A Political History of the State of New York Volume III Part 32

Those relating to political matters required thirty days' residence in an election district; abolished property qualification, thus removing all distinction between white and coloured voters; fixed the pay of legislators at $1500 per year, without limiting the length of a session; changed the terms of governor and lieutenant-governor from two to three years, with salaries of $10,000 and $5,000, respectively; required two-thirds of all the members elected to each house to override the governor's veto; authorised the veto of individual items in an appropriation act; and prohibited extra compensation being paid to a ca.n.a.l contractor.]

CHAPTER XXV

RIVALRY OF TILDEN AND CONKLING

1875

If further evidence of Tilden's supremacy in his party were needed, the election of Francis Kernan to the United States Senate furnished it. It had been nearly thirty years since the Democrats of New York were represented in the Senate, and Tilden sent his staunchest supporter to take the place of Fenton.[1466] This fidelity disturbed the members of the Ca.n.a.l ring, who now anxiously awaited the development of the Governor's policy. The overthrow of the Tammany ring and the memory of Tweed's fate hung about them like the shadow of a great fear.

[Footnote 1466: The Republicans voted for ex-Governor Edwin D. Morgan, the vote standing: Kernan, 87; Morgan, 68; Hoffman, 1.]

Tilden did not strike at once. Treating the matter as he did the Tweed disclosures, he secretly studied the methods of the Ring, examined more than one hundred contracts, and employed a civil engineer to verify work paid for with that actually done. So severe was the strain of this labour that in February he suffered a cerebral attack nearly akin to paralysis.[1467] Of the character or purpose of his work no one had any intimation, and guilty men who obsequiously complimented him thought him weak and without the nerve to harm them. But on the 18th of March (1875) he thrilled the State and chilled the Ring with a special message to the Legislature, showing that for the five years ending September 30, 1874, millions had been wasted because of unnecessary repairs and corrupt contracts. Upon ten of these fraudulent contracts the State, it appeared, had paid more than a million and a half, while the proposals at contract prices called for less than half a million. This result, he said in substance, was brought about by a unique contrivance. The engineer designated the quant.i.ty and kinds of work to be done, and when these estimates were published by the commissioners, the favoured contractor, learning through collusion what materials would actually be required, bid absurdly low prices for some and unreasonably high rates for others.

After the contract was let, changes made in accordance with the previous secret understanding required only the higher priced materials. Thus the contractor secured the work without compet.i.tion or real public letting.[1468]

[Footnote 1467: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 285.]

[Footnote 1468: The Governor plainly ill.u.s.trated this device. The engineer having estimated the amount of work and materials, the bidders added their prices.

A bid as follows:

100 cubic yards of vertical wall, at $3 $ 300.00 3,855 cubic yards of slope wall, at $1.50 5,782.50 2,400 feet B.M. white oak, at $50 120.00 60,000 feet B.M. hemlock, at $15 900.00 ------------ Total estimate of A $ 7,102.50

B bid as follows:

100 cubic yards of vertical wall, at $6 $ 600.00 3,855 cubic yards of slope wall, at 30 cents 1,156.50 2,400 feet B.M. white oak, at $70 168.00 60,000 feet B.M. hemlock, at $3 180.00 ------------ Total estimate of B $ 2,104.50

B was given the contract as the lowest bidder, after which the work was changed as follows:

3,955 cubic yards of vertical wall, at $6 $ 23,730.00 62,400 feet B.M. white oak, at $70 4,368.00 ------------ Actually paid B by the State $ 28,098.00

On ten of these contracts, originally amounting to $424,735.90 the State paid $1,560,769.84.--Tilden's _Public Writings and Speeches_, Vol. 2, pp. 106-108.]

The Governor recommended various measures of reform, notably a new letting after any change in the proposals for bids. He also suggested an investigation of the frauds already perpetrated, and for this purpose the Senate confirmed a non-partisan commission,[1469] who quickly reported that the work of one contractor showed fraudulent estimates, false measurements, and a charge of $150,337.02 for excavations and embankments that were never made. Neither surveys nor estimates preceded the letting of the contract, while in every instance he appeared as the lowest bidder. Eleven additional reports made during the year showed that similar frauds were repeatedly practised by him and other contractors. In each case arrests, indictments, and suits for rest.i.tution promptly followed.[1470] It also appeared that the auditor of the ca.n.a.l department, a former Republican candidate for secretary of state, had made use of his office to speculate in ca.n.a.l drafts and certificates.

