A Political History of the State of New York Volume III Part 31

Tilden was not surprised at the latter's presence. He knew that in the event of his withdrawal, Fenton intended that the Liberals should nominate Church at their convention which a.s.sembled in Albany two days later.[1439] But Tilden, long familiar with the Ring's methods, refused to withdraw. On no theory could they make it appear to be his duty, and the longer they talked the more determined he became. Then John Kelly, in a published interview, gave Church's aspiration its death blow. "DeWolf of Oswego, Warren of Erie, and Senator Lord of Monroe,"

he said, "belong to what is called the Ca.n.a.l ring.... It has been their policy to control a majority of the ca.n.a.l board to enable them to control the ca.n.a.l contracts.... They have always been very friendly to Judge Church and of great a.s.sistance to him personally.... There was friendship existing between the old Tammany ring and this Ca.n.a.l ring."[1440] John Bigelow, the friend of Tilden, subsequently used stronger phrases. "Tilden knew the Ca.n.a.l ring had no more servile instrument in the State than the candidate they were urging. Church was poor; he was ambitious; he was not content with his place on the bench, and was only too ready at all times to combine with anybody on any terms to secure wealth and power."[1441] To Kelly's charges the Buffalo _Courier_ retorted that "Tammany Hall under honest John Kelly is exactly the same as Tammany Hall under dishonest William M.

Tweed."[1442]

[Footnote 1439: Buffalo _Courier_, September 11; New York _Herald_, September 9.]

[Footnote 1440: New York _World_, September 10, 1874.]

[Footnote 1441: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 226. See also the _Nation_, September 10, 1874.]

[Footnote 1442: September 11. Reprinted from the Rochester _Union_ of September 4.]

When the Democratic State convention met a week later war existed between Kelly and the Ca.n.a.l ring.[1443] Warren intensified it by giving the Syracuse _Standard_ a despatch declaring that Kelly's robberies while sheriff were as criminal as those of Garvey's and Ingersoll's of the Tweed ring.[1444] In the furious a.s.sault upon Tilden no reasons appeared other than the fear of the Ca.n.a.l ring that his administration would lead to its discomfiture. Indeed, the flankers of the reform movement found it difficult to agree upon a candidate, and when Amasa J. Parker finally consented to stand he did so to gratify Church's friends in the middle and western portions of the State, who resented the Kelly interview. That the bad blood between the Warren and Kelly factions did not break out in the convention was probably due to Seymour's conciliatory, tactful remarks. A single ballot, however, banished the thought of setting Tilden aside for some man less obnoxious to the Ring.[1445]

[Footnote 1443: September 16 and 17, at Syracuse.]

[Footnote 1444: New York _World_, September 17.]

[Footnote 1445: Tilden, 252; Parker, 126; Robinson, 6.]

The convention was not less fortunate in its selection of William Dorsheimer of Buffalo for lieutenant-governor. Many delegates, desiring a Democrat who would inspire enthusiasm among the younger men, preferred Smith M. Weed of Clinton, resourceful and brilliant, if unembarra.s.sed by methods; but he succ.u.mbed to the earnest appeals of DeWitt C. Littlejohn in behalf of Liberal recognition.[1446] Dorsheimer possessed almost all the qualities that go to make up success in politics. He had courage and tact, fascination and audacity, rare skill on the platform, creditable a.s.sociations, and marked literary attainments. Moreover, he had given up a United States attorneyship to follow Greeley.[1447] Not less helpful was the platform, drafted by Seymour, which abounded in short, clear, compact statements, without buncombe or the least equivocation. It demanded the payment of the public debt in coin, the resumption of specie payment, taxation for revenue only, local self-government, and State supervision of corporations. It also denounced sumptuary laws and the third term.

[Footnote 1446: William Dorsheimer, 193; Weed, 155; Stephen T. Hoyt of Allegany (Liberal), 34; Edward F. Jones of Broome (Liberal), 15.]

[Footnote 1447: He was appointed U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of New York on March 28, 1867. His successor's commission was dated March 23, 1871.--_State Department Records._

The ticket nominated was as follows: Governor, Samuel J. Tilden, New York; Lieutenant-Governor, William Dorsheimer, Erie; Court of Appeals, Theodore Miller, Columbia; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, Adin Thayer, Rensselaer; Prison Inspector, George Wagner, Yates.]

Although John Kelly aided in nominating Tilden, his desire for anti-ring candidates did not extend to the metropolis. William F.

Havermeyer's sudden death in November made necessary the election of a mayor, and Kelly, to keep up appearances, selected William H. Wickham, his neighbour, an easy-going diamond merchant, whose membership on the Committee of Seventy const.i.tuted his only claim to such preferment.[1448] But here all semblance of reform disappeared. James Hayes, charged with making half a million dollars during the Tweed regime, became the candidate for register, and of fifteen persons selected for aldermen nine belonged to the old Ring, two of whom were under indictment for fraud.[1449] Evidently Warren did not betray ignorance when he p.r.o.nounced the new Tammany no better than the old.

