A History of Spain Part 13

[Sidenote: Pilgrimages.]

Next to the state the church was the most powerful and influential factor in Castile. This period was one of serious internal disturbance in the Castilian church and of relaxation in discipline. Despite the efforts of the popes and some Castilian prelates, the practice of _barragania_ continued. There also occurred such incidents as compet.i.tions in beauty between the nuns of Seville and Toledo, such instances of lack of discipline as the armed resistance of the dean of Siguenza to the pope's appointee as bishop, such turbulent intervention in politics as that of the bishops of Seville and Toledo in the time of Henry IV, and such cases of strife and violence as the attack of the monks of Melon on those of Armenteira, and that of the bishop of Mondonedo on the Cistercians of Meyra. The disorder was enhanced owing to the appearance of the Great Schism in the church at large, in which Spanish countries were particularly interested, since several of the popes and anti-popes were of Spanish blood. On the other hand, the popes intervened more than ever in the affairs of the Castilian church. The ideas of Gregory VII of the supremacy of the papacy over temporal rulers did not fail to produce results in Castile. In the _Partidas_ of the absolutist Alfonso X it was recognized that one legitimate way of acquiring the crown was by a grant of the pope, and that the latter might also absolve Castilian subjects from obedience to the king in certain cases. The election of bishops, normally the act of the cathedral canons, provoked many disputes between the kings and the popes, for the latter frequently intervened to impose their candidate, or even to make direct appointments, while the former claimed that no election was valid until it had their approval. One of the most unpopular practices of the popes was the appointment of foreigners to Castilian benefices, and frequent protests were made against it, but usually without avail. Although the popes got rather the better of the dispute over appointments to bishoprics, the kings manifested their prerogative in other respects, as by banishing prelates who worked against royal interests, by prohibiting the publication of papal bulls which might do harm to the state, and by employing the already mentioned process of recourse of _fuerza_ in cases of ecclesiastical usurpations of jurisdiction. The _Partidas_ named certain cases where clergymen lost their right of resort to ecclesiastical courts,--for example, suits between clerical and lay individuals over lands and inheritances. Even Alfonso XI, who (though somewhat immoral in private life) was very pious and notably generous with churches and monasteries, was very strict in guarding the rights of the state against the intrusions of the church.

On the other hand, he confirmed the jurisdiction of the church courts in spiritual and related matters, including such cases as those arising out of church taxation, marriage, births, divorce, adultery, usury, and robbery in a sacred place, as well as those of a more purely religious or ecclesiastical character. The wealth of the church in lands increased greatly, both as a result of royal donations, and through the gifts of individuals, especially in the fourteenth century when the terror of the plagues which were sweeping Europe caused many to seek divine favor through benefactions to the church. There were a number of protests in the _Cortes_, especially in the case of the monasteries. The objections were based on social and financial, rather than anti-clerical, grounds, since the acc.u.mulation of landed wealth in the hands of the church tended to reduce the agricultural cla.s.ses to a perpetual condition of mere usufruct or rental of lands, and resulted in vast tracts remaining uncultivated. Furthermore, these lands as a rule became exempted from taxation. The _Partidas_ recognized the right of the church to receive such gifts, and no effectual steps were taken to check them. It may be mentioned here that this was the golden age of pilgrimages to holy places, due to religious devotion, or in fulfilment of vows, or from pure love of travel and adventure. Naturally, Santiago de Compostela was the chief objective of pilgrims in Spain, and to that place went not only Spaniards but also many thousands of persons from all parts of western Europe.

CHAPTER XIV

THE ARAGONESE STATE, 1276-1479

_Aragon proper_

[Sidenote: Victory of the royal authority in Aragon proper.]

