A History of Germany Part 38

[Sidenote: 1848. A NATIONAL PARLIAMENT CALLED.]

Before these outbreaks occurred, the Diet at Frankfort had caught the alarm, and hastened to take a step which seemed to yield something to the general demand. On the 1st of March, it invited the separate States to send special delegates to Frankfort, empowered to draw up a new form of union for Germany. Four days afterwards, a meeting which included many of the prominent men of Southern Germany was held at Heidelberg, and it was decided to hold a Provisional a.s.sembly at Frankfort, as a movement preliminary to the greater changes which were antic.i.p.ated. This proposal received a hearty response: on the 31st of March quite a large and respectable body, from all the German States, came together in Frankfort. The demand of the party headed by Hecker that a Republic should be proclaimed, was rejected; but the principle of "the sovereignty of the people" was adopted, Schleswig and Holstein, which had risen in revolt against the Danish rule, were declared to be a part of Germany, and a Committee of Fifty was appointed, to cooperate with the old Diet in calling a National Parliament.

There was great rejoicing in Germany over these measures. The people were full of hope and confidence; the men who were chosen as candidates and elected by suffrage, were almost without exception persons of character and intelligence, and when they came together, six hundred in number, and opened the first National Parliament of Germany, in the church of St. Paul, in Frankfort, on the 18th of May, 1848, there were few patriots who did not believe in a speedy and complete regeneration of their country. In the meantime, however, Hecker and Struve, who had organized a great number of republican clubs throughout Baden, rose in arms against the government. After maintaining themselves for two weeks in Freiburg and the Black Forest, they were defeated and forced to take refuge in Switzerland. Hecker went to America, and Struve, making a second attempt shortly afterwards, was taken prisoner.

[Sidenote: 1848.]

The lack of practical political experience among the members soon disturbed the Parliament. The most of them were governed by theories, and insisted on carrying out certain principles, instead of trying to adapt them to the existing circ.u.mstances. With all their honesty and genuine patriotism, they relied too much on the sudden enthusiasm of the people, and undervalued the actual strength of the governing cla.s.ses, because the latter had so easily yielded to the first surprise. The republican party was in a decided minority; and the remainder soon became divided between the "Small-Germans," who favored the union of all the States, except Austria, under a const.i.tutional monarchy, and the "Great-Germans," who insisted that Austria should be included. After a great deal of discussion, the former Diet was declared abolished on the 28th of June; a Provisional Central Government was appointed, and the Archduke John of Austria--an amiable, popular and inoffensive old man--was elected "Vicar-General of the Empire." This action was accepted by all the States except Austria and Prussia, which delayed to commit themselves until they were strong enough to oppose the whole scheme.

The history of 1848 is divided into so many detached episodes, that it cannot be given in a connected form. The revolt which broke out in Schleswig-Holstein early in March, was supported by enthusiastic German volunteers, and then by a Prussian army, which drove the Danes back into Jutland. Great rejoicing was occasioned by the destruction of the Danish frigate _Christian VIII._ and the capture of the _Gefion_, at Eckernforde, by a battery commanded by Duke Ernest II. of Coburg-Gotha.

But England and Russia threatened armed intervention; Prussia was forced to suspend hostilities and make a truce with Denmark, on terms which looked very much like an abandonment of the cause of Schleswig-Holstein.

This action was accepted by a majority of the Parliament at Frankfort,--a course which aroused the deepest indignation of the democratic minority and their sympathizers everywhere throughout Germany. On the 18th of September barricades were thrown up in the streets of Frankfort, and an armed mob stormed the church where the Parliament was in session, but was driven back by Prussian and Hessian troops. Two members, General Auerswald and Prince Lichnowsky, were barbarously murdered in attempting to escape from the city. This lawless and b.l.o.o.d.y event was a great damage to the national cause: the two leading States, Prussia and Austria, instantly adopted a sterner policy, and there were soon signs of a general reaction against the Revolution.

[Sidenote: 1849. END OF THE HUNGARIAN WAR.]

The condition of Austria, at this time, was very critical. The uprising in Vienna had been followed by powerful and successful rebellions in Lombardy, Hungary and Bohemia, and the Empire of the Hapsburgs seemed to be on the point of dissolution. The struggle was confused and made more bitter by the hostility of the different nationalities: the Croatians, at the call of the Emperor, rose against the Hungarians, and then the Germans, in the Legislative a.s.sembly held at Vienna, accused the government of being guided by Slavonic influences. Another furious outbreak occurred, Count Latour, the former minister of war, was hung to a lamp-post, and the city was again in the hands of the revolutionists.