The Republicans presented Salem H. Wales for mayor, while the Germans, declining to act with Kelly, selected Oswald Ottendorfer, the editor, a most able and upright citizen who had proven his fidelity to the reform movement.

[Footnote 1448: "Wickham has no conception beyond making a pleasant thing for himself and our friends out of the seat which he occupies."

Letter of Charles O'Conor.--Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p.

245.]

[Footnote 1449: Myers, _History of Tammany Hall_, p. 307.]

The Republicans renominated John A. Dix with other State officials elected in 1872,[1450] and had the Custom-house sincerely desired the Governor's re-election, the expediency of a coalition with Ottendorfer's supporters must have appealed to it as highly important.

Dix had made an admirable executive. His decisions of questions regardless of men and of the next election excited popular confidence, and the power of public opinion had forced his renomination by acclamation. But his independence could not be forgiven. Moreover, the platform gave him little a.s.sistance. It neither denounced corruption, demanded relief from predatory rings, nor disapproved a third term.

Except as to resumption and the payment of the public debt in coin, it followed the beaten track of its predecessors, spending itself over Southern outrages. Although several delegates had prepared resolutions in opposition to a third term, no one dared present them after Conkling had finished his eulogy of the President.

[Footnote 1450: The convention met at Utica on September 23. The ticket was as follows: Governor, John A. Dix, New York; Lieutenant-Governor, John C. Robinson, Broome; Court of Appeals, Alexander S. Johnson, Oneida; Ca.n.a.l Commissioner, Reuben W. Stroud, Onondaga; Prison Inspector, Ezra Graves, Herkimer.]

The Liberals who a.s.sembled at Albany on September 10 had about finished their course as a separate party. Their creed, so far as it represented practical, well-meditated reform, was a respectable, healthy faith, but the magnet which attracted the coterie of Republicans whose leadership gave it whatever influence it exerted in the Empire State was Horace Greeley. When he died their activity ceased. Besides, the renomination of Dix, who had little liking for the organisation and no sympathy with a third term, now afforded them good opportunity to return to the fold. The Albany convention, therefore, represented only a small fraction of the original dissenters, and these adjourned without action until the 29th. On reconvening a long, acrimonious discussion indicated a strong disposition to run to cover. Some favoured Tilden, others Dix, but finally, under the lead of George W. Palmer, the convention, deciding to endorse no one, resolved to support men of approved honesty, who represented the principles of the Cincinnati convention and opposed a third term.[1451]

[Footnote 1451: On June 23 the friends of total abstinence, resenting Dix's veto of a local option measure pa.s.sed by the Legislature of 1873, a.s.sembled at Auburn, approved the organisation of a Prohibition party, and nominated a State ticket with Myron H. Clark for governor.

About 350 delegates from twenty-five counties were present.]

As the days shortened the campaign became more spirited. Tilden, putting himself in close relation with every school district in the State, introduced the clever device of mailing a fac-simile of one of his communications, thus flattering the receiver with the belief that he possessed an autograph letter. His genius for detail kept a corps of a.s.sistants busy, and the effort to inspire his desponding partisans with hope of success made each correspondent the centre of an earnest band of endeavourers. Meanwhile the Democratic press kept up a galling fire of criticism. Dix had escaped in 1872, but now the newspapers charged him with nepotism and extravagance. "Governor Morgan had two aides in time of war," wrote Seymour, "while Dix has six in time of peace. Morgan had one messenger, Dix has two. Morgan had a secretary at $2,000; Dix had the pay put up to $3,500--and then appointed his son.... The people think the Governor gets $4,000; in fact, under different pretexts it is made $14,000."[1452] An attempt was also made to connect him with the Credit Mobilier scandal because of his presidency of the Union Pacific road at the time of the consideration of the Oakes Ames contract.[1453] That the Governor had no interest in or connection with the construction company availed him little. Other men of approved honesty had become involved in the back-salary grab, the Sanborn claims, and the Credit Mobilier, and the people, quickly distrusting any one accused, cla.s.sed him with the wrong-doers.

[Footnote 1452: Bigelow, _Life of Tilden_, Vol. 1, p. 233.]

[Footnote 1453: Morgan A. Dix, _Life of Dix_, Vol. 2, pp. 128, 149.]

Moreover, Dix laboured under the disadvantage of having apathetic party managers. "They deliberately refused to support him," said his son, "preferring defeat to the re-election of one whom they desired to be rid of."[1454] Conkling, in his speech at Brooklyn,[1455] rebuked the spirit of calumny that a.s.sails the character of public men, but he neglected to extol the record of a patriotic Governor, or to speak the word against a third term which would have materially lightened the party burden.

[Footnote 1454: Morgan A. Dix, _Life of Dix_, Vol. 2, pp. 195-196.]

[Footnote 1455: October 30, 1874.]

When the opposition press began its agitation of a third term, charging that the country was "drifting upon the rock of Caesarism,"[1456] few men believed such an idea sincerely entertained.