The struggle of the kings against the seigniorial elements of Aragon and Valencia (in furtherance of their policy of absolutism and centralization) has already been traced up to the point where royalty gained the upper hand in the reign of Pedro IV. One result of Pedro's victory was the reduction of the power of the _Justicia_, no longer a creature of the n.o.bility (to mediate between them and the king) but a royal appointee, exercising strictly judicial powers as chief justice of the realm. Even in this respect his authority was limited by the founding of a tribunal to accompany the king. Attempts continued to be made to establish the independence of the _Justicia_, and the _Cortes_ declared him irremovable, but the kings compelled their appointees to give them a letter of resignation, with the date left blank, or disregarded the prohibition of the _Cortes_ altogether, deposing a _Justicia_ if it suited them to do so. Pedro IV enacted that no person of higher rank than that of _caballero_ should be governor in Aragon, thus removing another factor which had formerly contributed to civil strife. Aside from the abolition of the Privilege of the Union and the reforms just mentioned (together with others of lesser note), the kings did not modify the political organization of Aragon, but became in fact the princ.i.p.al element in the state, working their will even to the point of acts at variance with the laws. Great diversity in charter rights and jurisdictions continued to exist, although a number of general compilations of legislation like those in Castile were made. These became supplements to the already-mentioned code of Jaime I.[47] Other volumes were prepared of the customs of the realm, and the agreements of the _Cortes_ were also an important legislative source. The abolition of torture and of the vulgar proofs may be mentioned among the reforms in judicial procedure. The n.o.bles remained almost wholly exempt from taxation, even with respect to the lands which they might acquire in royal territory.

[Sidenote: Relations of church and state in Aragon.]

[Sidenote: Benedict XIII.]

The relations of the state and church in Aragon were more acute than in Castile, because of the consequences of Pedro II's act of va.s.salage and the wars in Italy, and because of the Great Schism, in which Aragon played a leading part, since one of the anti-popes, Benedict XIII, an Aragonese, fixed his court in Aragon for a time, causing a divided allegiance of the clergy. The matter of the election of bishops was settled early in favor of the popes when Jaime II enacted that the pope himself should appoint them. This occasioned a number of disagreeable results, especially at the time of the schism, when there were two or more popes. Some appointments were manifestly improper. Clement V appointed his nephew, a mere boy at the time, as archbishop of Saragossa, and even Benedict XIII, though a man of the highest character, made a similar appointment to the archbishopric of Toledo. In other respects the kings often insisted on the rights of the state, and intervened in matters of an ecclesiastical character. Alfonso V was the first Aragonese ruler to p.r.o.nounce for the retention of papal bulls when their publication was against the interests of the monarchy, availing himself of the _pase regio_ (royal permit), on which the kings based their claims to prevent doc.u.ments which displeased them from being put into effect or even from reaching their intended destination. Pedro de Luna had for a long time been influential in Spain before he became Pope Benedict XIII; he it was who persuaded Juan I of Castile and Juan I of Aragon to recognize Clement VII of Avignon instead of the pope at Rome.

He himself succeeded Clement VII, and because of his upright character, piety, intellectual capacity, and Spanish blood received the adhesion of most of the peninsula prelates. It was largely through his support that Ferdinand of Antequera was crowned king of Aragon instead of Jaime of Urgel. When a general church council was called to elect a pope to replace the three then in power, Benedict XIII alone of the three refused to abdicate. Ferdinand, who for a time endeavored to support him, felt obliged at last to deny him obedience. Benedict maintained himself in the fortress of p.e.n.i.scola until 1422 or 1423, when he died,--almost certainly poisoned by a friar. His cardinals elected Gil Munoz, a canon of Barcelona, but in 1429 Munoz renounced the t.i.tle and the schism ended.

_Catalonia_

[Sidenote: Importance of the Catalan towns.]

The most marked feature in the political life of Catalonia in this period was the rise of the towns, and especially the vast power exercised by the city of Barcelona. The towns became veritable lords, buying jurisdictions, privileges, immunities, castles, and lesser towns from the king, just as the n.o.bles were in the habit of doing. Important cities got to be protectors of villages and towns, granting the right of _carreratge_, which ent.i.tled them to be considered a street of the city.

As a rule the kings favored this increase in the power of the munic.i.p.alities, and the latter might have made themselves an irresistible force, had it not been for their internal party strife, and for the armed struggles of rival cities. There began to be a certain uniformity in the organization of royal towns in the thirteenth century, and in the fourteenth it became more marked under the influence of the centralizing policy of Pedro IV. The general a.s.sembly was the basis of government at first, but its place was taken later by a council elected from the wealthy citizens; at times, the officials themselves were the only ones to vote, and they too chose the representatives to the _Cortes_. This aristocratic form of government did not please the kings, since it tended to create a force which would be hostile to them and led to social strife in the munic.i.p.alities, wherefore matters were adjusted at the close of the fourteenth century by the entry of the popular element into the council. Just as in Castile, the n.o.bles and churchmen were forced to grant privileges to their towns almost equal to those enjoyed by the royal munic.i.p.alities, in order to retain the people. They still collected certain taxes, exercised judicial powers, and appointed some officials, but the greater part of local administration was in the hands of the towns themselves, which developed along lines similar to those of the royal towns.

