A History of Rome to 565 A. D Part 30

CHAPTER XXIV

THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN: 518565 A. D.

I. THE GERMANIC KINGDOMS IN THE WEST TO 533 A. D.

*The Germans and the Romans.* The pa.s.sing of Italy and the western provinces under the sway of Germanic kings was accomplished, as we have seen, by the settlement of large numbers of barbarians in the conquered territories. This necessitated a division of the soil and a definition of the status of the Romans with respect to the invaders, who were everywhere less numerous than the native population. These questions were settled in different ways in the several kingdoms.

*Under the Visigoths.* In the Visigothic kingdom in Gaul the Goths and the Romans lived side by side as separate peoples, each enjoying its own laws, and the Romans were not regarded as subjects having no rights against their conquerors. However, intermarriage between the two races was forbidden. The law which applied to the Romans was published by King Alaric in 506 A. D., and is known as the _Lex Romana Visigothorum_, or the Breviary of Alaric; his predecessor Euric had caused the compilation of a code of the Gothic customary law in imitation of the imperial Theodosian code.

The settlement of the Goths on the land took the form of _hospitium_ or quartering. By this arrangement the Roman landholders gave up to the Goths two thirds of their property, both the land itself and the cattle, _coloni_ and slaves which were on it. The shares which the Goths received were not subject to taxation.

For the purposes of administration the Roman provincial and munic.i.p.al divisions were retained (_provinciae_ and _civitates_), the former being placed under _duces_ and the latter under _comites civitatum_. The Goths settled within these districts formed their national a.s.sociations of tens, hundreds, and thousands, under native Gothic officers. But the adoption of a more settled form of life deeply affected the Gothic tribal inst.i.tutions. The Gothic national a.s.sembly could no longer be easily called together and came to exist in the form of the army alone. In the division of the land the more influential warriors and friends of the king received the larger shares and this helped the rise of a landed n.o.bility.

The government was concentrated at the capital, Toulouse, where central ministries were established modelled on those of the Roman court. This led to a considerable strengthening of the royal power. The language of government remained Gothic for the Goths and Latin for the Romans, but the leading Goths appear to have been familiar with both tongues.

*Under the Vandals.* In the Vandal kingdom of Africa the position of the Romans was much less favorable. They were treated as conquered subjects, and, as under the Goths, intermarriage between them and the conquering race was prohibited. In the province of Zeugitana (old Africa), where the Vandal settlement occurred, the Roman landowners were completely dispossessed and their estates turned over to new proprietors. The _coloni_ and other tenants, however, remained on the soil, and the Vandal landlords entrusted the management of their properties to Roman stewards.

Elsewhere the Romans were undisturbed in their possessions.

The Roman administrative territorial divisions were retained, but the regions settled by the Vandals stood outside of these and had a separate organization. Here the Vandals preserved their tribal divisions of hundreds and thousands. The administration of justice for the Vandals was in the hands of their own officials and according to their customary laws; for the Romans it rested with their previous authorities in accordance with Roman law but under the supervision of the Vandal king.

The Vandal kingdom was a strongly centralized monarchy. This led to the development of a n.o.bility based on employment in the imperial service. The African climate and the sudden acquirement of wealth which enabled them to enjoy all the luxurious extravagance of Roman life in the upper cla.s.ses of society soon produced an enervating effect upon the northern conquerors.

On the other hand, although they were completely lacking in political rights, the Roman agricultural population of Africa felt the rule of the Vandals to be less oppressive than that of the Roman bureaucracy.

*Under the Ostrogoths.* In Italy, Odovacar had maintained the Roman administrative system in its entirety and Theoderic continued his policy.

He made no attempt to found a new state but regarded himself as one of the rulers of the Roman empire. In 497 he asked and received from Anastasius the symbols of imperial power which Odovacar had sent to Constantinople upon the deposition of Romulus Augustulus in 476. From this time the Gothic king may be regarded as a colleague of the eastern emperor. Not merely did he retain the Roman administrative organization but all his civil officials were Romans. He published an edict which const.i.tuted a code of law applicable to Goths and Romans alike. So thoroughly Roman was Theoderic's administration that even the army was open to Romans, who are found among his prominent generals.

The Ostrogoths received a.s.signments of land in Italy but it seems probable that there was no confiscation of private property, one third of the state lands being allotted for this purpose. Ravenna was the royal residence and center of government, but the Roman Senate exercised a great deal of influence and until the later years of his reign cordially supported the authority of Theoderic.

