A History of Germany Part 41

About this time the colonial question also caused a clashing of parties.

To open new channels of commerce and enterprise, certain mercantile houses had acquired large tracts of land on foreign continents, and now asked the protection of the Empire for their efforts. Germany, now a first-cla.s.s power and in possession of a growing navy, needed coaling-stations in foreign waters, new lines of steamers to connect directly with Africa and eastern Asia, and an outlet for her rapidly multiplying population, which she would rather colonize under her own flag than lose by emigration to other countries. The Federal Government therefore took up this matter in its own interest, and asked Parliament for appropriations and subsidies to carry out those enlarged plans. The demand was received on the part of the Liberals and Radicals with violent opposition; but, in the end, the decision, with the a.s.sistance of the Centre party, was in favor of the Government.

[Sidenote: 1882. THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.]

In the meantime fresh war-clouds were gathering on the political horizon, on account of the acc.u.mulation of Russian troops on the frontiers of Germany and Austria. The violent death of Alexander II. of Russia had deprived Germany of a friend whom his successor, Alexander III., did not mean to replace. His sympathies were with the growing Pan-slavistic party, which through its press was exciting hatred against all that was German. Thus France felt herself drawn towards Russia, and both the Republic and the semi-barbarian Empire stood ready at any moment to make common cause for the ruin of Germany. This constant menace and its attendant rivalry in armament could not but be a misfortune, not merely for Germany but for all the powers concerned. To avert the danger of war as long as possible, the deep insight of the great man at the helm of the Federal Government of Germany had led him to take an important step in good time. As early as 1879 he had created a counterpoise to the threatening att.i.tude of France and Russia by concluding an alliance for defensive purposes between Germany and Austria, which a few years later was joined by Italy, and, as the "Triple Alliance," has been the wedge to keep apart the hostile powers in the East and the West, securing peace thereby.

In 1886 the time approached for a new military budget. The armaments of both Russia and France had reached such enormous dimensions that the German Government could not but know the military forces of the Empire to be no longer on an equal footing with the hostile powers.

Consequently, it now asked Parliament not only for a new septennial budget for military purposes, as twice before since 1874, but also for appropriations to raise a larger contingent of soldiers (one per cent.

of the whole population, which, according to the last census, made 41,000 men more than at that time), and additional sums for fortifications, barracks, arms, etc. Thereupon ensued another parliamentary contest. The opposition proved themselves not sufficiently patriotic to take a large view, and, in concert with the Centre, the Liberals demanded that the contingent of soldiers should be diminished and the budget granted for three years only. After much pa.s.sionate debate, and in spite of Bismarck's weighty eloquence, the motion of the Government was carried in a crippled condition and by only a small majority. Then Parliament was once more dissolved, and new elections took place about a month afterwards (21st of February, 1887), which made evident the temper of the people, since the Liberals and Social-Democrats were heavy losers. Only half of their former number was returned to Parliament. The military bill was now carried by a large majority of Conservatives and Nationals, and financial as well as other matters of importance were brought to a quick issue.

[Sidenote: 1887.]

The almost miraculous rise of a united Germany, and its wonderful inner growth, had its reverses in the tragical events that took place in the royal houses of Bavaria and Prussia, during 1886 and 1888. King Ludwig II. of Bavaria, a man of superior intellectual qualities and gifted with great charms, had been a victim of late years to mental hallucinations, which at last began to endanger the finances and const.i.tutional rights of the country. It became necessary to declare him insane and to establish a regency in his name. This and his confinement to his lonely castle of Berg led the king to drown himself in the lake bordering the grounds. His corpse and that of his attendant physician were found where the gravel bottom of the shallow water gave evidence of a struggle having taken place. Since the successor of Ludwig II., his younger brother, Otto, was a confirmed maniac, the regency still remained with Prince Luitpold, the uncle of both these unfortunate kings. He was imbued with the national idea of German unity, and continued the same wise and liberal policy that governed the actions of Ludwig II. in his best days--a policy which earned for him the fame of being called one of the founders of a united German Empire.

Early in 1888 the Emperor, nearly ninety-one years old, showed signs of declining vitality, and in March the end was at hand. It was peaceful, though clouded by a great sorrow which filled the last months of his life. There was a vacant place among the members of his family who surrounded his death-bed. His son, the Crown-Prince, now fifty-six years of age, was detained by a fatal disease at San Remo, in Italy. William I., beloved by the German people as no sovereign before him had been, died on the 9th of March, and his son and heir, Frederick III., began his reign of ninety-nine days. Sick as he was, and deprived of speech in consequence of his cruel disease, his inborn sense of duty caused him to set out for Berlin as soon as the news of the old Emperor's death reached him. His proclamation to the people and his rescript to Prince Bismarck are evidences of the n.o.ble and patriotic spirit that animated him; but he was too ill, and his reign was too short, to determine what he would have been to Germany had he lived. He died on the 15th of June, 1888, and almost his last words to his son and successor were: "Learn to suffer without complaint."