Kossuth, who had become all-powerful in Hungary, had already raised an army, to be employed in conquering the independence of his country, and he now marched rapidly towards Vienna, which was threatened by the Austrian general Windischgratz. Almost within sight of the city, he was defeated by Jellachich, the Ban of Croatia: the latter joined the Austrians, and after a furious bombardment, Vienna was taken by storm.

Messenhauser, the commander of the insurgents, and Robert Blum, a member of the National Parliament, were afterwards shot by order of Windischgratz, who crushed out all resistance by the most severe and inhuman measures.

Hungary, nevertheless, was already practically independent, and Kossuth stood at the head of the government. The movement was eagerly supported by the people: an army of 100,000 men was raised, including cavalry which could hardly be equalled in Europe. Kossuth was supported by Gorgey, and the Polish generals, Bern and Dembinski; and although the Hungarians at first fell back before Windischgratz, who marched against them in December, they gained a series of splendid victories in the spring of 1849, and their success seemed a.s.sured. Austria was forced to call upon Russia for help, and the Emperor Nicholas responded by sending an army of 140,000 men. Kossuth vainly hoped for the intervention of England and France in favor of Hungary: up to the end of May the patriots were still victorious, then followed defeats in the field and confusion in the councils. The Hungarian government and a large part of the army fell back to Arad, where, on the 11th of August, Kossuth transferred his dictatorship to Gorgey, and the latter, two days afterwards, surrendered at Vilagos, with about 25,000 men, to the Russian general Rudiger.

[Sidenote: 1849.]

This surrender caused Gorgey's name to be execrated in Hungary, and by all who sympathized with the Hungarian cause throughout the world. It was made, however, with the knowledge of Kossuth, who had transferred his power to the former for that purpose, while he, with Bem, Dembinski and a few other followers, escaped into Turkey. In fact, further resistance would have been madness, for Haynau, who had succeeded to the command of the Austrian forces, was everywhere successful in front, and the Russians were in the rear. The first judgment of the world upon Gorgey's act was therefore unjust. The fortress of Comorn, on the Danube, was the last post occupied by the Hungarians. It surrendered, after an obstinate siege, to Haynau, who then perpetrated such barbarities that his name became infamous in all countries.

In Italy, the Revolution broke out in March, 1848. Marshal Radetzky, the Austrian Governor in Milan, was driven out of the city: the Lombards, supported by the Sardinians under their king, Charles Albert, drove him to Verona: Venice had also risen, and nearly all Northern Italy was thus freed from the Austrian yoke. In the course of the summer, however, Radetzky achieved some successes, and thereupon concluded an armistice with Sardinia, which left him free to undertake the siege of Venice. On the 12th of March, 1849, Charles Albert resumed the war, and on the 23d, in the battle of Novara, was so ruinously defeated that he abdicated the throne of Sardinia in favor of his son, Victor Emanuel. The latter, on leaving the field, shook his sword at the advancing Austrians, and cried out: "There shall yet be an Italy!"--but he was compelled at the time to make peace on the best terms he could obtain. In August, Venice also surrendered, after a heroic defence, and Austria was again supreme in Italy as in Hungary.

[Sidenote: 1850. DISSOLUTION OF THE PARLIAMENT.]

During this time, the National Parliament in Frankfort had been struggling against the difficulties of its situation. The democratic movement was almost suppressed, and there was an earnest effort to effect a German Union; but this was impossible without the concurrence of either Austria or Prussia, and the rivalry of the two gave rise to constant jealousies and impediments. On the 2d of December, 1848, the Viennese Ministry persuaded the idiotic Emperor Ferdinand to abdicate, and placed his nephew, Francis Joseph, a youth of eighteen, upon the throne. Every change of the kind begets new hopes, and makes a government temporarily popular; so this was a gain for Austria.

Nevertheless, the "Small-German" party finally triumphed in the Parliament. On the 28th of March, 1849, Frederick Wilhelm IV. of Germany was elected "Hereditary Emperor of Germany." All the small States accepted the choice: Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Saxony and Hannover refused; Austria protested, and the king himself, after hesitating for a week, declined.

This was a great blow to the hopes of the national party. It was immediately followed by fierce popular outbreaks in Dresden, Wurtemberg and Baden: in the last of these States the Grand-Duke was driven away, and a provisional government inst.i.tuted. Prussia sent troops to suppress the revolt, and a war on a small scale was carried on during the months of June and July, when the republican forces yielded to superior power.