*The Burgundians and the Franks.* The Burgundians in the Rhone valley effected their settlement like the Visigoths according to the system of _hospitium_. In general their relations with the Roman population were peaceful, intermarriage between the two peoples was sanctioned, and the Burgundian kings showed themselves appreciative of Roman culture.

Gundobad, who reigned from 473 to 516, issued both a code of Burgundian laws and the Burgundian Roman Law (_Lex Romana Burgundionum_) which applied to his Roman subjects and also to the Burgundians in their disputes with Romans. The Franks in the course of their advance to the Seine had annihilated the Roman population of northern Gaul. However, in the region between the Seine and the Loire they left the Romans in undisturbed possession of their property, the Frankish kings making no distinction between their Frank and Roman subjects.

*The religious question.* In addition to racial differences, there was also a religious line of demarcation between the Goths, Vandals and Burgundians on the one hand, and the Roman population on the other. The Goths and neighboring Germanic peoples had been converted to Christianity in the latter half of the fourth century, largely through the missionary activities of Ulfila, who translated the Bible into Gothic. However, they had been won to the Arian and not the Nicaean creed, and consequently were regarded as heretics by the orthodox Romans, who never became reconciled to rulers of another confession than themselves. This hostility led frequently to government intervention and persecution. But in this respect the policy of the several Germanic kingdoms varied under different rulers.

In general the Visigoths pursued a policy of toleration, leaving the orthodox clergy undisturbed except when the latter were guilty of disloyalty in giving support to outside enemies. At the time of their settlement in Zeugitana the Vandals confiscated the property of the orthodox church in that province and turned it over to their own Arian clergy. Elsewhere in Africa the Catholics remained unmolested during the reign of Gaiseric but were persecuted by his successors. In the Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy Theoderic, although an Arian, gave complete freedom to the orthodox church throughout the greater part of his rule.

However, his policy changed when the eastern emperor, Justin, began to persecute the Arians within his dominions in 523 A. D. The ban upon Arianism found support among the Romans in Italy, particularly among the orthodox clergy and the senators. This caused Theoderic to suspect that the emperor's action had been stimulated by a faction in the Roman Senate, and led to the execution of Boethius and other notables on the charge of treason. Realizing the effect that the imperial proscription of Arianism would produce upon the relations of his Roman and Gothic subjects, Theoderic sent a delegation, headed by the bishop of Rome, to Constantinople to secure the annulment of the anti-Arian decree. When he failed to attain this, he resolved upon a general persecution of the Catholics which was forestalled, however, by his death in 526 A. D.

The Burgundians were also Arians, and this prevented their winning the loyal support of the orthodox clergy, who, however, recognized the authority of the Burgundian kings. Although Sigismund, the son of Gundobad, who came to the throne in 516, was converted to orthodoxy, it was too late to heal this religious breach before the fall of the Burgundian power.

Unlike their neighbors, the Visigoths and Burgundians, the Franks were pagans when they established themselves upon Roman territory and remained so until toward the close of the fifth century. In 496 the Frankish king Clovis was converted to Christianity, and to the orthodox, not the Arian, belief, a fact of supreme importance in his relations with the other Germanic peoples in Gaul.

*The expansion of the Franks.* The foreign policy of Theoderic was directed towards strengthening his position in Italy by establishing friendly relations with the western Germanic kingdoms and maintaining peace and a balance of power among them. To this end he contracted a series of family alliances with the rulers of these states. In 492 he himself wedded a sister of Clovis the Frank, and gave his own sister in marriage to the Vandal king Thrasamund. One of his daughters became the wife of Sigismund, king of the Burgundians, and another was married to Alaric II, who succeeded Euric as king of the Visigoths.

However, Theoderic's scheme was rudely disturbed by the ambitions of Clovis. In 496 the latter conquered the Alamanni. He next forced the Burgundians to acknowledge his overlordship, and with these as his allies in 507 he attacked the Visigothic kingdom. The conquests of Euric in Gaul and Spain had overtaxed the strength of the Visigothic people and weakened their hold upon the territory they occupied. Furthermore, their Roman subjects gave active aid to the orthodox Clovis. In a battle near Poitiers the Visigoths were defeated and their king, Alaric II, slain. Theoderic had been hindered from intervening previously by the outbreak of hostilities between himself and the emperor Anastasius, who gave his sanction to the action of Clovis and sent him the insignia of the consulship. Now, however, the Ostrogothic king came to the aid of the Visigoths. He repulsed the Franks and Burgundians before Arles (508 A. D.). and recovered Narbonese Gaul. However, the greater part of Aquitania remained in the hands of the Franks. Theoderic established his grandson Amalaric as king of the Visigoths and exercised a regency in his name (510 A. D.). Clovis died in 511 and the expansion of the Franks ceased for a time. However, the death of Theoderic in 526 was the signal for fresh disturbances. The Visigothic king Amalaric at once a.s.serted his independence in southern Gaul and in Spain. But not long afterwards, in 531, he fell in battle against the Franks, who seized the remaining Visigothic possessions in Gaul except Septimania-the coast district between the Pyrenees and the Rhone. Three years later they overthrew the kingdom of the Burgundians and so brought under their sway the whole of Gaul outside of Septimania and Provence.

