Border Raids and Reivers Part 8

These items of information, curious though they may appear, must not be regarded as abnormal instances of the rapacity of the Liddesdale thieves, or "limmers"--to use the designation of an old Act of the Scottish Parliament. They simply denote ordinary incidents of Border reiving.

"Kist" and "ark" were made to yield up their treasures. "Insight gear"

included everything to be found within the four walls of the house. The very children were sometimes carried off! When the thieves had completed their task those whom they had plundered were occasionally left in a state of absolute dest.i.tution. They might congratulate themselves when they were able to keep their clothes on their backs! Some, indeed, were not so fortunate; and, after an encounter with the thieves, were compelled to face the rigour of a severe climate with an exceedingly primitive outfit.

It is interesting to find that the clan system prevailed on the Borders, especially in the south-west portion of the district. In Liddesdale, in the district known as the Debateable land, and along the sh.o.r.es of the Solway, the inhabitants were grouped into clans, many of them numerous and powerful. According to Skene, "the word clan signifies children or descendants, and the clan name thus implies that the members of it are, or were supposed to be, descended from a common ancestor or eponymus, and they were distinguished from each other by their patronymics, the use of surnames in the proper sense of the term being unknown among them. These patronymics, in the case of the _Caenncine_, or chief, and the _Ceanntighs_, or heads of the smaller septs, indicated their descent from the founder of the race or sept; those of the members of it who were of the kin of the Chief or Chieftain showed the personal relation; while the commonality of the clan simply used a derivative form of the name of the clan, implying merely that they belonged to it."[71]

This form of government, so essentially patriarchal in its nature, is at once the most simple and universal. It is derived from the most primitive idea of authority exercised by a father over his family. Among nations of a Celtic origin this system was universal. Indeed, it is generally held that it is a system peculiar to Celtic tribes. How it came to be established on the Borders is a question which is not easily solved. Sir Walter Scott is of opinion that the system was originally derived from the inhabitants of the western portion of Valentia, who remained unsubdued by the Saxons, and by those of Reged, and the modern c.u.mberland. He says that the system was not so universal on the eastern part of the Marches, or on the opposite Borders of England. There were many families of distinction who exercised the same feudal and territorial authority that was possessed by other landlords throughout England. But in the dales of Rede and Tyne, as well as in the neighbouring county of c.u.mberland, the ancient custom of clanship prevailed, and consequently the inhabitants of those districts acted less under the direction of their landlords than under that of the princ.i.p.al men of their name.[72]

It is important that this fact should be kept steadily in mind, as the mode of government, of living, and of making war, adopted by the Borderers on both sides, seems to have been in great measure the consequence of the prevailing system of clanship.

It is the simplest of all possible systems of government. The Chief was not only the legislator and captain and father of the tribe, but it was to him that each individual of the name looked up for advice, subsistance, protection, and revenge.

In "Skene's Acts of Parliament" a Roll of the Border clans is given, from which it would appear that there were SEVENTEEN distinct septs, or families, mostly in the south-western portion of the Scottish Borders. The _Middle March_ was inhabited by Elliots, Armstrongs, Nicksons, and Crosiers. The _West March_ by Scotts, Beatisons, Littles, Thomsones, Glendinnings, Irvinges, Belles, Carrutherses, Grahams, Johnstones, Jardines, Moffettes, and Latimers. These clans are described as having "Captaines, Chieftaines, quhome on they depend, oft-times against the willes of their Landislordes." "Ilk ane o' them," according to Maitland, had a to-name, or _nickname_, as it is commonly called now-a-days. This was a matter of necessity, as otherwise it would have been exceedingly difficult to distinguish the different members of the sept. These to-names are often suggestive and amusing, as most of them are based on some physical or moral peculiarity. In the year 1583 Thomas Musgrave sent an interesting letter to Burghley, Chancellor to Queen Elizabeth, in which he gives a list of the Armstrongs and Elliots. "I understand," he says, "that your lordship is not well acquainted with the names of the waters, and the dwelling places of the riders and ill-doers both of England and Scotland.... May it please, therefore, your lordship to understand, that the ryver Lyddal is a fayre ryver, and hath her course doun by Lyddisdall, so as the dale hath the name of the ryver.... I shall therefore set downe the Ellottes of the head of Lyddall as my skyll will afforde, that your lordship may know the better when their deeds shall come in question. The Ellotes of Lyddisdall:--Robin Ellot of the Redheugh, Chiefe of the Ellottes; Will Ellot of Harskarth his brother; Gebbe Ellot his brother; Adam Ellot of the Shaws; Arche Ellot called Fyre the brayes; Gybbe Ellot of the Shawes; Gorth Simson; Martin Ellot called Rytchis Martin. All these are Robin Ellotes brethren, or his men that are daly at his commandement.