This was the end of armed resistance: the governments had recovered from their panic, the French Republic, under the Prince-President Louis Napoleon, was preparing for monarchy, Italy and Hungary were prostrate, and nothing was left for the earnest and devoted German patriots, but to save what rights they could from the wreck of their labors.

The Parliament gradually dissolved, by the recall of some of its members, and the withdrawal of others. Only the democratic minority remained, and sought to keep up its existence by removing to Stuttgart; but, once there, it was soon forcibly dispersed. Prussia next endeavored to create a German Confederation, based on representation: Saxony and Hannover at first joined, a convention of the members of the "Small-German" party, held at Gotha, accepted the plan, and then the small States united, while Saxony and Hannover withdrew and allied themselves with Bavaria and Wurtemberg in a counter-union. The adherents of the former plan met in Berlin in 1850: on the 1st of September, Austria declared the old Diet opened at Frankfort, under her presidency, and twelve States hastened to obey her call. The hostility between the two parties so increased that for a time war seemed to be inevitable: Austrian troops invaded Hesse-Ca.s.sel, an army was collected in Bohemia, while Prussia, relying on the help of Russia, was quite unprepared. Then Frederick William IV. yielded: Prussia submitted to Austria in all points, and on the 15th of May, 1851, the Diet was restored in Frankfort, with a vague promise that its Const.i.tution should be amended.

[Sidenote: 1852.]

Thus, after an interruption of three years, the old machine was put upon the old track, and a strong and united Germany seemed as far off as ever. A dismal period of reaction began. Louis Napoleon's violent a.s.sumption of power in December, 1851, was welcomed by the German rulers, all of whom greeted the new Emperor as "brother"; a Congress held in London in May, 1852, confirmed Denmark in the possession of Schleswig and Holstein; Austria abolished her Legislative a.s.sembly, in utter disregard of the provisions of 1815, upon which the Diet was based; Hesse-Ca.s.sel, with the consent of Austria, Prussia and the Diet, overthrew the const.i.tution which had protected the people for twenty years; and even Prussia, where an arbitrary policy was no longer possible, gradually suppressed the more liberal features of the government. Worse than this, the religious liberty which Germany had so long enjoyed, was insidiously a.s.sailed. Austria, Bavaria and Wurtemberg made "Concordats" with the Pope, which gave the control of schools and marriages among the people into the hands of the priests. Frederick William IV. did his best to acquire the same despotic power for the Protestant Church in Prussia, and thereby a.s.sisted the designs of the Church of Rome, more than most of the Catholic rulers.

Placed between the disguised despotism of Napoleon III. and the open and arrogant despotism of Nicholas of Russia, Germany, for a time, seemed to be destined to a similar fate. The result of the Crimean war, and the liberal policy inaugurated by Alexander II. in Russia, damped the hopes of the German absolutists, but failed to teach them wisdom. Prussia was practically governed by the interests of a cla.s.s of n.o.bles, whose absurd pride was only equalled by their ignorance of the age in which they lived. With all his wit and talent, Frederick William IV. was utterly blind to his position, and the longer he reigned the more he made the name of Prussia hated throughout the rest of Germany.

[Sidenote: 1857. WILLIAM I. REGENT OF PRUSSIA.]

But the fruits of the national movement in 1848 and 1849 were not lost.

The earnest efforts of those two years, the practical experience of political matters acquired by the liberal party, were an immense gain to the people. In every State there was a strong body of intelligent men, who resisted the reaction by all the legal means left them, and who, although discouraged, were still hopeful of success. The increase of general intelligence among the people, the growth of an independent press, the extension of railroads which made the old system of pa.s.sports and police supervision impossible,--all these were powerful agencies of progress; but only a few rulers of the smaller States saw this truth, and favored the liberal side.

In October, 1857, Frederick William IV. was stricken with apoplexy, and his brother, Prince William, began to rule in his name. The latter, then sixty years old, had grown up without the least prospect that he would ever wear the crown: although he possessed no brilliant intellectual qualities, he was shrewd, clear-sighted, and honest, and after a year's experience of the policy which governed Prussia, he refused to rule longer unless the whole power were placed in his hands. As soon as he was made Prince Regent, he dismissed the feudalist Ministry of his brother and established a new and more liberal government. The hopes of the German people instantly revived: Bavaria was compelled to follow the example of Prussia, the reaction against the national movement of 1848 was interrupted everywhere, and the political horizon suddenly began to grow brighter.