[Sidenote: 1888. WILLIAM II.]

William II., born on the 27th of January, 1859, now became Emperor of Germany. Many were the doubts with which he was seen to succeed to the throne. He was young in years, in view of the heavy responsibilities awaiting him; impulsive, where a steady head was required; and a soldier with all his heart. Nevertheless, there was nothing to indicate during the first years of his reign that the "old course" had been abandoned.

The first important event took place in March, 1890, when the startling news was heard that Prince Bismarck had sent his resignation to the Emperor, and that it had been accepted. For a moment the fate of Germany seemed to hang in suspense; but the public mind soon recovered from the shock it had received, and the most thoughtful of people realized that a young ruler, imbued with modern ideas, and with an individuality all his own, could not be expected to remain in harmony with or to be guided by a statesman who, however great and wise, was growing old and in a measure incapable of seeing a new light in affairs of internal policy.

On March 29th the ex-Chancellor left Berlin to retire to his estates.

Along his drive to the railway station he received the spontaneous ovations of an immense concourse of people, who by their enthusiastic cheers showed their appreciation for the creator of the new Germany.

[Sidenote: 1890.]

The Emperor nominated General Caprivi Chancellor of the Empire in place of Bismarck. It was a good choice, since William II. evidently meant in future to be his own chancellor. He was of too vivacious a nature to accept a policy of State and Empire made ready to his hands. He had knowledge, and ideas of his own which he expected to carry out. The first serious dissension between the Emperor and Bismarck seems to have turned upon the question of Socialism. Bismarck was in favor of combating it with the utmost vigor, in order to avert the dangers threatening to State and society; the Emperor, on the contrary, was for conciliatory measures; for listening to the demands of the laboring cla.s.ses, and remedying by arbitration and further legislation the evils of which they complained. The repressive measures. .h.i.therto resorted to, and the new ones proposed, were abandoned, and thus far there is no cause to condemn this "new course." Although the dangers from Socialism have not grown less, it is no longer necessary for the enemy of social order and justice to hide his face, and by that much it is easier to fight him and to strike at the right spot.

Another event of note which took place in the same year, is the German-English agreement of July 1st, by which the respective limits of colonial possessions in Africa were regulated, and Germany became the possessor of the island of Helgoland as a compensation for the lion's share secured in Africa by England. The only value Germany derives from this acquisition will show itself in a future war, when the fortified island-rock may serve as an outpost, disputing the advance of hostile war ships toward the northern coast of Germany.

In the following year the Triple Alliance was renewed, and had the wholesome effect of stopping various rumors of war. Besides, Russia, who had exchanged uncommon civilities with France, was in no condition to go to war, crippled as she was by the dreadful suffering of her people through famine consequent upon the failure of crops. Still another incentive was furnished for France and Russia to remain at peace by an understanding between England and Italy to keep intact the _status quo_ in the Mediterranean. Although not a treaty in the literal sense of the word, it was sufficient to raise the prestige of the Triple Alliance, and thus to strengthen its pacific tendencies.

[Sidenote: 1892. THE ARMY BILL.]

But the most important feature of internal policy is to be found in the new commercial treaties which Germany contracted, first with the two other powers of the Triple Alliance--Austria-Hungary and Italy--and then with Belgium and Switzerland, as the most favored nations. The treaties were planned and carefully drafted to bring relief to the industrial cla.s.ses by opening fresh channels for the exports of the country; but inasmuch as the tariff was lowered by them on the necessities of life, they also favored the rest of the population and especially the laboring cla.s.ses. These treaties were ratified in Parliament by a large majority.

In the spring of the year (April 24th) Germany lost one of her greatest men, the Field-Marshal Count Moltke, who had lived more than ninety years in the full enjoyment of his powers. Another man, who also had been prominent in his way, Windthorst, had died just one month before Moltke, but he was missed only by the Roman Catholic Centre party, who lost in him their ablest leader.

