Balder the Beautiful Part 2

[30] R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_ (Melbourne and London, 1878), i. 450.

[31] E. Gerard, _The Land beyond the Forest_ (Edinburgh and London, 1888), ii. 7.

[32] F. Grabowsky, "Der Distrikt Dusson Timor in Sudost-Borneo und seine Bewohner," _Das Ausland_, 1884, No. 24, p. 470.

[33] _Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition made by Charles F.

Hall_, edited by Prof. J.E. Nourse (Washington, 1879), pp. 110 _sq._

[34] See _Taboo and Perils of the Soul_, pp. 207 _sqq._

[35] Walter E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines_ (Brisbane and London, 1897), p. 156, -- 265. The custom of killing a man by pointing a bone or stick at him, while the sorcerer utters appropriate curses, is common among the tribes of Central Australia; but amongst them there seems to be no objection to place the bone or stick on the ground; on the contrary, an Arunta wizard inserts the bone or stick in the ground while he invokes death and destruction on his enemy. See Baldwin Spencer and F.J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1899), pp. 534 _sqq.; id., Northern Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1904), pp. 455 _sqq._

[36] Hugh Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848), pp. 145 _sq._

[37] Pliny, _Naturalis Historia_ xxviii. 33 _sq._

[38] Rev. Walter Gregor, _Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 184. As to the superst.i.tions attaching to stone arrowheads and axeheads (celts), commonly known as "thunderbolts,"

in the British Islands, see W.W. Skeat, "Snakestones and Stone Thunderbolts," _Folklore_, xxiii. (1912) pp. 60 _sqq._; and as to such superst.i.tions in general, see Chr. Blinkenberg, _The Thunderweapon in Religion and Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1911).

[39] Pliny, _Naturalis Historia_, xxix. 52-54.

[40] W. Borlase, _Antiquities, Historical and Monumental, of the County of Cornwall_ (London, 1769), pp. 142 _sq._; J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883), i. 322; J.G. Dalyell, _Darker Superst.i.tions of Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1834), pp. 140 _sq._; Daniel Wilson, _The Archaeology and Prehistoric Annals of Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1851), pp. 303 _sqq._; Lieut.-Col. Forbes Leslie, _The Early Races of Scotland and their Monuments_ (Edinburgh, 1866), i. 75 _sqq._; J.G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 84-88; Marie Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London, 1909), pp. 170 _sq._; J.C. Davies, _Folk-lore of West and Mid-Wales_ (Aberystwyth, 1911), p. 76. Compare W.W. Skeat, "Snakestones and Stone Thunderbolts," _Folk-lore,_ xxiii.

(1912) pp. 45 _sqq._ The superst.i.tion is described as follows by Edward Lhwyd in a letter quoted by W. Borlase (_op. cit._ p. 142): "In most parts of Wales, and throughout all Scotland, and in Cornwall, we find it a common opinion of the vulgar, that about Midsummer-Eve (though in the time they do not all agree) it is usual for snakes to meet in companies; and that, by joining heads together, and hissing, a kind of bubble is formed, which the rest, by continual hissing, blow on till it pa.s.ses quite through the body, and then it immediately hardens, and resembles a gla.s.s-ring, which whoever finds (as some old women and children are persuaded) shall prosper in all his undertakings. The rings thus generated, are called _Gleineu Nadroeth_; in English, Snake-stones. They are small gla.s.s amulets, commonly about half as wide as our finger-rings, but much thicker, of a green colour usually, though sometimes blue, and waved with red and white."

[41] Pliny, _Naturalis Historia_ xxiv. 12 and 68, xxv. 171.

[42] Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, ed. G. Helmreich (Leipsic, 1889), preface, p. i.: "_Nec solum veteres medicinae artis auctores Latino dumtaxat sermone perscriptos ... lectione scrutatus sum, sed etiam ab agrestibus et plebeis remedia fortuita atque simplicia, quae experimentis probaverant didici_." As to Marcellus and his work, see Jacob Grimm, "Ueber Marcellus Burdigalensis," _Abhandlungen der koniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaft zu Berlin_, 1847, pp. 429-460; _id._, "Ueber die Marcellischen Formeln," _ibid._. 1855, pp. 50-68.

