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On the seventeenth of the month Zu'lhajjeh, all the criminals were carried to be punished according to the nature of their offences, and as prescribed by the laws. The twenty-fifth of Moharram, Mulana Kadhi Yusof sent to acquaint the amba.s.sadors that next day, being the first of the new year, according to the reckoning of the Kathayans, the emperor was to go to his new palace, and that no person must wear white, as that was the dress of mourning in this country. On the twenty-eighth, at midnight, the Sekjin came to conduct them to the new palace, which had been nineteen years building, and was only newly finished. Every person had his house or shop illuminated, with torches, lanterns, candles, and lamps, so that it appeared as light as noon-day. At the palace they found an hundred thousand people, who had come from all parts of Kathay, the countries of Tachin and Machin, Kalmak, Kabul, Karakoja, Jurga, and the sea coasts. This day the amba.s.sadors tables were set out of the hall where the throne stood, while those of the _Amirs_, or great officers and lords of the court were within; and there were near two hundred thousand armed men, carrying umbrellas and bucklers. This feast lasted till the afternoon, and among the music were many songs in praise of the new palace. To give some idea of this superb structure, it may be mentioned that, from the gate of the hall to the first inclosure, measured 1925 paces. On each side are buildings and gardens one within another. The edifices were of freestone, porcelain, or marble, so delicately put together that they seemed inchased. There are many hundred cubits of pavement, the stones of which are so even and well joined, that they looked like the checkered ruling in books. Nothing in other countries can equal the Kathayans in masonry, joiner-work, making relievos or raised figures in plaster, and in painting.
The amba.s.sadors were called early to audience, on the ninth of the month Safar; the emperor having then come out from a retirement of eight days; for it is his custom to retire every year for some days, during which he eats no kind of victuals and abstains from going near his ladies, neither does he, during all that time, see or converse with any one. In this retirement, the emperor has no picture or idol of any of his G.o.ds; as during this period, all his devotions are addressed solely to the G.o.d of Heaven. On this occasion, the imperial elephants were all adorned in a style of magnificence, which is quite inexpressible; many of them having silver seats, like litters, on their backs, adorned with standards of seven different colours, and the seats were filled with armed men; fifty of the elephants carried the imperial musicians. This grand procession of elephants was preceded, or followed, by at least 50,000 persons, who all preserved the most exact order, and the most profound silence. In all this pomp and splendour, the emperor was conducted from, the place of his religious retirement to the female apartments of the palace. The court astrologers had predicted that the palace of the emperor was this year to suffer by fire, on which account, a solemnity, accompanied by splendid fireworks and illuminations, was exhibited during seven days. On this occasion, an artificial mount was erected in the middle of the imperial court, covered all over with branches of cypress, and planted with 100,000 torches; by means of little artificial mice, made of bitumen or wild fire, which ran along a number of ropes, fixed for the purpose, these torches were all lighted up in a moment, forming a wonderful blaze of lights from the bottom of the mountain to the top; and many other lights appeared all over the city. During all the seven days of this festival, no criminals were sought after; the emperor discharged all debtors under arrest for debt, and set free all persons in prison for crimes, except murderers, and he distributed large presents. All this was notified on the thirteenth of the month Safer, by an imperial edict or proclamation, the emperor being seated on his throne, in the grand _kiosk_, or pavilion of the first court, surrounded by more than 100,000 persons; and in this edict, the emperor notified that he would send no amba.s.sadors to any country during three years. After this edict had been read aloud by three officers of the court, who stood on a bench before the emperor, it was conveyed down from the pavilion into the court below, by means of rings fastened to yellow silk cords; and, being reverently placed on a board with a golden border, it was carried to the city, followed by music, and accompanied by a mult.i.tude of the people. After the conclusion of this ceremony, the emperor left the pavilion, and the amba.s.sadors were feasted, as at other times.