The following year a bill was laid before the Prussian a.s.sembly purporting to reform the public schools, but introducing at the same time such clauses as would render both public and private schools confessional. The bill was no sooner made public than it became evident that only the ultra Conservatives and the Centre or Ultramontane party were in favor of it, while the other parties, and behind them their const.i.tuents, declared themselves extremely opposed to it. In consequence of this bill the whole of Germany became greatly agitated; numerous protests were sent to the a.s.sembly and the Minister of Culture, and men of note and intellect put in print their ominous warnings. All this resulted in the withdrawal of the bill and the resignation of the Minister of Culture, Count Zedlitz. But before the end of the year a new army measure began to stir afresh the minds of politicians and people.

In his speech delivered before Parliament on November 23d, Caprivi explained that new sacrifices in money and taxation were necessary, in order to make the German army efficient to fight enemies "on two fronts." He went on to demonstrate that, although no war was in sight, France had surpa.s.sed Germany in her military organization and numbers, while Russia was continually perfecting her strategical railway system, and locating her best troops on her western frontier. To keep up an equal footing with her neighbors, it was necessary for Germany to add 83,894 men to the present number of soldiers. In order to do this the existing obligation to serve in the army would have to be extended to every one capable of carrying arms. The cost was estimated at $16,700,000 for the first year, and $16,000,000 for every year succeeding. As a compensation for the heavy burdens to be imposed, the Government offered to reduce the time for active service from three to two years.

[Sidenote: 1893.]

There was from the first a widespread doubt among the people of the necessity for such heavy sacrifices as were entailed by this bill, and the possibility of carrying it successfully through Parliament. The body deferred dealing with it until the following year, when the fate of the bill was adversely decided on the 6th of May by a majority of forty-eight out of three hundred and seventy-two votes. Parliament was at once dissolved, and new elections were ordered to take place on the 15th of June. In the interval some unexpected splits favoring the Government's cause occurred in the Centre party and among the Liberals, or Radicals--a name now more befitting. As the election proceeded, it became more and more evident that the opposition was losing and the Government gaining ground.

[Sidenote: 1893. THE ARMY BILL.]

The newly elected Parliament was opened on July 4th, and the Army bill, in a slightly modified form, was pa.s.sed without delay after the third reading by a majority of sixteen out of three hundred and eighty-six votes. Small as this majority seems, it was a decided victory for the Government, since the latter had abstained throughout the elections from influencing them in any way. The ultimate pa.s.sage of the bill, however, leaves the implied financial problem still unsolved. The outlook is not cheerful. Although an objective view of recent events is out of the question, there is room for doubting that the future of Germany will be tranquil. Owing to the general depression in industrial and agricultural fields, the financial question is sure to engender bitterness and strife. Nor is there any encouragement to be gained when we consider the numerous factions into which the parliamentary representation of the Empire is divided at the present time. What with the proportionately large gain of the Social-Democrats during the late elections, the numerically powerful Centrists acting in the interest of Roman Catholicism, the Particularists a.s.serting themselves again, and the Anti-Semites with their socialistic affinities, it would seem inevitable that great struggles are yet to come. But we might hopefully say that Germany, in the evolution of her national growth, is just now pa.s.sing through a trying period of change, the mists of which will be swept away in time, when by a clearer apprehension of parliamentary life and practice, and the exercise of a more concentrated patriotism, she will be strong, indeed, in freedom and in Unity.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

=OF GERMAN HISTORY.=

The history of Germany is generally divided into Five Periods, as follows:

I.--From the earliest accounts to the empire of Charlemagne.

II.--From Charlemagne to the downfall of the Hohenstaufens.

III.--From the Interregnum to the Reformation.

IV.--From the Reformation to the Peace of Westphalia.

V.--From the Peace of Westphalia to the present time.

Some historians subdivide these periods, or change their limits; but there seems to be no other form of division so simple, natural, and easily borne in the memory. While retaining it, however, in the chronological table which follows, we shall separate the different dynasties which governed the German Empire, up to the time of the Interregnum, which is removed, by an irregular succession during two centuries, from the permanent rule of the Hapsburg family.

FIRST PERIOD. (B. C. 103--A. D. 768.)

=Primitive History.=

B. C.

113. The Cimbrians and Teutons invade Italy.

102. Marius defeats the Teutons.

101. Marius defeats the Cimbrians.

58. Julius Caesar defeats Ariovistus.

55--53. Caesar twice crosses the Rhine.

12--9. Campaigns of Drusus in Northern Germany.

A. D.

9. Defeat of Varus by Hermann.

14--16. Campaigns of Germanicus.

21. Death of Hermann.

69. Revolt of Claudius Civilis.

98. Tacitus writes his "Germania."