[43] Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, i. 68.

[44] Marcellus, _op. cit._ i. 76.

[45] Marcellus, _op. cit._ xxviii. 28 and 71, xxix. 35.

[46] Marcellus, _op. cit._ xxix. 51.

[47] Edward Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco," _Folklore_, xvi. (1905) pp. 32 _sq._; _id., Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, certain Dates of the Solar Year, and the Weather in Morocco_ (Helsingfors, 1913), pp. 75 _sq._

[48] E. Westermarck, "Midsummer Customs in Morocco," _Folk-lore_, xvi.

(1905) p. 35 _id., Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, certain Dates of the Solar Year, and the Weather in Morocco_ (Helsingfors, 1913), pp. 88 _sq._

[49] Matthaus Pratorius, _Deliciae Prussicae_, herausgegeben von Dr. W.

Pierson (Berlin, 1871), p. 54.

[50] H.H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), ii. 142; Bra.s.seur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisees du Mexique et de l'Amerique Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 29.

[51] Kaempfer, "History of j.a.pan," in J. Pinkerton's _Voyages and Travels_, vii. 717; Caron, "Account of j.a.pan," _ibid._ vii. 613; B.

Varenius, _Descriptio regni j.a.poniae et Siam_ (Cambridge, 1673), p. 11: _"Radiis solis caput nunquam ill.u.s.trabatur: in apertum acrem non procedebat."_

[52] A. de Herrera, _General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America,_ trans, by Capt. John Stevens (London, 1725-1726), v. 88.

[53] H. Ternaux-Compans, _Essai sur l'ancien Cundinamarca_ (Paris, N.D.), p. 56; Theodor Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturvolker_ iv.

(Leipsic, 1864) p. 359.

[54] Alonzo de Zurita, "Rapport sur les differentes cla.s.ses de chefs de la Nouvelle-Espagne," p. 30, in H. Ternaux-Compans's _Voyages, Relations et Memoires originaux, pour servir a l'Histoire de la Decouvertede l'Amerique_ (Paris, 1840); Th. Waitz, _l.c._; A. Bastian, _Die Culturlander des alten Amerika_ (Berlin, 1878), ii. 204.

[55] Cieza de Leon, _Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru_ (Hakluyt Society, London, 1883), p. 18.

[56] _The Grihya Sutras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part ii. (Oxford, 1892) pp. 165, 275 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. x.x.x.). Umbrellas appear to have been sometimes used in ritual for the purpose of preventing the sunlight from falling on sacred persons or things. See W.

Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), p. 110 note 12.

At an Athenian festival called Scira the priestess of Athena, the priest of Poseidon, and the priest of the Sun walked from the Acropolis under the shade of a huge white umbrella which was borne over their heads by the Eteobutads. See Harpocration and Suidas, _s.v._ [Greek: Skiron]; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Eccles._ 18.

[57] Mrs. Bishop, _Korea and her Neighbours_ (London, 1898), ii. 248.

[58] J.L. van Ha.s.selt, "Eenige aanteekeningen aangaande de bewoners der N. Westkust van Nieuw Guinea," _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-Landen Volkenkunde_, x.x.xi. (1886) p. 587.

[59] A. Bastian, _Die Volker des ostlichen Asien_, v. (Jena, 1869) p.

366.

[60] W.M. Gabb, "On the Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica,"

_Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society held at Philadelphia_, xiv. (Philadelphia, 1876), p. 510.

[61] L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), p. 194.

[62] H.H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, i. 553. See _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 182.

[63] L. Heuzey, _Le Mont Olympe et l'Acarnanie_ (Paris, 1860), pp. 458 _sq._

CHAPTER II

THE SECLUSION OF GIRLS AT p.u.b.eRTY

-- 1. _Seclusion of Girls at p.u.b.erty in Africa_

[Girls at p.u.b.erty forbidden to touch the ground and to see the sun; seclusion of girls at p.u.b.erty among the A-Kamba; seclusion of girls at p.u.b.erty among the Baganda.]

