..ry.[244] The visit seems to have been made in 1026, perhaps on the eve of Canute's expedition against the Norwegians and Swedes.

Perhaps Canute's most famous gift was the golden cross at Winchester.

Some time in the early years of his reign, apparently in 1019, probably just before his visit to Denmark, he gave to the New Minster a "magnificent golden cross, richly ornamented with precious stones"; in addition to this, "two large images of gold and silver, and sundry relics of the saints."[245] It seems to have been a gorgeous present, one that was keenly appreciated by the recipients, and the history of which was long recounted. The gift was apparently accompanied by a donation of valuable lands.[246]

Canute also showed an interest in the monastery of Saint Benet Hulme, to which three manors were given.[247] It is claimed that he granted certain immunities to the church of Saint Mary Devon in Exeter, but the evidence is not trustworthy.[248] The great abbey of Evesham was not forgotten: the blessed Wistan was given a black chasuble and other ornaments, probably at the time of his translation.[249] It may be that in making this gift the King wished to show his appreciation of the abbot as well as to honour the saint: Abbot Elf ward is said to have been Canute's cousin; if such was the case he must have been the son of the ill-starred Pallig.

Gifts there also were of a more personal character, gifts to various ecclesiastics, monks, and priests whom the King wished to honour; especially may we mention the grants to Bishop Burhwold and to Bishop Lifing.[250] But such donations were not numerous; Canute seems to have preferred to honour foundations, probably because in mediaeval times the inst.i.tution was of greater consequence than the individual.

The gifts enumerated were made during the first half of the reign.

Grants were made in the second period as well: Abingdon claims to have enjoyed his favour[251]; the Old Minster at Winchester was endowed with lands and adorned with specimens of the goldsmith's art[252]; a considerable gift of lands was made to York cathedral[253]; but these seem to reveal a different spirit and purpose in the giver. Before his career closed the great Dane became an ardent Christian; but in his earlier years, the politician left little room to the churchman: the Church was a factor merely, though a great factor, in the political situation. Other kings have gloried in new foundations as monuments to religious zeal; Canute selected the long-established, the widely-influential shrines and houses and gave his favour chiefly to them. In return he doubtless expected the favour of Saints Cuthbert, Alphege, Edmund, Felix, and Dunstan, and the support of Canterbury, Evesham, Winchester, and the other great inst.i.tutions that he endowed.

It is to be noted that nearly all the inst.i.tutions that shared the royal bounty were located in the Anglo-Saxon South where Canute especially needed to build up a personal following. The exceptions were York, Durham, and Coventry where the faithful rejoiced in an arm of Saint Augustine, a relic of peculiar value that Canute is said to have bestowed on the city.[254]

Whatever his motives were, it is clear that Canute showed an interest in matters ecclesiastical far beyond what the Church might reasonably expect from a king whose training had scarcely been positively Christian, and who still kept in close touch with the non-Christian influences that dominated so much of the North. Still, one desire remained unsatisfied: thus far the King had done nothing to make the Christian faith compulsory in England. The Proclamation of 1020 looks in that direction; but it contains no decree of the desired sort. It is a peculiar doc.u.ment, remarkable more for what it omits than for what it actually contains. G.o.d's laws, by which the rules of the Church are doubtless meant, are not to be violated; but the important task of bringing the violators to justice is committed to the old pirate, Thurkil the Tall, whose appreciation of Christian virtues and divine commandments cannot have been of the keenest.[255] Certain characteristically heathen sins are to be avoided: among the things forbidden is to consort with witches and sorceresses.[256] But the only crime of this nature for which the doc.u.ment prescribes a specific penalty is that of marrying a nun or any other woman who has taken sacred vows:

And if any one has done so, let him be an outlaw before G.o.d and excommunicated from all Christendom, and let him forfeit all his possessions to the king, unless he quickly desist from sin and do deep penance before G.o.d.[257]

It is evident, however, that Canute believed that the process of education in the church from Sunday to Sunday would eventually solve the problem of heathenism in England; for he closes his Proclamation with an exhortation to all his subjects to attend faithfully the divine services:

And further still we admonish all men to keep the Sunday festival with all their might and observe it from Sat.u.r.day's noon to Monday's dawning; and let no man be so bold as to buy or sell or to seek any court on that holy day.

And let all men, poor and rich, seek their church and ask forgiveness for their sins and earnestly keep every ordained fast and gladly honour the saints, as the ma.s.s priest shall bid us,

that we may all be able and permitted, through the mercy of the everlasting G.o.d and the intercession of His saints, to share the joys of the heavenly kingdom and dwell with Him who liveth and reigneth forever without end. Amen.[258]

FOOTNOTES:

[225] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, cc. 130, 131, 139.