In 533 A. D. the situation in the west was as follows. Gaul was mainly in the hands of the Franks, Spain was under the Visigoths, the Vandals were still established in Africa, and the Ostrogoths in Italy. Both of the latter kingdoms, however, were showing signs of internal weakness. In addition to the hostility between the Germanic conquerors and the subject Roman population, factional strife had broken out over the succession to the throne. Evidence of the declining power of the Vandals in particular was the success of the Moorish tribes in winning their independence. By 525 both Mauretania and Numidia had been abandoned to them, and the tribes of Tripolis had shaken off the Vandal yoke. In 530 the Moors of southern Byzacene inflicted a severe defeat on the Vandals, which led to the deposition of the ruling king. The weakness of these states seemed to offer a favorable opportunity for the reestablishment of the imperial authority in the West.

II. THE RESTORATION OF THE IMPERIAL POWER IN THE WEST: 553554 A. D.

*Justin I, 518527 A. D.* Anastasius died in 518 and was succeeded by Justin, an Illyrian of humble origin who had risen to the important post of commander of the imperial body guard (_comes excubitorum_). Unlike his predecessor Justin was an adherent of the orthodox faith, and at the opening of his reign an exceedingly influential position was held by the general Vitalian, who had been the champion of orthodoxy against Anastasius. He became master of the soldiers at Constantinople and in 520 was honored with the consulship. But his power and unscrupulous ambitions const.i.tuted a real menace to the emperor and induced the latter to procure his murder. Justin ruled for nine years. He was an experienced soldier, but illiterate, and personally unequal to the task of imperial government.

The guiding spirit of his administration was his nephew Justinian, who was largely responsible for Vitalian's removal. In fact the reign of Justin served as a brief introduction to the long rule of Justinian himself, whom his uncle crowned as his colleague in 527 A. D., and who became sole emperor at the latter's death in the same year.

*Justinian's imperial policy.* Justinian was by birth a Latin peasant from near Scupi (modern Uskub) in Upper Moesia, but through his uncle he had been able to enjoy all the educational advantages offered by the schools of Constantinople. In public life he showed himself a laborious and careful administrator, of an extremely autocratic, and yet at the same time somewhat vacillating, character. He was a devout Christian, zealous for the propagation of the orthodox faith, with a strong liking for, and considerable learning in, questions of dogmatic theology. He regarded religious and secular affairs as equally subject to the imperial will, and in each sphere he exercised absolute authority. In him the ideal of autocracy found its most perfect embodiment.

The goal of Justinian's imperial policy was the recovery of the lands of the western empire from their Germanic rulers and the reestablishment of imperial unity in the person of the eastern emperor. The attainment of unity of belief throughout the Christian world he regarded as no less important than that of political unity: one empire, one church, was his motto.

*Reconciliation with the western Church: 519 A. D.* The way was paved for the reconquest of the Roman West by a reconciliation with the Roman bishop Hormisdas, as a result of which orthodoxy was once more formally received at Constantinople and a persecution of the monophysites and other heretics inaugurated in the eastern empire (519 A. D.). Although this union with Rome was brought about while the influence of Vitalian was predominant, it had the cordial support of Justinian, who recognized that the good will of the clergy and the Roman population of the western provinces would in this way be won for the eastern emperor. Such proved to be the case, and the subsequent wars for the recovery of the West a.s.sumed the aspect of crusades for the deliverance of the followers of the orthodox church from Arian domination.

*Outbreak of the Vandal war, 533 A. D.* The deposition of Hilderic, who had been on friendly terms with the eastern empire, and the accession of Gelimer who reverted to an anti-Roman policy, afforded Justinian a pretext for intervention in the Vandal kingdom. In conformity with his policy of treating the Germanic kings as va.s.sal princes of the empire, he demanded the reinstatement of Hilderic, and when this was refused, he prepared to invade Africa. An expeditionary force of ten thousand foot and five thousand horse, accompanied by a powerful fleet, was placed under the command of the able general Belisarius and despatched from Constantinople in 533 A. D. An alliance concluded with the Ostrogoths forestalled the possibility of their coming to the aid of the Vandals.