[Footnote 1469: This commission was composed of John Bigelow, Daniel Magone of Ogdensburg, Alexander E. Orr of Brooklyn, and John D. Van Buren of New York.]

[Footnote 1470: Indictments were found against the son of a State senator, a member of the board of ca.n.a.l appraisers, an ex-ca.n.a.l commissioner, two ex-superintendents of ca.n.a.ls and one division engineer, besides numerous subordinates and contractors.--See Bigelow's _Life of Tilden_, pp. 262-263; for names of the parties, see Appleton's _Cyclopaedia_, 1875, p. 558.]

The excitement over these revelations recalled the indignation following the Tweed disclosures. Every voter in every corner of the State knew of them. Furthermore, the arrests of contractors and officials along the line of the ca.n.a.l multiplied evidence of the Governor's courage. He spared no one. Of the princ.i.p.al officials and ex-officials indicted all save two were Democrats,[1471] but his administration knew no party and expressed no concern. Such creditable public service made a profound impression, and during a visit to the western part of the State in August, the people accorded him the attention given to a conqueror. From Albany to Buffalo crowds everywhere saluted him with bands of music and salvos of artillery, while his addresses, characterised by plainness of speech, deprecated a reactionary policy.

[Footnote 1471: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 2, p. 263.]

These demonstrations alarmed Republican leaders. They appreciated that his adroitness and energy in acc.u.mulating proof of Tweed's guilt had fixed the attention of the country upon him as a presidential candidate, and that the a.s.sault on the ca.n.a.l spoilers made his pretensions more formidable. Moreover, they realised that their own failure to lead in ca.n.a.l reform in 1873, evidenced by ignoring Barlow and his incriminating disclosures, yielded Tilden a decided advantage of which he must be dispossessed. To accomplish this two ways opened to them. Regarding the ca.n.a.l scandal as not a party question they could heartily join him in the crusade, thus dividing whatever political capital might be made out of it; or they could disparage his effort and belittle his character as a reformer. The latter being the easier because the more tolerable, many Republican papers began charging him with insincerity, with trickery, and with being wholly influenced by political aspirations. His methods, too, were criticised as undiplomatic, hasty, and often harsh. Of this policy _Harper's Weekly_ said: "Those who say that the Governor's action is a mere political trick, and that he means nothing, evidently forget that they are speaking of the man who, when he once took hold of the Tweed prosecution, joined in pushing it relentlessly to the end."[1472]

[Footnote 1472: _Harper's Weekly_, August 28, 1875.]

This was the sentiment of George William Curtis, who presided at the Republican State convention.[1473] It also became the policy of the managers whom defeat had chastened. They discerned the signs of the times, and instead of repressing hostility to a third term and dissatisfaction with certain tendencies of the National administration, as had been done in 1874, they deemed it wiser to swim with the current, meeting new influences and conditions by discarding old policies that had brought their party into peril. The delegates, therefore, by a great majority, favoured "a just, generous, and forbearing national policy in the South," and "a firm refusal to use military power, except for purposes clearly defined in the Const.i.tution." They also commended "honest efforts for the correction of public abuses," pledged cooperation "in every honourable way to secure pure government and to bring offenders to justice," and declared "unalterable opposition to the election of any President for a third term."[1474] Furthermore, the convention sought candidates of prominence and approved integrity. In the presence of threatened defeat such men were shy. William H. Robertson of Westchester thrice declined the comptrollership, and insistence upon his acceptance did not cease until James W. Husted, springing to his feet, declared that such demands were evidently intended as an insult. Then Edwin D.

Morgan proposed George R. Babc.o.c.k, a distinguished lawyer of Buffalo, who likewise declined. In a short, crisp letter, John Bigelow, chairman of the ca.n.a.l investigating committee, rejected the proffered honour. Finally, the choice fell upon Francis E. Spinner, formerly United States treasurer, and although he sent two unconsenting telegrams, the convention refused to revoke its action. Despite such embarra.s.sments, however, it secured an array of strong, clean men.[1475]

[Footnote 1473: Held at Saratoga on September 8, 1875.]

