Benjamin Franklin Part 9

x.x.xVIII, 349-69 (Oct., 1928).]

[Footnote i-170: _Writings_, II, 175.]

[Footnote i-171: See W. P. and J. P. Cutler, _Life, Journals and Correspondence of Rev. Mana.s.seh Cutler_, I, 269, letter of July 13, 1787; also G. S. Eddy, _op. cit._]

[Footnote i-172: See Thomas, _loc. cit._]

[Footnote i-173: A notable exception was the type of "letter to the editor" which Franklin used as a means of suggesting reforms, such as those affecting the city watch, the fire companies, and the cleaning and lighting of the streets. See J. B. McMaster, _Benjamin Franklin as a Man of Letters_, 82-5.]

[Footnote i-174: A correspondent of Franklin's paper commended Zenger's stand (see _Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 11-18, 1738; reprinted in W. G.

Bleyer, _Main Currents in the History of American Journalism_, 66-7), but Franklin shrewdly kept his own paper free of factional politics. See Livingston Rutherford, _John Peter Zenger_ (New York, 1904).]

[Footnote i-175: See Clarence S. Brigham, "American Newspapers to 1820,"

_Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, N. S. x.x.xII, 157-9 (April, 1922), for detailed bibliography of the _Gazette_.]

[Footnote i-176: A. H. Smyth, _Philadelphia Magazines and Their Contributors_, 200.]

[Footnote i-177: _Writings_, I, 360.]

[Footnote i-178: For a list of the printers with whom Franklin had such connections, see M. R. King, "One Link in the First Newspaper Chain, the _South Carolina Gazette," Journalism Quarterly_, IX, 257 (Sept., 1932).]

[Footnote i-179: For sketches of both magazines, see L. N. Richardson, _A History of Early American Magazines_, 17-35, and F. L. Mott, _A History of American Magazines_, 1741-1850, 71-7. See also Philip Biddison, "The Magazine Franklin Failed to Remember," _American Literature_, IV, 177 (June, 1932); the writer thinks certain accusations in the Bradford-Franklin controversy over the magazines discreditable to Franklin, so that the latter's lapse of memory saved him "embarra.s.sment."]

[Footnote i-180: See letter to John Wright, Nov. 4, 1789 (_Writings_, X, 60-3). For European backgrounds of Franklin's economic views see Gide and Rist, in Bibliography. On American backgrounds the standard work is E. A. J. Johnson's _American Economic Thought in the Seventeenth Century_ (London, 1932), which shows the intimate relation between economic and religious theories.]

[Footnote i-181: Lewis J. Carey, _Franklin's Economic Views_ (Garden City, N. Y., 1928), 72.]

[Footnote i-182: Cited in Carey, 73. He had used in this article facts lent by Benezet concerning the "detestable commerce" motivated in part by English "laws for promoting the Guinea trade" (_Writings_, V, 431-2).]

[Footnote i-183: _Writings_, IX, 627.]

[Footnote i-184: In 1779 he professed mortification that the King of France gave "freedom to Slaves, while a king of England is endeavouring to make Slaves of Freemen" (_ibid._, VII, 402).]

[Footnote i-185: _Ibid._, IX, 404. See also _ibid._, 6.]

[Footnote i-186: Suggestive notes on this point may be found in N.

Foerster's article in the _American Review_, IV, 129-46 (Dec., 1934).]

[Footnote i-187: _Writings_, VI, 102. See also VI, 39-40.]

[Footnote i-188: _Ibid._, III, 66.]

[Footnote i-189: _Ibid._, III, 66-7.]

[Footnote i-190: _Ibid._, III, 68.]

[Footnote i-191: Carey, _op. cit._, 69.]

[Footnote i-192: _Writings_, III, 65.]

[Footnote i-193: _Ibid._, III, 73.]

[Footnote i-194: That others in the colonies saw slavery as an economically unsound investment (without any reference to its being _malum in se_) may be witnessed in an article in the _Boston News-Letter_ (March 3, 1718): "In the previous year there had been eighty burials of Indians and negroes in Boston. The writer argued that the loss of 30 each amounted to 2,400. If white servants had been employed instead, at 15 for the time of each, the 'town had saved 1,200.' A man could procure 12 to 15 to purchase the time of a white servant that could not pay 30 to 50 for a negro or Indian. 'The Whites Strengthens [_sic_] and Peoples the Country, others do not'" (W. B.

Weeden, _Economic and Social History of New England, 1620-1789_, Boston, 1891, II, 456). Congruent with Franklin's _Observations_ is John Adams's note that "Argument might have some weight in the abolition of slavery in Ma.s.sachusetts, but the real cause was the multiplication of labouring white people, who would no longer suffer the rich to employ these sable rivals so much to their injury" (_ibid._, II, 453).]