The grayne of the Ellotes called the Barneheedes:--Joke Ellot called Halfe loges. The grayne of the Ellottes of the Bark:--Sims Johne Ellot of the Park; Will Ellot, gray Willie; Hobbe Ellot called Scotes Hobbe; Johne Ellot of the Park; Jem Ellote called gray Wills Jeme; Hobbe Ellot called Hobbs Hobbe. The grayne of Martin Ellot of Bradley:--Gowan Ellot called the Clarke; Hobbe Ellot his brother; Arche Ellot his brother; Joke Ellot called Copshawe; John Ellot of Thornesope; Will Ellot of the Steele; Dand Ellot of the Brandley; John Ellot of the same; Seme Ellot of Hardin. All theise Ellots and manie more of them are at Robin Ellot's commandment and dwell betwixt the Armstrongs in Lyddisdall and Whethough town--fewe of them marryed with Englishe women." Then follows a long list of the "Armstrongs of Mangerton," and of the "Howse of Whetaughe Towre." Some of the names in the list are amusingly suggestive--"Seme Armestronge lord of Mangerton marryed John Foster's daughter of Kyrshopefoot; Joke Armestronge called the "lord's Joke" dwelleth under Dennyshill besides Kyrsope in Denisborne, and married Anton Armestrong's daughter of Wylyare in Gilsland; Johne Armestronge called "the lordes Johne," marryet Rytche Grayme's sister.... Thomas Armestrong called "the lordes Tome."... Runyon Armestrong called "the lordes Runyon."... Thom Armestronge Sims Thom, marryed Wat Storyes daughter of Eske, called Wat of the Hare ends."[73]

We also read of "Thomas Abye," "Gawins Will," "Red Andrew," "Bangtale,"

"Ould Hector of Harlaw," "Stowlugs," "c.o.kespoole," "Skinabake," "Carhand,"

"Hob the Tailor," "Redneb," &c.

Among the Elliots we find such to-names as "Long John," "John the Child,"

"John Cull the spade," "Bessie's Wife's Riche," "Robin the b.a.s.t.a.r.d of Glenvoren," &c. One of the family of Nixon was known as "Ill Drooned Geordie," a name which seems to indicate that the person who bore it had had at one time or another a narrow escape from what perhaps was his righteous doom. "Wynking Will,"[74] "Wry-Crag," "David the Leddy," and "Hob the King," are sufficiently explicit.

These are a fair sample of the _to-names_ by which the thieves of Liddesdale were distinguished. It must be admitted, however, that many of them are not quite so respectable as those given, and would hardly admit of reproduction in a modern book. The men to whom they were a.s.signed must have been regarded, one would naturally suppose, as utterly disreputable characters, even by those who a.s.sociated with them in the invidious calling to which they were devoted.

It is probable that the men of Liddesdale were to a certain extent corrupted by their propinquity to the lawless hordes which inhabited the Debateable land. This was a tract of country lying between the Esk and the Sark, of some fifty or sixty square miles in extent, which was regarded as belonging neither to the one kingdom nor the other. Here the "Genius of Misrule," for many generations, held all but undisputed sway. The Graemes, Littles, and Bells, and other "broken men" of equally unenviable reputation, found in this district a convenient centre for conducting their marauding exploits. It was a matter of no moment to them whether their victims belonged to the one country or the other. They were as dest.i.tute of patriotism as of the other virtues. When they were hard driven by the English, they claimed the protection of the Scottish warden; and when he in his turn had accounts to settle with them, they appealed to his English rival in office to shield them from vengeance. In this way they often succeeded in escaping the punishment due to their misdeeds, where others, less happily circ.u.mstanced, would have been speedily compelled to "underlie the law." In course of time this state of matters became intolerable, and it was resolved by the Scottish Council in the year 1552 that this district should be divided, the one part to be placed under the jurisdiction of England, the other under that of Scotland.