On the first of the month Rabiya-al-awal, the amba.s.sadors were again called to court before the emperor, who had several Shankars[1] brought in, which he said he meant to give to those who had presented him with good horses; and at this time, he caused three to be given to each of the amba.s.sadors of the Mirza Ulug-Beg, Mirza Baysangar, and Sultan Shah-Rokh. Next day he sent for them again; when, addressing himself to Arjak, the amba.s.sador of Mirza Siurgatmish, he said, "I have no Shankar to give you; and even if I had, I should not give you any, lest it should be taken from you, as was done from Ardeshir, a former amba.s.sador from your, master." To this Arjak made answer: "If your majesty will do me that honour, I will engage my word that no person shall take it from me." To this the emperor replied: "On that condition I will give you two, which I have ordered to be brought for that purpose." On the eighth day of the month, the amba.s.sadors of Soltan Shah, and Bakshi Malek were sent for, to receive the Shankish, or imperial present. The first received eight _balish_ of silver[2], thirty furred imperial vestments, twenty-four under petticoats[3], two horses, one of which was provided with furniture, 100 bundles of cane arrows, twenty-five great porcelain vases, and 5000 ***[4]. Bakshi Malek had as much, bating one balish of silver; the women belonging to the amba.s.sadors had no silver given them, but they each received half the quant.i.ty of stufis that had been given to their lords. On the thirteenth of the same month, the amba.s.sadors were sent for to court, when the emperor said to them: "I am going to hunt; take your shankars, therefore, which fly well, and divert yourselves; but the horses you brought me are good for nothing." About this time, the emperors son returned from the country of _Nemray_, and the amba.s.sadors went to pay their compliments to him in his particular court, to the east of the imperial palace, where they found him seated in state, amid his attendants, and having his table served in the same manner with that of the emperor.
On the first of the month Rabiya-al-akher, the amba.s.sadors received notice to go to meet the emperor, who was then on his return from hunting; and, on getting on horseback before day for that purpose, they found Mulana Kazi Yusof waiting for them at the door of their hotel, in great dejection.
Inquiring the cause, he told them privately that the emperor had been thrown in hunting from the horse they had presented him from Shah Rokh, and had given orders that they should be carried in chains to certain cities in the east of Kathay. The amba.s.sadors were much afflicted at this news, and continued their journey for about twenty miles to the emperors camp. At this place, the Kathayans had in one night inclosed a plot of ground 500 paces square, with walls ten feet high. This wall was composed of earth, hard pressed down between two planks, as in a mould, leaving two gates; and the place whence the earth was dug, served for a ditch. There were strong guards posted at both of the gates, and other soldiers posted along the ditch. Within this outer inclosure, there were two others, each twenty-five cubits high, formed of yellow satin, supported upon square posts and all set round with tents of yellow satin. When the amba.s.sadors were arrived within 500 paces of the imperial quarters, Mulana. Cazi Yusof desired them to alight, and wait for the emperor, while he went forwards to the presence. The emperor was on the point of giving orders for having the amba.s.sadors arrested, when _Lidaji_ and _Jandaji_, officers named _Setalid_ and _Jik-fu_, in the Kathayan or Chinese language, who stood before the emperor, and Kazi Yusof, fell prostrate before him, entreating him not to proceed to that extremity, as it might have very bad consequences to put them to death, and would give occasion for the world to say that the emperor had violated the law of nations in the persons of these amba.s.sadors. The emperor at length yielded to their reasons and entreaties, and Kazi Yusof went with great joy to let them know that they were pardoned. The emperor even condescended to send them victuals; but, being mixed with pork, they could not eat of it, on account of their religion.
Afterwards, the emperor approached, mounted on a great black horse, with white feet, richly caparisoned with brocade housings, which had been sent to him by Mirza Uleg Beg, and haying two attendants on each side at the saddle-bow. He was dressed in a vest of rich gold brocade on a red ground, and had his beard inclosed in a bag of black satin. The emperor marched slowly forwards, followed by his women, who were carried by men in seven covered litters, after whom came a large covered litter, carried by seventy men. A body of horse marched in squadrons before the emperor, each squadron twenty paces asunder, and the cavalcade reached all the way to the city.