[Sidenote: Greatness of the city of Barcelona.]

The most accentuated representation of munic.i.p.al life was to be found in the city of Barcelona. The administrative organization of the preceding era did not change fundamentally, but the power and privileges of the city increased greatly, due to the concessions of the kings. The council of five was at first composed only of _honrats_, or members of the bourgeois aristocracy, but by the year 1455 only two were of this cla.s.s, a third was a merchant, a fourth an artist, and a fifth an artisan. The cla.s.ses of lower grade than the _honrats_ were admitted to the _Consell_ in 1387, and by the end of the period the popular element had become preponderant. The five councillors, though subject to the _Consell_, formed an administrative commission for the government of the city. It was also their privilege to advise the king, something which they frequently did, and they were charged with the duty of maintaining the charter rights of the city, a matter to which they attended most zealously, even to the point of war with the king. Through purchase, annexation, royal donations, and the extensive application of the inst.i.tution of _carreratge_ Barcelona acquired a great part of Catalonia and other portions of the realm; the possession of Elche and other towns in Valencian territory ill.u.s.trates the far-reaching authority of the great Catalan city. The subject towns had a right to protection and to the privileges and exemptions of Barcelona, in return for which the latter had more or less complete control of the administration of justice, was supposed to have their cooperation in matters of general interest, and was ent.i.tled to contributions of soldiers and the payment of certain tributes. The vast power of Barcelona was not always exercised for the best interests of the state, as in the case of the blow inflicted on the commerce of Valencia, through the influence of Barcelona, whereby no merchandise was allowed to be shipped from that port in foreign vessels. At times, the governing authorities of Barcelona equalled, or even exceeded, the power of the deputation of the _Cortes_ of Catalonia, and sustained disputes with it. On the other hand, Barcelona repeatedly intervened in the struggles of _caballeros_, towns, and social cla.s.ses to impose peace. The authority of the city was reflected in the pride of its aristocracy, the _honrats_. They enjoyed the right of _riepto_, or duel, the same as members of the n.o.bility, and vigorously protested against measures which seemed to place them on a lower level than any other cla.s.s of society,--for example, when the order of St. John proposed to admit only the descendants of n.o.bles.

Anybody might become an _honrat_ if he combined certain prerequisites, such as wealth, with an election by the council.

[Sidenote: Struggle between absolutism and seigniorial society in Catalonia.]

The same struggle of absolutism against the seigniorial elements appeared in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon, although the monarchy was more consistently victorious there than elsewhere. The n.o.bles opposed the kings, though somewhat weakly, for they were more concerned with the social problems of the era. The cities and towns, especially Barcelona, also const.i.tuted a feudal element which was not always in accord with the king. Although during most of the era there was no armed conflict between these forces, there were a number of symptoms of discontent which at length broke forth in the civil wars of the reign of Juan II. Some of the causes of dissatisfaction were the following: the belief that their Castilian sovereign, Ferdinand I, and his successors had an exaggerated ideal of absolutism; the employment of foreigners in public offices, especially Castilians, by the same monarchs,--a demonstration also of the lack of Spanish national feeling; and the absence of Alfonso V in Italy and his expensive wars there, although the Catalans were as a rule partisans of the policy of Mediterranean expansion. Fundamentally, however, the strife at the end of this period was a conflict between centralized absolute monarchy and decentralization based on charter rights. Neither Juan II nor his predecessors varied the charters or the political organization of the princ.i.p.ality, but nevertheless the blow was struck, and the downfall of the sovereign rights of the lords and towns was already at hand.

[Sidenote: The Catalan _Cortes_.]

The _Cortes_ continued to meet separately from that of Aragon and to be chiefly important for its grant or refusal of taxes. The third estate (representatives of the towns) endeavored to establish its right to partic.i.p.ate with the king in legislation, but the latter made laws independently of the _Cortes_ as before. When the _Cortes_ was not in session, it was represented by the general deputation, or _Generalitat_, usually made up of three members, or one for each branch of the _Cortes_. In addition to keeping watch to see that the laws were strictly observed, the deputation had certain police powers, including the defence of the princ.i.p.ality, and other less notable administrative functions. The general _Cortes_ of the entire realm held occasional meetings, as did also a new _Cortes_ for the Mediterranean possessions of the kingdom (Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples).