[Footnote 1474: Appleton's _Cyclopaedia_, 1875, p. 560.]

[Footnote 1475: The ticket was as follows: Secretary of State, Frederick W. Seward, New York; Comptroller, Francis E. Spinner, Herkimer; Treasurer, Edwin A. Merritt, St. Lawrence; Attorney-General, George F. Danforth, Monroe; Engineer, Oliver H.P. Cornell, Tompkins; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, William F. Tinsley, Wayne; Prison Inspector, Benoni J. Ives, Cayuga.]

A week later the Democrats a.s.sembled at Syracuse. They quickly retired an anti-Tammany delegation led by John Morrissey,[1476] reaffirmed the platforms of 1872 and 1874, and nominated John Bigelow for secretary of state. Bigelow, well known as a former editor of the _Evening Post_ and more recently minister to France, had always been a Republican.

Indeed, Tilden named and a Republican Senate confirmed him as one of two Republicans on a non-partisan board; but for reasons best known to himself Bigelow changed his party in the twinkling of an eye.

a.s.sociated with him were John D. Van Buren, also upon the ca.n.a.l commission; Lucius Robinson, who won, when comptroller in 1862, great honour in the teeth of much obloquy by paying the State interest in coin; and Charles S. Fairchild, then a young lawyer earning substantial credit, like Bigelow and Van Buren, in the prosecution of the Ca.n.a.l ring.[1477] In naming this ticket Tilden had exhibited his characteristic shrewdness. He exaggerated the partisan aspect of administrative reform, and strengthened his candidacy for President by appropriating the glory.

[Footnote 1476: After James Hayes' defeat for register in 1874, Kelly deprived Morrissey of his district leadership because he stirred up disaffection among the working men and sowed seeds of disloyalty. In their contest the Morrissey and Kelly factions were known as "Swallow-tails" and "Short-hairs," Morrissey, to rebuke Wickham's custom of requiring cards of callers in advance of admission to his office, having called upon the Mayor during business hours in evening dress, with white kids and patent-leather pumps.]

[Footnote 1477: The ticket was as follows: Secretary of State, John Bigelow, Ulster; Comptroller, Lucius Robinson, Chemung; Attorney-General, Charles S. Fairchild, New York; Treasurer, Charles N. Ross, Cayuga; Engineer, John D. Van Buren, New York; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, Christopher A. Walruth, Oneida; Prison Inspector, Rodney R. Crowley, Cattaraugus.

On September 22 the Liberals met at Albany. They eulogised Tilden by name, favored the Greeley doctrine of a single term for President, arraigned the Federal administration, and recommended the support of candidates who would cooperate with the Executive in his work of reform.

For governor the Prohibitionists nominated George H. Dusenberre.]

The Republican press, quickly interpreting his purpose, now changed from praise to censure, scrutinising and criticising every act in his long public career. It reviewed his war record, disclosed his part in the convention of 1864, and hinted at uncanny financial transactions.

His service as the figurehead of Tweed's conventions, and his pa.s.siveness after possessing knowledge of the infamous circular of 1868 to which his name had been forged, also became the subject of severe censure. Though he neither shared Tweed's corrupt counsels nor sanctioned his audacious schemes, Tilden's abhorrence of wrong, it was argued, seemed insufficient to break his silence. But the accusation that cut the deepest, because without palliation, illuminated his declination to attend the great indignation meeting that appointed the Committee of Seventy. This fact, established by abundant proof as well as by his conspicuous absence, created the belief that had the _Times'_ exposure failed fatally to wound the Ring, he would have shrunk from defying Tweed.

In the presence of such a record it was ludicrous to deny that Tilden, although resembling a reformer, was simply an adroit politician, who had cultivated some queer political a.s.sociates and had countenanced some very shady transactions. Nevertheless, Tilden would not be diverted from the singleness of his purpose. To make the issue a personal one he took the stump and traversed the State from one end to the other, always addressing immense crowds. At Utica the contemporary press estimated the throng at twenty-five thousand persons. With directness and business brevity he sought to arouse the people to the importance and gravity of the issues at stake. "To-day about one-half of the tax contributed by the farmer," he said, "goes to the State to carry on public affairs.... It is in the power of the Legislature and the Executive at Albany to reduce this State tax one-half if you send the right men.... We began this work last winter. It made great conflict and turmoil, the attempt to remove the fungus-growths which had sprung up all over our State inst.i.tutions, and which were smothering their vitality.... It is not alone the saving of dollars and cents, for you cannot preserve your present system of government unless you purify administration and purify legislation."[1478]

[Footnote 1478: Address at Utica Fair, September 30, 1875.--Tilden's _Public Writings and Speeches_, Vol. 2, pp. 229-233.]