Accordingly, a Commission, on which were representatives of both nations, was appointed to settle, if possible, this long-standing difficulty. These commissioners were allowed the utmost freedom of judgment in fixing upon a proper boundary line, as both governments were agreed that minor difficulties, as to the extent of territory to be allocated to the one country or the other, should not be allowed to stand in the way. The final decision was not so easily arrived at as might, in the circ.u.mstances, have been expected. The Scots drew the line considerably to the south, the English to the north, of the boundary finally agreed upon. After considerable discussion, a line was ultimately fixed which satisfied both parties, and a turf d.y.k.e was built, stretching from the Sark to the Esk, which is still known as the Scots d.y.k.e.

This was an important step. The boundary was finally settled. The wardens knew the precise limits to which their power and authority extended, and were thus in a position to discharge the duties of their office with more a.s.sured certainty of success. But, as might have been antic.i.p.ated, the fixing of a boundary line did not eradicate, or even to any great extent restrain, the thieving propensities of the lawless inhabitants of this district. The Debateable land continued to nourish "ane great company of thieves and traitores, to the great hurt and skaith of the honest lieges"

as in times by-past. But a good beginning had been made in fixing the boundaries, and in course of time more favourable results ensued.

It would be unwarrantable to a.s.sert that the Liddesdale thieves attained their unenviable notoriety entirely owing to their intimate a.s.sociation with the fierce banditti to whom reference has been made. The Armstrongs and Elliotts needed no encouragement in the carrying on of their nefarious business of plunder. They were evidently heartily in love with their calling, and were never happier than when engaged in a marauding expedition. But apart from the fact that "evil communications corrupt good manners," the near neighbourhood of the Debateable land const.i.tuted an indirect incentive to crime. In the great deer forests of the Highlands there are what are called "sanctuaries," or places to which the deer may resort to escape the huntsman. We are told that when they are disturbed on the mountains, they at once make for the protected area, where they know they are safe from pursuit. The Debateable land const.i.tuted for generations just such a "sanctuary," or place of refuge for Border thieves. Here they were comparatively safe. The district formed a little kingdom by itself. Within this region the law was comparatively powerless.

But we find that the "Liddesdale limmers" were occasionally driven to bay in the most effectual manner. Sir Robert Cary on one occasion gave them a salutary lesson, which they did not soon forget. The Armstrongs especially, a powerful and turbulent clan, had long carried things with a high hand on the English Border, burning, despoiling, and slaying to their hearts' content. This state of matters had at last become intolerable, and Cary determined to have it out with them. He called the gentlemen of the neighbourhood together, and acquainted them with the miseries which had been brought upon the people by the rapacity and cruelty of the Liddesdale thieves. They advised him to apply to the Queen and Council for a.s.sistance, but this he was unwilling to do, as he thought he was quite able, with the resources at his command, to effectually suppress the lawless horde which had wrought such havoc within his wardenry. He says:--"I told them my intention what I meant to do, which was, 'that myself, with my two deputies, and the forty horse that I was allowed, would, with what speed we could, make ourselves ready to go up to the wastes, and there we would entrench ourselves, and lie as near as we could to the outlaws; and, if there were any brave spirits among them, that would go with us, they should be very welcome, and fare and lie as well as myself: and I did not doubt before the summer ended to do something that should abate the pride of these outlaws.'" With this comparatively small force he set out for Liddesdale. He built a fort on a hill in the immediate vicinity of Tarras moss, into which the thieves, when they learned of his approach, had fled for refuge. Here Cary and his men stayed from the middle of June till near the end of August. The country people supplied him with provisions, being well paid for anything they brought to him. "The chief outlaws," he says, "at our coming, fled their houses where they dwelt, and betook themselves to a large and great forest, (with all their goods,) which was called the Tarras. It was of that strength, and so surrounded with bog and marsh grounds, and thick bushes and shrubs, as they feared not the force nor power of England or Scotland, so long as they were there. They sent me word, that I was like the first puff of a haggis, hottest at the first, and bade me stay there as long as the weather would give me leave. They would stay in the Tarras-wood, till I was weary of lying in the waste; and when I had had my time, and they no whit the worse, they would play their parts, which should keep me waking next winter. Those gentlemen of the country that came not with me, were of the same mind; for they knew, (or thought at least,) that my force was not sufficient to withstand the fury of the outlaws. The time I stayed at the fort I was not idle, but cast, by all means I could, how to take them in the great strength they were in. I found a means to send a hundred and fifty hors.e.m.e.n into Scotland, (conveighed by a m.u.f.fled man, not known to any of the company,) thirty miles within Scotland; and the business was so carried, that none in the country took any alarm at this pa.s.sage. They were quietly brought to the backside of the Tarras, to Scotland-ward.