[Sidenote: Legislation in Catalonia.]

[Sidenote: Administration in general.]

Legislation was characterized by the variety of jurisdictions of former years, but the number of grants of new munic.i.p.al charters diminished greatly, and the general decrees of the kings increased. If this manifested a tendency toward unity, the citation of the principles of the Roman law did so even more. This had already proved influential in the preceding era, but it did not establish itself securely until the fifteenth century. There was a strong sentiment in its favor in Catalonia, and Pedro IV ordered its study and its use in cases at law.

Finally it was established in the _Cortes_ of 1409 that the Roman and canon law might be cited as supplementary law after certain other specified legal sources. Like the adoption of the _Partidas_ in Castile (in 1348) this meant an ultimate, complete victory for the Roman principles. In most other respects the administration of justice in Catalonia followed the course already described for Castile. In financial history the only features worthy of note were the development of a system of taxation by the deputation of Catalonia, whereby it met its own expenses and provided funds for the grants to the king, and the growth of a system of munic.i.p.al finance in Barcelona on a scale in keeping with its extensive power. In both military and naval affairs the authority of the deputation was the most striking element. This body merely loaned the army and navy to the king, specifying the cases when the loan was allowable. The princ.i.p.al military force was that of the munic.i.p.al militia, although the seigniorial levies still formed part of the army. In addition to the flotilla of the deputation there were the navies of the king, of the corporation of merchants of the city of Barcelona, and of private individuals or towns. The most persistent enemies in the Mediterranean were pirates, both the Moslems of northern Africa, and the Christians from Majorca, southern France, Italy, and Catalonia itself. Towers were built and a messenger service developed to advise of the presence of pirates, but the evil was not eliminated.

[Sidenote: Power of the great prelates.]

The general relaxation in the customs and discipline of churchmen already mentioned in the case of Castile and the course of ecclesiastical history described for Aragon apply equally to the church of Catalonia. The most noteworthy characteristic in the relations of the church and state was the continuation of the feudal authority of the more powerful prelates. Princ.i.p.al among them were the bishops of Gerona, whose dominions and wealth in personalty were greatly increased in this period. As they were virtual monarchs on their lands, they were able to challenge the authority of neighboring n.o.bles or of the kings themselves, and they oppressed the people. Their scant respect for the royal power was often displayed; on one occasion they compelled two of the highest officials of the kingdom to walk through the streets of Gerona in the garb of criminals, submitting all the while to a beating, and made them ascend the long stairway fronting the cathedral on their knees, wearing only a shirt, and carrying a candle. Several of the bishops were banished, and even the n.o.bles joined the kings against the ecclesiastical lords. The Franciscans and Dominicans opposed the bishops and abbots, but although they had popular sympathy in their favor they did not have an equal political influence, since they were not represented in the _Cortes_. The power of the great churchmen was not materially diminished, but the last bishop of Gerona in the era was a strong partisan of the king.

_Valencia_

[Sidenote: Distinctive features in Valencian political life.]

In some parts of Valencia the law of Aragon applied, but the usual rule, especially after the victory of Pedro IV, was the jurisdiction of the laws, or _furs_, granted by Jaime I, added to, or modified by, the grants of different kings and the ordinances of the _Cortes_. The law of Barcelona applied in a number of towns which were joined to that city by the inst.i.tution of _carreratge_. In general administration the practices were much the same as those mentioned for Castile. The extreme harshness of judicial punishments, possibly surpa.s.sing other regions, may be noted. The death penalty was habitually given, and various cruel methods of execution were employed. A sentence of imprisonment was rarely inflicted. The greatness of the city of Valencia was almost as noteworthy in this part of Spain as that of Barcelona in Catalonia.

Valencia put itself at the head of the Union which fought Pedro IV, only to go down in defeat.

CHAPTER XV

ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479

_Castile_

[Sidenote: General factors of Castilian economic life.]