During the anti-slavery struggle Tilden's incapacity to measure the moral force of public sentiment had undoubtedly kept him in error. He failed entirely to appreciate the close connection between rebellion and slavery, and in finally yielding to the war-failure resolution at Chicago in 1864 he did not realise how completely abolition and a restoration of the Union were a.s.sociated in the hearts of the people.

But with the advent of the business period, although his bodily presence was weak and the external elements of popularity were wanting, his subtle, strong mind and great administrative capacity brought him irresistibly to the front, and his shrewd, homely appeals, without mixed metaphors or partisan allusions, reduced the issue of the campaign to the attractive one of saving dollars and cents by protecting the treasury against the raid of ca.n.a.l spoilers.

Conkling did not attend the Saratoga convention.[1479] But he did not remain silent during the campaign. The Democratic and independent press, illuminating the story of Louisiana under carpet-bag-negro rule which culminated in the ejection of members of the Legislature by a file of soldiers under command of General Sheridan, had greatly increased the disfavour of the Administration's policy toward the South.[1480] So intense had been the excitement following the publication of Sheridan's despatches that a great indignation meeting called out William Cullen Bryant, then past eighty, who addressed it "with the vehemence and fire of a man of thirty."[1481] Moreover, the exposure of the Whiskey ring which began under Bristow, then secretary of the treasury, added to the advantage of the Democrats. The chief conspirator figured as Grant's most generous gift-giver, who claimed collusion with the President's private secretary. The Executive's evident displeasure with Bristow also increased the unrest. Indeed, it seemed a period of exposure. Public opinion had become aroused and inflamed. "Great as are the frauds of Tammany," said Charles A. Dana, "they sink into insignificance not only beside those of the carpet-bag governments of the South, but still more beside those committed by the Republican Administration at Washington."[1482]

[Footnote 1479: In the summer of 1875 he made a brief visit to Europe.--Conkling, _Life of Conkling_, p. 490.]

[Footnote 1480: See Rhodes' _History of the United States_, Vol. 7, pp.

104-127. Also, Tilden's message to the Legislature, January 12, 1875, _Public Writings and Speeches_, Vol. 2, pp. 75-84.]

[Footnote 1481: G.o.dwin, _Life of Bryant_, p. 357. This meeting was held January 11.]

[Footnote 1482: New York _Sun_, February 17.]

These revelations, however, did not call more loudly for Conkling's defence of his party than did the popular applause which everywhere greeted the reform Governor. The work and rising fame of Tilden alarmed the Senator if it did not irritate him. He saw the tremendous throng at Utica; he had read the plain, brief, unadorned statement about dividing the State-tax by two; and he recognised a rival who had leaped into the political arena full-armed and eager. Moreover, Conkling was himself a candidate for President. Grant's letter of May 29,[1483] interpreted as a declination to be a candidate for a third term, set him free to enter the lists, and the argument of his availability, based upon his power to carry the pivotal State, made a Republican victory in 1875 of the highest importance. For him to take part in the campaign, therefore, was imperative, and he selected Albany as the place and October 13 as the day to begin. Other engagements followed at Buffalo, Utica, New York, and elsewhere.[1484]

[Footnote 1483: Appleton's _Cyclopaedia_, 1875, p. 743.]

[Footnote 1484: See remarks of Forster of Westchester, a delegate to the Republican State convention of March 22, 1876.--New York _Tribune_, March 23, 1876.]

Attracted by the critical situation and an intense curiosity great audiences greeted him, and hundreds of friends cheered an address, which, as usual, contained from his point of view the whole Republican case. He recited the Democratic party's history during the war; described reformers as selfish, hypocritical, and pure, placing Republicans in the last category; claimed that the ca.n.a.l frauds originated under Democratic rule and were connived at by Democratic State officials; and proved that Republicans had administered the ca.n.a.ls and the State's finances more economically than the Democrats.