The desire of the people for a closer national union was so intense, that when, in June, 1859, Austria was defeated at Magenta and Solferino, a cry ran through Germany: "The Rhine must be defended on the Mincio!"

and the demand for an alliance with Austria against France became so earnest and general, that Prussia would certainly have yielded to it, if Napoleon III. had not forestalled the movement by concluding an instant peace with Francis Joseph. When, in 1860, all Italy rose, and the dilapidated thrones of the petty rulers fell to pieces, as the people united under Victor Emanuel, the Germans saw how hasty and mistaken had been their excitement of the year before. The interests of the Italians were identical with theirs, and the success of the former filled them with fresh hope and courage.

[Sidenote: 1861.]

Austria, after her defeat and the overwhelming success of the popular uprising in Italy, seemed to perceive the necessity of conceding more to her own subjects. She made some attempts to introduce a restricted form of const.i.tutional government, which excited without satisfying the people. Prussia continued to advance slowly in the right direction, regaining her lost influence over the active and intelligent liberal party throughout Germany. On the 2d of January, 1861, Frederick William IV. died, and William I. became King. From this date a new history begins.

CHAPTER x.x.xIX.

THE STRUGGLE WITH AUSTRIA; THE NORTH-GERMAN UNION.

(1861--1870.)

Reorganization of the Prussian Army. --Movements for a new Union.

--Reaction in Prussia. --Bismarck appointed Minister. --His Unpopularity. --Attempt of Francis Joseph of Austria. --War in Schleswig-Holstein. --Quarrel between Prussia and Austria.

--Alliances of Austria with the smaller States. --The Diet.

--Prussia declares War. --Hannover, Hesse and Saxony invaded.

--Battle of Langensalza. --March into Bohemia. --Preliminary Victories. --Halt in Gitchin. --Battle of Koniggratz. --Prussian Advance to the Danube. --Peace of Nikolsburg. --Bismarck's Plan.

--Change in popular Sentiment. --Prussian Annexations. --Foundation of the North-German Union. --The Luxemburg Affair.

[Sidenote: 1861. WILLIAM I., KING.]

The first important measure which the government of William I. adopted was a thorough reorganization of the army. Since this could not be effected without an increased expense for the present and a prospect of still greater burdens in the future, the Legislative a.s.sembly of Prussia refused to grant the appropriation demanded. The plan was to increase the time of service for the reserve forces, to diminish that of the militia, and enforce a sufficient amount of military training upon the whole male population, without regard to cla.s.s or profession. At the same time a Convention of the smaller States was held in Wurzburg, for the purpose of drawing up a new plan of union, in place of the old Diet, the provisions of which had been violated so often that its existence was becoming a mere farce.

Prussia proposed a closer military union under her own direction, and this was accepted by Baden, Saxe-Weimar and Coburg-Gotha: the other States were still swayed by the influence of Austria. The political situation became more and more disturbed; William I. dismissed his liberal ministry and appointed noted reactionists, who carried out his plan for reorganizing the army in defiance of the a.s.sembly. Finally, in September, 1862, Baron Otto von Bismarck-Schonhausen, who had been Prussian amba.s.sador in St. Petersburg and Paris, was placed at the head of the Government. This remarkable man, who was born in 1813, in Brandenburg, was already known as a thorough conservative, and considered to be one of the most dangerous enemies of the liberal and national party. But he had represented Prussia in the Diet at Frankfort in 1851, he understood the policy of Austria and the general political situation better than any other statesman in Germany, and his course, from the first day of receiving power, was as daring as it was skilfully planned.

[Sidenote: 1863.]

Even Metternich was not so heartily hated as Bismarck, when the latter continued the policy already adopted, of disregarding the will of the people, as expressed by the Prussian a.s.sembly. Every new election for this body only increased the strength of the opposition, and with it the unpopularity of Prussia among the smaller States. The appropriations for the army were steadfastly refused, yet the government took the money and went on with the work of reorganization. Austria endeavored to profit by the confusion which ensued: after having privately consulted the other rulers, Francis Joseph summoned a Congress of German Princes to meet in Frankfort, in August, 1863, in order to accept an "Act of Reform," which subst.i.tuted an a.s.sembly of Delegates in place of the old Diet, but retained the presidency of Austria. Prussia refused to attend, declaring that the first step towards reform must be a Parliament elected by the people, and the scheme failed so completely that in another month nothing more was heard of it.