There they divided themselves into three parts, and took up three pa.s.sages which the outlaws made themselves secure of, if from England side they should at any time be put at. They had their scouts on the tops of hills, on the English side, to give them warning if at any time any power of men should come to surprise them. The three ambushes were safely laid, without being discovered, and, about four o'clock in the morning, there were three hundred horse, and a thousand foot, that came directly to the place where the scouts lay. They gave the alarm; our men broke down as fast as they could into the wood. The outlaws thought themselves safe, a.s.suring themselves at any time to escape; but they were so strongly set upon on the English side, as they were forced to leave their goods, and to betake themselves to their pa.s.sages towards Scotland. There was presently five taken of the princ.i.p.al of them. The rest, seeing themselves, as they thought, betrayed, retired into the thick woods and bogs, that our men durst not follow them, for fear of losing themselves. The princ.i.p.al of the five, that were taken, were two of the eldest sons of Sim of Whittram.

These five they brought me to the fort, and a number of goods, both of sheep and kine, which satisfied most part of the country, that they had stolen them from....

Thus G.o.d blessed me in bringing this great trouble to so quiet an end; we broke up our fort, and every man retired to his own house."[75]

Judging from this account, one is led to suppose that the force which Cary had at his command was comparatively small. He tells us that he took a list of those that offered to go with him, and found that with his officers, gentlemen, and servants there would be about two hundred good men and horse; a competent number he thought for such a service. But we find in a letter which he sent to Cecil that he speaks of having "a 1000 horse and foot."[76] But whatever may have been the strength of the forces at his command, it is quite certain that, on this occasion at least, he proved himself more than a match for the "Lewd Liddesdales."

The tradition of this famous raid, which was long preserved in the district, differs considerably from the account here given. "The people of Liddesdale have retained," says the editor of the "Border Minstrelsy,"

"the remembrance of _Cary's raid_," as they call it. "They tell that, while he was besieging the outlaws in the Tarras, they contrived, by ways known only to themselves, to send a party into England, who plundered the warden's lands. On their return, they sent Cary one of his own cows, telling him that, fearing he might fall short of provisions during his visit to Scotland, they had taken the precaution of sending him some English beef."

The anecdote is worth preserving, as it indicates how anxious the Liddesdale reivers were to forget one of the most unpleasant episodes in their history, or at least to make their discomfiture appear in as favourable a light as possible.

X.

AFTER THE HUNTING.

"_Efter the hunting the King hanged Johnie Armstrong._"

PITSCOTTIE.

"Here is ane cord baith grit and lang, Quhilk hangit Johne Armstrang, Of gude hempt soft and sound, Gude haly pepil, I stand ford, Whaevir beis hangit wi' this cord, Neidis never to be drowned!"

SIR DAVID LINDSAY.

We have already seen that the Armstrongs were a numerous and powerful clan, and that for a considerable period they had been known on the Borders as "notour thieves and limmers." They levied blackmail over a wide district, and appropriated whatever came readiest to hand with a sublime indifference either to neighbourhood or nationality.

"They stole the beeves that made them broth From Scotland and from England both."

King James V. having succeeded in shaking himself free from the tyranny of the Dougla.s.ses, resolved that he would "daunton" the Border thieves, by making them feel the weight of his sword. He made an excellent beginning.

He imprisoned the Earls of Bothwell and Home, Lord Maxwell Scott, Ker of Ferniherst, Scott of Buccleuch, Polworth, Johnston, and Mark Ker.[77] It must have been quite evident to the young King, and his counsellors, that so long as these Chiefs were at liberty it would be a bootless errand to proceed against those who owned them allegiance. The ringleaders must first of all be disposed of, and so they were put in ward, there to await his Majesty's pleasure. This measure was not devised, as some suppose, for the purpose of crushing the n.o.bility. It is absurd to infer that James, a youth of seventeen, had projected a deep political plan of this nature.