*The military condition of the empire.* The imperial armies of the sixth century were entirely composed of mercenary troops. While the voluntary enlistment of barbarians had been a regular method of recruitment from the time of Diocletian, such troops were at first enrolled directly in the imperial service. But by the opening of the sixth century it had become customary for private individuals, as a rule officers of repute, to enlist troops in their personal service. Such troops were known as _bucellarii_, from the word _bucella_, signifying soldiers' bread. These _bucellarii_ were usually taken into the service of the state along with their leaders, and were then maintained at the public expense. It was with mercenaries of this type that the ranks of Justinian's armies were largely filled. For the most part they were veteran troops and good fighters, but with all the weaknesses of their cla.s.s. They were greedy of plunder, impatient of discipline, and both officers and men displayed a conspicuous lack of loyalty. The most effective troops were the _cataphracti_, mailed hors.e.m.e.n armed with bow, lance and sword. Beside them the infantry played only a subordinate role. The fact that the government was obliged to rely upon _condottieri_ for its own maintenance reveals the internal decay of the whole imperial system, and the smallness of the forces which it could put into the field shows the weakness of its resources compared with the aims of Justinian and explains the protracted character of the wars of the period. In fact, the emperor was on the point of abandoning the invasion of Africa for financial reasons, when the prophecy of an eastern bishop induced him to persevere.

*The reconquest of Africa, 5334 A. D.* The landing of Belisarius in Africa (September, 533) completely surprised the Vandals. Gailimer was defeated in battle and Belisarius occupied Carthage. A second defeat before the close of the year sealed the fate of the Vandal kingdom. Early in 534 Gailimer surrendered and all resistance came to an end. The Vandal insular possessions-Sardinia, Corsica and the Balearic Islands-fell to the Romans without further opposition.

*Revolts of the Moors.* However, the Moors, who had managed to a.s.sert their independence against the Vandals, were not disposed to pa.s.s under the Roman yoke without a struggle. A revolt which broke out in 535 was not finally crushed until 539; and another, which was complicated by a mutiny of the imperial troops, raged between 546 and 548. In the end, the Roman authority was reestablished over all the African provinces except Mauretania Caesariensis and Tingitana. The previous system of civil administration was revived and elaborate measures taken to secure the defence of the frontiers. However, the ravages of the Moors and the war of restoration had played sad havoc with economic conditions in Africa, and in spite of government a.s.sistance, its former prosperity was never revived. Still, Africa had been recovered for the empire and was destined to remain a part of it until the Saracen invasion nearly a century and a half later.

*The recovery of Italy, first phase, 535540 A. D.* The overthrow of the Vandal kingdom had scarcely been accomplished when events in Italy gave Justinian the desired pretext for the invasion of the peninsula. Upon the death of King Athalaric, Theoderic's grandson and successor, in 534, his mother, the regent Amalasuntha, had married Theodahad, whom she made her consort. Shortly afterwards, however, he caused her to be imprisoned and, when she appealed to Justinian for aid, put her to death. As the avenger of his former ally, Justinian made war upon the Gothic king. The possession of Africa gave the Romans an excellent base of operations against Italy. In 535 Belisarius invaded Sicily with 7500 men and speedily reduced the whole island, while another Roman army marched on Dalmatia.

From Sicily Belisarius crossed into South Italy, where he found little resistance. The inactivity of Theodahad produced a revolt among his own people. He was deposed, and Witiges became king in his place. The new king was able to purchase the neutrality of the Franks, who were in alliance with Justinian, by ceding to them the Ostrogothic possessions in South Gaul. However, Belisarius continued his advance and occupied Rome (December, 536 A. D.). There he was besieged for a year (March, 537 to March, 538) by the Goths, who were in the end forced to abandon the blockade and fall back upon North Italy. At the same time, the eunuch Na.r.s.es arrived in Italy at the head of a new Roman army. But since his presence was largely due to Justinian's mistrust of Belisarius, he failed to cooperate with the latter and accomplished nothing before his recall in 539. The last episode of the campaign was the siege of Ravenna (539540 A. D.), which was defended by the Gothic king. With its fall and his capture in 540, the resistance of the Goths came to an end. Italy was declared a Roman province, the civil administration was reestablished, and Belisarius was recalled to a.s.sume the command against Persia.