The emperor rode in the middle, attended by ten Dajis, or governors of provinces, and by the three lords who had so warmly pled in flavour of the amba.s.sadors. When the emperor drew near, Kazi Jusof, one of these friendly lords, came up and ordered the amba.s.sadors to prostrate themselves; and when they had done so, the emperor ordered them to arise and mount their horses, and to accompany him. Then turning to them, he thus addressed Shadi Khoja, one of the amba.s.sadors: "The presents, rarities, horses, and wild beasts which are sent to me in future must be better chosen, in order to preserve and increase the amity which I have for your princes. At the hunt, I mounted the horse which you presented me; but he is so vicious, and I am so old, that he threw me, by which I was wounded, and have received a contusion on my head, which gave me great anguish; but by laying much gold on the place, the pain is a.s.suaged." Upon this, Shadi Khoja said, that it was the horse on which the great Amir Timid Karkan[5] used to ride; and that Shah Rokh, who kept him as a rarity, had sent him to the emperor, as the most valuable horse in all his dominion. Being satisfied with this apology, the emperor called for a shaker, which he let fly at a crane; but on the bird returning, without seizing his prey, the emperor gave it three strokes on the head. He then alighted from his horse, and sat down in a chair, resting his feet on another, and gave a shaker to Soltan Shah, and another to Soltan Ahmed, but none to Shadi Khoja. After this he mounted his horse, and as he approached towards the city, was received by vast crowds of people with a thousand acclamations.
On the fourth of the before named month, the amba.s.sadors were brought to court to receive their presents from the emperor; who was seated on his throne, and caused tables to be set before him, on which the presents were displayed. These were much of the same nature with those already mentioned, which were given to Soltan Shah, and Bakshi Malek. Sometime afterwards, the most beloved of the emperor's wives died, and her death was made public on the eighth day of the month Jomada-al-awake, the next day being appointed for her interment. The ladies belonging to the imperial family are buried, on a certain mountain, on which all the horses that belonged to them are turned out to graze at liberty for the rest of their lives. At the same time, several maidens and Khojas of the palace, who had belonged to the retinue of the deceased, are placed in attendance on the grave, having provisions allowed them to subsist upon for live years, perhaps more; and when their victuals are expended, they are permitted to die of famine. But on the ensuing night, the new palace took fire, not without suspicion of the astrologers haying a hand in it. By this misfortune, the princ.i.p.al apartment, which was eighty cubits long, and thirty cubits broad, adorned with pillars, painted blue, and richly varnished, so large that three men could hardly grasp them, was entirely consumed. From thence, the flames communicated to a kiosk or gallery of twenty fathoms, and to the apartment of the ladies, which was still more magnificent. By this fire, 250 houses were destroyed, and several men and women lost their lives[6]. The emperor and his _Amirs_ did not consider that this chastis.e.m.e.nt fell upon them for being infidels. On the contrary, the emperor went to an idol temple[7], where he said on his knees, "The G.o.d of Heaven is angry with me, and therefore hath burned my palace. Yet have I done no evil; for I have neither offended my father nor my mother, nor can I be charged with the exercise of any tyranny on my people."
The emperor was so deeply affected by these untoward circ.u.mstances, that he fell sick, and the prince his son a.s.sumed the administration of the government, and gave the amba.s.sadors an audience of leave[8]; after which, they received no farther subsistence from the court, till their departure.
They left Kham-balik on the fifteenth of the month Jomada-al-awal, accompanied by certain dajis from the court; and they were lodged and treated with all necessaries on their return, in the same manner as they had been on their journey to court. They arrived on the first of Rajeb at the city of _Nikian_[9], where the magistrates came out to meet them, but did not search their baggage, as is customary there, as they had an express order from the emperor to the contrary. On the day after their arrival at that place, they were magnificently feasted. On the fifth of Shaaban, thirty-five days afterwards, they reached the river Karamuran, Whang-ho, or Hoang-ho; and on the twenty-fifth of that month arrived at Kamju[10], where they had left their servants, and heavy baggage; where every thing that they had committed to the custody of the Kathayan officers, when on their journey to the capital, was faithfully restored. After remaining seventy-five days in this place, they resumed their journey, and came soon afterwards to Nang-tschieu, or Nang-chew[11]. At this place, or rather at Sa-chew, they met with amba.s.sadors from Ispahan and Shiras in Persia, on their way to Khambalik, who told them that they had met with many difficulties on their journey.
As the roads through the country of the Mongals were very unsafe, owing to confusions and civil wars among the hordes, they remained ten months at So-chew, whence they set out at full moon in the month of Moharram, of the year 825 of the Hegira[12], and came in a few days to the Karaul at the pa.s.s leading into the desert, where their baggage was searched. Leaving this place on the nineteenth of Moharram, on purpose to avoid the obstacles and dangers they were likely to encounter, on account of intestine war among the tribes of the Mongals, they took the road through the desert[13], where they suffered much distress on account of the scarcity of water. They got out from the desert on the sixteenth of Rabiya-al-awal, and arrived at the city of Khoten[14] on the ninth of Jomada-al-akher. Continuing their journey from thence, they came to the city of Kashgar[15] on the sixth of Rajeb. On the twenty-first of the same month, the amba.s.sadors separated a little way beyond the city of Endkoien[16], some taking the road towards Samarkand, and the rest directing their way for Badakshan. Those of Shah Rokh arrived at the castle of Shadman on the twenty-first of Shaaban; at Balkh on the first of Ramazan; and on the tenth of that month at Herat, the residence of their sovereign.