Nevertheless, as the election approached it aroused popular solicitude. Congressmen who hurried to Washington in the hope of being authorised to contradict the accusation, returned without an utterance to disarm their opponents, while the Democrats not only maintained that Grant himself was not averse to using his official position to secure the nomination, but that eighty thousand office-holders were plotting for this end.[1457] As the idea had its inception largely in the talk of a coterie of Grant's political and personal friends, Conkling's eulogies of the President seemed to corroborate the claim.

So plainly did the _Times_ stagger under the load that rumours of the _Tribune's_ becoming a Conkling organ reached the _Nation_.[1458] It could not be denied that next to the commercial depression and the insolence of the Ca.n.a.l ring, the deep-seated dissatisfaction with Grant's administration influenced public sentiment. Excluding the inflation veto the record of his second term had not improved upon the first, while to many his refusal to disclaim the third-term accusation became intolerable.

[Footnote 1456: New York _Herald_, July 7, 1873.]

[Footnote 1457: The _Nation_, October 29, 1874.]

[Footnote 1458: April 16, 1874.]

The munic.i.p.al contest in New York City also developed embarra.s.sments.

Barring a few appointments Havermeyer had made a fair record, having improved the public school system, kept clean streets, and paid much attention to sanitary conditions. Moreover, he distributed the revenue with care, and by the practice of economy in the public works reduced expenses nearly eight millions. The winter of 1873-4 proved a severe one for the unemployed, however, and to catch their votes Kelly, with great adroitness, favoured giving them public employment. This was a powerful appeal. Fifteen thousand idle mechanics in the city wanted work more than public economy, while thousands in the poorer districts, seeking and receiving food from Tammany, cheered the turbulent orator as he pictured the suffering due to Havermeyer's policy and the hope inspired by Kelly's promises.

Havermeyer's accusations against Kelly also recoiled upon his party.

In the course of a bitter quarrel growing out of Kelly's appointment of Richard Croker as marshal,[1459] the Mayor publicly charged "Honest John" with obtaining while sheriff $84,482 by other than legal methods.[1460] "I think," said Havermeyer, "you were worse than Tweed who made no pretensions to purity, while you avow your honesty and wrap yourself in the mantle of purity."[1461] Kelly's prompt denial, followed by a suit for criminal libel, showed a willingness to try the issue, but Havermeyer's sudden death from apoplexy on the morning of the trial (November 30), leaving his proofs unpublished, strengthened Kelly's claim that "Tammany is the only reform party in existence here to-day."[1462]

[Footnote 1459: Until then Croker had been an attache of Connolly's office.]

[Footnote 1460: "No law authorised Kelly to include convictions in the Police Courts, yet he did include them, thereby robbing the city of over thirty thousand dollars. He charged, at one time, double the rates for conveying prisoners to and from the Island; at another, 133 per cent. more. He charged for 11,000 vagrants committed to the work-house, a clear fraud upon the treasury."--New York _Times_, October 20, 1875.]

[Footnote 1461: New York papers of September 18, 1874.]

[Footnote 1462: New York _World_, September 10, 1874.]

The Republican press, apparently with effect, enlarged upon the general excellence of Dix's administration, but early in the campaign the people showed greater liking for reform at home than abhorrence of outrages in the South, and the result proved a political revolution, Tilden receiving a plurality of 50,317 and Dorsheimer 51,488.[1463]

Besides the State ticket the Democrats carried the a.s.sembly and eighteen of the thirty-three congressional districts. With the exception of James Hayes, who was defeated for register by over 10,000 majority, Tammany likewise elected its entire ticket.[1464]

[Footnote 1463: In 1872 Dix had 55,451.]

[Footnote 1464: Tilden, 416,391; Dix, 366,074; Clark, 11,768; Dorsheimer, 416,714; Robinson, 365,226; Bagg, 11,310.

New York City: Tilden, 87,623; Dix, 44,871; Clark, 160; Wickham, 70,071; Wales, 36,953; Ottendorfer, 24,226. Legislature: a.s.sembly, Democrats, 75; Republicans, 53. Senate, Democrats, 12; Republicans, 18; Independents, 2. The Senators were elected in 1873.]

Democratic success was not confined to New York. Small majorities were obtained in Ohio and Indiana as well as in Pennsylvania and Ma.s.sachusetts, and for the first time since 1861 the House of Representatives pa.s.sed into the control of that party. The financial depression plainly operated to the great advantage of the Democrats, but in allowing Tilden to pre-empt the reform issue when men were intent upon smashing rings, the Republicans opened the door for their destruction. "They [the Republican leaders] have apparently believed the people would submit to anything and everything," said the _Times_, "and that the party was indestructible. If a newspaper warned them in a friendly but firm spirit against the policy of blundering, it was treated with a mixture of the insolence and arrogance which they exhibited toward all opposition."[1465]

[Footnote 1465: New York _Times_, November 4, 1874.

Eleven amendments to the Const.i.tution were ratified at this election.