*Second phase, 541554 A. D.* But the withdrawal of Belisarius and his best troops led to a revolt of the Goths under the leadership of the brave and energetic Totila (or Baduila) in 541. Within the next three years he drove the Roman garrisons from the greater part of Italy, including Rome.

Belisarius was despatched against him, but was given inadequate support and accomplished nothing except the recovery of Rome, which he held until he was recalled at his own request in 548. The drain of a fresh Persian war upon the resources of the empire forced Justinian to the temporary abandonment of Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily and Italy, apart from Ravenna and a few other fortresses. At last in 552 he was able to resume the struggle and entrusted the conduct of the war to Na.r.s.es, whose ability as a commander was superior to that of Belisarius himself. The army of Na.r.s.es numbered over 30,000, and consisted chiefly of barbarian auxiliaries, in particular Lombards, who had been settled as _foederati_ in Noric.u.m since 547. Na.r.s.es marched upon Italy by way of Illyric.u.m and reached the Roman base at Ravenna. Thence he advanced towards Rome and met and defeated the Goths in a decisive engagement in Umbria (552 A. D.). Totila fell in the battle. A second victory in Campania in the following spring forced the surviving Goths to come to terms. They were allowed to leave Italy and seek a new home beyond the Roman borders. A fresh enemy then appeared in the Franks, who had been nominal allies of the Goths but had rendered them little a.s.sistance. A horde of Alamanni and Franks swept down upon Italy and penetrated deep into the peninsula. But Na.r.s.es annihilated one of their divisions at Capua (554 A. D.), and the remainder were decimated by disease and forced to withdraw. The Roman sway was firmly established over Italy as far as the Alps; but Raetia, Noric.u.m and the Danubian provinces remained lost to the empire.

The long and bitter wars of restoration had wrought frightful damage to the material welfare of Italy, and the heavy financial burdens imposed by the Roman administrative system aroused bitter protests. The measures of relief attempted proved insufficient, the middle cla.s.s disappeared, the richer landed proprietors left the peninsula, and, as in Africa, the former prosperity was never recalled.

*The attempted recovery of Spain, 554 A. D.* Following the conclusion of hostilities in Italy, Justinian seized the opportunity which presented itself for intervention in Spain. He sent an army to the support of the rebel Agila against Athanagild, the king of the Visigoths (554 A. D.). The Roman forces occupied Corduba, Carthagena and other coast towns, but on the death of Athanagild, Agila succeeded to his throne and headed the Visigothic opposition to the Romans, who were unable to advance further.

However, they retained what they had already conquered.

*Extent of the Roman conquests.* Justinian's policy had resulted in the overthrow of the Vandal and Ostrogothic kingdoms, and in the recovery for the empire of Africa, Italy, the Mediterranean islands, and a strip of the Spanish coast. More, the empire was too weak to accomplish.

III. JUSTINIAN'S FRONTIER PROBLEMS AND INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION

*Barbarian invasions of the Balkan peninsula.* The strain which the policy of expansion in the West imposed upon the strength of the empire is clearly seen in the failure to defend the Danubian frontier and the ineffective conduct of the Persian wars. Time after time hordes of Bulgars and Slavs poured into the Balkans. Especially destructive were the inroads of 540 and 559. In the former the invaders penetrated as far as the Isthmus of Corinth; in the latter they threatened the capital itself, but were driven off by the aged Belisarius.

*The Persian wars.* In 527, the Persian king Kawad declared war upon the empire. The struggle was indecisive, and, at the death of Kawad in 532, Justinian, who wished to be free at any price to pursue his western policy, was able to conclude peace with his successor, Chosroes I, upon condition of paying an annual indemnity. But the successes of Justinian in the West aroused the jealousy and ambitions of Chosroes in 539. The Persians overran Syria and captured Antioch, carrying off its population into captivity (540). However, they failed to take Edessa (544). In Mesopotamia an armistice was concluded in 545, although war continued between the Arab dependents of both states, and in the district of Lazica (ancient Colchis), a Roman protectorate which transferred its allegiance to Persia. Finally, a fifty years' peace was concluded in 562 A. D. The Roman suzerainty over Lazica was acknowledged by the Persians, but the Romans obligated themselves to pay the Persians a heavy annual subsidy, in return for which the Persians undertook the defence of the Caucasus. In this way the Persians became technically Roman _foederati_; however, as in the case of the Visigoths in the fourth century, this was equivalent to a confession that the Romans were unable to subdue their enemy, who looked upon the subsidy as tribute.

[Ill.u.s.tration: The Roman Empire in 565 A. D.]