Soon afterwards, Frederick VII. of Denmark died, and his successor, Christian IX., Prince of Glucksburg, accepted a const.i.tution which detached Schleswig from Holstein and incorporated it with Denmark. This was in violation of the treaty made in London in 1852, and gave Germany a pretext for interference. On the 7th of December, 1863, the Diet decided to take armed possession of the Duchies: Austria and Prussia united in January, 1864, and sent a combined army of 43,000 men under Prince Frederick Karl and Marshal Gablenz against Denmark. After several slight engagements the Danes abandoned the "Dannewerk"--the fortified line across the Peninsula,--and took up a strong position at Duppel.

Here their entrenchments were stormed and carried by the Prussians, on the 18th of April: the Austrians had also been victorious at Oeversee, and the Danes were everywhere driven back. England, France and Russia interfered, an armistice was declared, and an attempt made to settle the question. The negotiations, which were carried on in London for that purpose, failed; hostilities were resumed, and by the 1st of August, Denmark was forced to sue for peace.

[Sidenote: 1866. AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA AT WAR.]

On the 30th of October, the war was ended by the relinquishment of the Duchies to Prussia and Austria, not to Germany. The Prince of Augustenburg, however, who belonged to the ducal family of Holstein, claimed the territory as being his by right of descent, and took up his residence at Kiel, bringing all the apparatus of a little State Government, ready made, along with him. Prussia demanded the acceptance of her military system, the occupancy of the forts, and the harbor of Kiel for naval purposes. The Duke, encouraged by Austria, refused: a diplomatic quarrel ensued, which lasted until the 1st of August, 1865, when William I. met Francis Joseph at Gastein, a watering-place in the Austrian Alps, and both agreed on a division, Prussia to govern in Schleswig and Austria in Holstein.

Thus far, the course of the two powers in the matter had made them equally unpopular throughout the rest of Germany. Austria had quite lost her temporary advantage over Prussia, in this respect, and she now endeavored to regain it by favoring the claims of the Duke of Augustenburg in Holstein. An angry correspondence followed, and early in 1866 Austria began to prepare for war, not only at home, but by secretly canva.s.sing for alliances among the smaller States. Neither she, nor the German people, understood how her policy was aiding the deep-laid plans of Bismarck. The latter had been elevated to the rank of Count, he had dared to a.s.sert that the German question could never be settled without the use of "blood and steel" (which was generally interpreted as signifying the most brutal despotism), and an attempt to a.s.sa.s.sinate him had been made in the streets of Berlin. When, therefore, Austria demanded of the Diet that the military force of the other States should be called into the field against Prussia on account of the invasion of Holstein by Prussian troops, only Oldenburg, Mecklenburg, the little Saxon princ.i.p.alities and the three free cities of the North voted against the measure!

[Sidenote: 1866.]

This vote, which was taken on the 14th of June, 1866, was the last act of the German Diet. Prussia instantly took the ground that it was a declaration of war, and set in motion all the agencies which had been quietly preparing for three or four years. The German people were stunned by the suddenness with which the crisis had been brought upon them. The cause of the trouble was so slight, so needlessly provoked, that the war seemed criminal: it was looked upon as the last desperate resource of the absolutist, Bismarck, who, finding the Prussian a.s.sembly still five to one against him, had adopted this measure to recover by force his lost position. Few believed that Prussia, with nineteen millions of inhabitants, could be victorious over Austria and her allies, representing fifty millions, unless after a long and terrible struggle.

Prussia, however, had secured an ally which, although not fortunate in the war, kept a large Austrian army employed. This was Italy, which eagerly accepted the alliance in April, and began to prepare for the struggle. On the other hand, there was every probability that France would interfere in favor of Austria. In this emergency, the Prussian Government seemed transformed: it stood like a man aroused and fully alive, with every sense quickened and every muscle and sinew ready for action. The 14th of June brought the declaration of war: on the 15th, Saxony, Hannover, Hesse-Ca.s.sel and Na.s.sau were called upon to remain neutral, and allowed twelve hours to decide. As no answer came, a Prussian army from Holstein took possession of Hannover on the 17th, another from the Rhine entered Ca.s.sel on the 19th, and on the latter day Leipzig and Dresden were occupied by a third. So complete had been the preparations that a temporary railroad bridge was made, in advance, to take the place of one between Berlin and Dresden, which it was evident the Saxons would destroy.