[Footnote i-195: In Franklin's view, slavery was also politically subversive. In 1756 he feared that the slaves, along with servants and loose people in general, would desert to the French (_Writings_, III, 359). Since the danger undoubtedly existed (_ibid._, VII, 48, 69), Franklin had a right to be sardonic in commenting on Dr. Johnson's advice that slaves be incited "to rise, cut the throats of their purchasers, and resort to the British army, where they should be rewarded with freedom" (_ibid._, X, 110-1).]

[Footnote i-196: Printed in _Maryland Gazette_ (Dec. 17, 1728); later as pamphlet (April 3, 1729).]

[Footnote i-197: Carey, _op. cit._, 7. See _Writings_ I, 306-7, for Franklin's own account of the effect of this work.]

[Footnote i-198: C. J. Bullock, _Essays on the Monetary History of the United States_, 51.]

[Footnote i-199: Weeden, _op. cit._, II, 485.]

[Footnote i-200: _Financial History of the United States_, 21. Bullock observes another factor: "Sooner or later all the plantations were deeply involved in the mazes of a fluctuating currency, for the burdens attending the various wars of the eighteenth century were so great as to induce even the most conservative colonies to resort to this easy method of meeting public obligations" (_op. cit._, 33).]

[Footnote i-201: _Writings_, II, 133-5.]

[Footnote i-202: See Carey, _op. cit._, chap. I, for suggestive survey of this pamphlet. Carey points out Franklin's indebtedness to writings of Sir William Petty.]

[Footnote i-203: Carey (chap. II, "Value and Interest") quotes Franklin: "Riches of a Country are to be valued by the Quant.i.ty of Labour its inhabitants are able to purchase, and not by the Quant.i.ty of Silver and Gold they possess" (_Writings_, II, 144).]

[Footnote i-204: See, for example, _Plan for Saving One Hundred Thousand Pounds_, 1755 (_Writings_, III, 293-5).]

[Footnote i-205: Writings, IV, 420: _Examination of Benjamin Franklin_.

He was obliged to admit that Ma.s.sachusetts colonists had taken a calmer view of the 1751 act (IV, 428).]

[Footnote i-206: G. L. Beer, _British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765_, 188.]

[Footnote i-207: Although it is true that Pennsylvania suffered less from paper money because of better security (Carey, _op. cit._, 23 note), it seems curious that Franklin should have been blind to the evils of inflation and the operations of Gresham's law.]

[Footnote i-208: Paper in William Smith Mason Collection; cited in Carey, _op. cit._, 20. See also _Writings_, V, 189, in which he repeats the threat. British restraint must hence provoke colonial "industry and frugality."]

[Footnote i-209: _Writings_, VII, 294. Cf. _ibid._, IX, 231-6.]

[Footnote i-210: See _Writings_, VII, 275, 335, 341.]

[Footnote i-211: To Josiah Quincy, Sept. 11, 1783 (_Writings_, IX, 93-5).]

[Footnote i-212: In 1779 (see _Writings_, VII, 294) Franklin explained that the French knew little of paper currency. Mr. Carey offers convincing evidence to show that Franklin helped to predispose the deputies of the first National a.s.sembly to use a.s.signats (_op. cit._, 27-33). See _Of the Paper Money of the United States of America_ (_Writings_, IX, 231-6).]

[Footnote i-213: J. F. Watson, _Annals of Philadelphia_ (1844 ed.), I, 533.]

[Footnote i-214: Cited by J. Rae in his _Life of Adam Smith_ (London, 1895), 265.]

[Footnote i-215: _Ibid._, 266. See Carey's chapter, "Franklin's Influence on Adam Smith," for an exhaustive survey of the _personalia_ linking Adam Smith and Franklin. Both were in London in 1773-1776 and were occasional companions, having in 1759 met in Edinburgh at the home of Dr. Robertson. Probably they again met in Glasgow during the same year. Smith could have received copies of Franklin's works through Hume and Lord Kames; among Franklin's works in Smith's library was _Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind_; when Smith in the _Wealth of Nations_ observes that colonial population doubles in every twenty to twenty-five years, it seems reasonable to infer that he was beholden to Franklin for the suggestion. It is within the realm of reasonable inference, says Mr. Carey, that Franklin did, as Parton urges, help to educate Smith in the colonial point of view. T. D. Eliot, in "The Relations Between Adam Smith and Benjamin Franklin before 1776,"

_Political Science Quarterly_, x.x.xIX, 67-96 (March, 1924), after calling attention to the lack of extant correspondence between them and the silence of their contemporaries concerning a vital relationship, shows a reasonable hesitancy in observing that little is known about Smith's alleged debt to Franklin. Like Wetzel and Carey, Eliot thinks the debt has been exaggerated. He has been unable to prove Dr. Patten's intuition that in 1759 Franklin went to Smith in Scotland to urge him to write a treatise on colonial policy. In 1765 Turgot met Adam Smith. In the following year he published his _Reflexions sur la formation et la distribution des richesses_, antedating Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ by ten years. See J. Delvaille's _Essai sur l'histoire de l'idee de progres_ (Paris, 1910), chap. IV, on Adam Smith; and Carey, _op. cit._, 152, 158-9, for the relationship between Turgot and Franklin.]