The outrages which these men had committed during his minority had excited his lively resentment, and he was determined that they should no longer maintain bands of lawless followers at the public expense. This necessary measure for the pacification of the Borders was wisely devised, and promptly executed, and must have produced a deep impression, if not a wholesome fear, in the minds of those whom it was intended to influence.

It was in the month of June, 1529, that James set out for Meggatdale, accompanied by eight thousand men, lords, barons, freeholders, and gentlemen, all well armed, and carrying with them a month's provisions.

The King commanded all gentlemen that had "doggis that were guid" to bring them with them to hunt "in the said bounds." The Earls of Huntley, Argyle, and Athol, brought their deerhounds with them, and hunted with his Majesty. They came to Meggat, near St. Mary's Loch, and, during their short stay in this district, eighteen score of deer were slain.

The tradition is that on this occasion the King captured William c.o.c.kburn of Henderland, a famous freebooter, and hanged him over his own gate. It is quite certain, however, that in regard to this matter the tradition is unreliable. In "Pitcairn's Criminal Trials" we find it stated, under date May 26th--nearly a month before the King left Edinburgh--that "William c.o.c.kburne of Henderland was convicted (in presence of the King) of High Treason committed by him, in bringing Alexander Forrestare and his son, Englishmen, to the plundering of Archibald Somervile: And for treasonably bringing certain Englishmen to the lands of Glenquhome: And for Common Theft, Common Reset of Theft, outputting and inputting thereof.--Sentence.

For which causes and crimes he has forfeited his life, lands, and goods, moveable and immoveable, which shall be escheated to the King.--Beheaded."[78] Such is the brief but authentic record. It establishes beyond controversy the fact that c.o.c.kburn was apprehended, and tried, before the King had left Edinburgh on his famous expedition. The tradition that he was hanged over his own gate, must therefore be set aside.

The c.o.c.kburns were an old and well-known family. One of the Scotts of Buccleuch married a daughter of the house, which, on the principle of heredity, may help to explain the well-known reiving propensities of some branches of this famous clan. In "Pitcairn's Criminal Trials," where so much of the ancient history of the great Border families may be read, if not with pleasure, at least not without profit, mention is made of various c.o.c.kburns who distinguished themselves as daring and successful freebooters. In the old churchyard of Henderland there is still to be seen a large slab bearing the inscription--"Here lyis Perys of c.o.c.kburne and Hys wife Marjory." There is no date on the tombstone, but the likelihood is that this "Perys of c.o.c.kburne" was a descendant of the William c.o.c.kburn whose fate we have just mentioned.

But the most interesting tradition in connection with this family relates to the well-known ballad, "The Border Widow's Lament," one of the most beautiful, and certainly the most pathetic, of all the Border ballads. It has been supposed to describe the feelings of c.o.c.kburn's widow when her husband was put to death by the King.

"My love he built me a bonnie bower, And clad it a' wi' lilye flour, A brawer bower ye ne'er did see, Than my true love he built for me.

There came a man, by middle day, He spied his sport, and went away; And brought the King that very night, Who brake my bower, and slew my knight.

He slew my knight, to me sae dear; He slew my knight, and poin'd his gear; My servants all for life did flee, And left me in extremitie.

I sew'd his sheet, making my mane; I watch'd the corpse, myself alane; I watch'd his body, night and day; No living creature came that way.

I took his body on my back, And whiles I gaed, and whiles I sat; I digg'd a grave, and laid him in, And happ'd him with the sod sae green.

But think na ye my heart was sair, When I laid the moul' on his yellow hair; O think na ye my heart was wae, When I turned about, awa' to gae?

Nae living man I'll love again, Since that my lovely knight is slain; Wi' yae lock o' his yellow hair, I'll chain my heart for evermair."

This exquisite ballad has probably no connection with c.o.c.kburn of Henderland,--we feel strongly convinced it has not,--but it is none the less interesting, as it is a composition which can well afford to be regarded apart altogether from its traditional a.s.sociations.

There is another tradition which it may be as well to notice in pa.s.sing.