Now it is remarkable that the foregoing two rules--not to touch the ground and not to see the sun--are observed either separately or conjointly by girls at p.u.b.erty in many parts of the world. Thus amongst the negroes of Loango girls at p.u.b.erty are confined in separate huts, and they may not touch the ground with any part of their bare body.[64]

Among the Zulus and kindred tribes of South Africa, when the first signs of p.u.b.erty shew themselves "while a girl is walking, gathering wood, or working in the field, she runs to the river and hides herself among the reeds for the day, so as not to be seen by men. She covers her head carefully with her blanket that the sun may not shine on it and shrivel her up into a withered skeleton, as would result from exposure to the sun's beams. After dark she returns to her home and is secluded" in a hut for some time.[65] During her seclusion, which lasts for about a fortnight, neither she nor the girls who wait upon her may drink any milk, lest the cattle should die. And should she be overtaken by the first flow while she is in the fields, she must, after hiding in the bush, scrupulously avoid all pathways in returning home.[66] A reason for this avoidance is a.s.signed by the A-Kamba of British East Africa, whose girls under similar circ.u.mstances observe the same rule. "A girl's first menstruation is a very critical period of her life according to A-Kamba beliefs. If this condition appears when she is away from the village, say at work in the fields, she returns at once to her village, but is careful to walk through the gra.s.s and not on a path, for if she followed a path and a stranger accidentally trod on a spot of blood and then cohabited with a member of the opposite s.e.x before the girl was better again, it is believed that she would never bear a child." She remains at home till the symptoms have ceased, and during this time she may be fed by none but her mother. When the flux is over, her father and mother are bound to cohabit with each other, else it is believed that the girl would be barren all her life.[67] Similarly, among the Baganda, when a girl menstruated for the first time she was secluded and not allowed to handle food; and at the end of her seclusion the kinsman with whom she was staying (for among the Baganda young people did not reside with their parents) was obliged to jump over his wife, which with the Baganda is regarded as equivalent to having intercourse with her. Should the girl happen to be living near her parents at the moment when she attained to p.u.b.erty, she was expected on her recovery to inform them of the fact, whereupon her father jumped over her mother. Were this custom omitted, the Baganda, like the A-Kamba, thought that the girl would never have children or that they would die in infancy.[68] Thus the pretence of s.e.xual intercourse between the parents or other relatives of the girl was a magical ceremony to ensure her fertility. It is significant that among the Baganda the first menstruation was often called a marriage, and the girl was spoken of as a bride.[69] These terms so applied point to a belief like that of the Siamese, that a girl's first menstruation results from her defloration by one of a host of aerial spirits, and that the wound thus inflicted is repeated afterwards every month by the same ghostly agency.[70] For a like reason, probably, the Baganda imagine that a woman who does not menstruate exerts a malign influence on gardens and makes them barren[71] if she works in them. For not being herself fertilized by a spirit, how can she fertilize the garden?

[Seclusion of girls at p.u.b.erty among the tribes of the Tanganyika plateau.]

Among the Amambwe, Winamw.a.n.ga, Alungu, and other tribes of the great plateau to the west of Lake Tanganyika, "when a young girl knows that she has attained p.u.b.erty, she forthwith leaves her mother's hut, and hides herself in the long gra.s.s near the village, covering her face with a cloth and weeping bitterly. Towards sunset one of the older women--who, as directress of the ceremonies, is called _nachimbusa_-- follows her, places a cooking-pot by the cross-roads, and boils therein a concoction of various herbs, with which she anoints the neophyte. At nightfall the girl is carried on the old woman's back to her mother's hut. When the customary period of a few days has elapsed, she is allowed to cook again, after first whitewashing the floor of the hut. But, by the following month, the preparations for her initiation are complete.

The novice must remain in her hut throughout the whole period of initiation, and is carefully guarded by the old women, who accompany her whenever she leaves her quarters, veiling her head with a native cloth.