A continuation in this era of the factors which had tended in the preceding period to develop material resources brought about progress in agriculture, stock-raising, mining, industry, and commerce, although it was not great enough to cause general economic prosperity. The stock-raisers, as before, received more favors than their rivals, the farmers, and it was at this time that the powerful corporation of sheepmen, the _Mesta_, was formed. Alfonso X granted charters to various of these corporations, ent.i.tling them to elect _alcaldes_ with special jurisdiction in the affairs of the _Mesta_ and its disputes with the farmers. The different organizations were united in the reign of Alfonso XI to form a single Castilian _Mesta_, a body which possessed immense power. Gold, silver, quicksilver, and lead mines were worked to some extent; these, with salt mines and fisheries, const.i.tuted a royal monopoly, but were exploited by private individuals who paid rent to the kings. The advance in industry was particularly marked. Santiago de Compostela no longer enjoyed a unique position as a manufacturing centre, for every important town now had its industries devoted to supplying the needs of daily life and the exigencies of a growing artistic refinement, as evidenced by the wealth in jewelry, arms, architecture and its appurtenances, furniture, rich embroideries, and other articles far superior in quality and quant.i.ty to those of the preceding era. The towns conquered from the Moslems, especially the city of Seville, were particularly noteworthy for their industrial life.

Among the princ.i.p.al commercial outlets for Castilian products were the ports of the Basque provinces; their exports seem to have been chiefly raw materials, but there were also such items as cloth, wine, oil, and sugar. It is probable, however, that most of the manufacturing done in the Castilian towns was for the consumption of the towns themselves and a very limited neighboring area. Distribution within Castile was not well developed, for many of the same (or similar) products as those exported were also imported. Industry and commerce were very largely in the hands of foreigners, Jews, and Mudejares.

[Sidenote: Legislative helps and hindrances to economic progress.]

Legislation showed the double tendency of encouraging economic development and of checking it by laws looking to the temporary needs of the royal treasury. The _Partidas_ urged the cultivation of the soil, the building of bridges and repair of roads, the prevention of frauds in customs houses, and the exemption of certain imports from the payment of duty when they seemed likely to aid in material progress,--such as farming utensils when destined for use by the importer himself and not intended for resale. Commercial treaties with foreign countries began to be made in the fourteenth century, although often by merely a portion of the kingdom, particularly the north coast ports; thus there were treaties of 1351 and 1366 with England. On the other hand there were the royal monopolies, the _alcabala_, and the rigid maintenance of customs duties,--for the exemptions, after all, were few in number. Not only was there the obstacle of different state boundaries, but also there were the duties collected by many, if not most, of the towns. No distinction was made as to the source of goods, and those of Castile paid equally with foreign products. Another hindrance to economic advance was the well-intentioned, but mistaken, policy of excessive governmental regulation of the industries. Both the state and the guilds themselves made laws fixing wages, the hours of labor, prices, methods of contract, amount of interest, and even the way in which goods should be made.

These regulations were not uniform for all Castile, but varied according to the special circ.u.mstances of the different regions. The munic.i.p.alities also intervened to fix prices for goods of prime necessity or of general use. At times they granted an exclusive right of sale, or established munic.i.p.al shops.

[Sidenote: Progress in commerce.]

To facilitate commerce fairs and general markets were greatly resorted to, being established by law, or, if already in existence, favored by grants of new privileges. The insecurity of the roads and the civil wars prevented the royal grants from having their full effect, and other circ.u.mstances, such as the popular attacks on Jewish districts, the variety and uncertainty of coins and of weights and measures, the debas.e.m.e.nt of the coinage by the kings, and the prevalence of counterfeiting (despite the penalty imposed,--burning to death), tended to interfere with commerce. Nevertheless, notable progress was made.

Bills of exchange first appeared in this era. Foreign merchants visited Castile, and Castilians went abroad, especially to England and Flanders; there were Castilian consuls in Bruges. The Jews figured prominently in foreign trade, as money changers and makers of loans, while their international relations due to the solidarity of their race enabled them to act as bankers.

[Sidenote: Public works.]

Something, though little, was done to a.s.sist in economic betterment by the building of public works. The lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, resisted many of these projects, notably the building of bridges, since it deprived them of the tolls which they were in the habit of collecting for ferrying goods, animals, and persons across the rivers. Men travelled on horseback, or on a litter, and goods were carried by pack-animals or carts, although the latter could rarely be used because of the bad condition of the roads. Measures to improve the highways were frequently taken, however. The greater part of the revenues devoted to public works was still applied to the building or repair of fortifications.

_Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia_

[Sidenote: Economic factors in the kingdom of Aragon, especially in Catalonia.]