[1] Shankars, Shonkers, or Shongars, are birds of prey, famous among the Tartars, and may probably have been the most esteemed species of falcon, and which are said to have been white.--Astl.
[2] These silver _balishes_ seem to have come in place of the paper money of the emperors of the race of Zingis, formerly mentioned; but its value is nowhere described.--E.
[3] This surely must be an error for under garments--E.
[4] In Forsters account of these travels, the blank in the text is filled up with Dzjau, or Tzjau; which he supposes to have been tea, and that the numbers refer to certain Chinese weights or packages of that commodity. Forster adds, that small pieces of tin were given to the amba.s.sadors, to some twenty-four, and to others as far as seventy pieces; and he says that Witsen left many of the articles enumerated in the original untranslated, as not understanding the terms.--Forst.
[5] This is the famous Timur-Beg, or Tamerlane the Great.--Astl.
[6] In the abstract of these travels, as given by Forster, this fire is said to have been caused by lightning.--E.
[7] It is to be remarked, that the author of these travels was a Mahometan.
The circ.u.mstances of the idol temple, says the editor of Astleys Collection, seems malicious; as, in his opinion, there are no images in the imperial temples of Pe-king. I suspect the editor is mistaken; for however strongly the philosophical sect of Confucius may be convinced of the absurdity of idolatry, the religion of Fo is as grossly idolatrous as any on the face of the earth; and it is to be noticed, that the dynasty then reigning in China was native.--E.
[8] The emperor died in the same year; but after the departure of the amba.s.sadors.--Astl.
[9] No such name can be found among the cities of Pe-che-li or Shan-si --Astl.
In the abstract given by Forster, this place is called Sekan or Segaan; named in the maps Sigan-fou, or more properly Si-Ngan-Fou.--E.
[10] Or Kan-chew, in the province of Shen-si; otherwise called Kam-tsiu, or Kan-tcheou, on the river Etchine.--Forst.
[11] This name is probably erroneously subst.i.tuted for Sou-chew; as that is the regular station for retracing their former journey, which the text distinctly indicates to have been the case hitherto.--E.
[12] This month began on Thursday the twenty-fifth December, 1421.--Astl.
According to Forster, they recommenced their journey in the month of January, 1421.--E.
[13] Probably taking their route by the lake of Lop, to the south of Little Bucharia.--Astl.
[14] Called likewise Koton, Khateen, and Hotam, in Little Bucharia, or Eastern Turkistan.--E.
[15] Named likewise Khasiger, Kashar, Cashgar, and Hasiker.--Forst.
[16] Probably the same with Anghein, on the river Sir.--Astl.
In Forsters abstract, this place is called Andigan, and the names of Andischdan and Dedschan are said to be synonymous.--E.
CHAP. XVIII.
_Voyage and Travels of Pietro Quirini into Norway, in 1431_.[1]
INTRODUCTION.
Pietro Quirini, a Venetian n.o.bleman, was a merchant and master of a ship belonging to the island of Candia, which at that time was in the possession of the Venetian republic. With a view both to fame and profit, he undertook in 1431 a voyage from Candia to Flanders; and towards the end of autumn of that year suffered shipwreck on the coast of Norway, not far from the island of Rost. He wintered in that island, and in the following summer, 1432, travelled through Drontheim to Wadstena, in Sweden, and from thence returned to Venice that year. He has himself given an account of his adventures, and two of his companions, Christopho Fioravente and Nicolo di Michiel, did the same. Both of these journals are to be found in the collection of Ramusio; and extracts have been published from them by Hieronimus Megiserus, in a work ent.i.tled, Septentrio Novantiquus, printed in 8vo, at Leipsic in 1613.--Forst.
[1] Forster, Voy. and Disc. in the North, p. 209.
SECTION I.
_Voyage and Shipwreck of Quirini_.
On the 25th of April 1431, Pietro Quirini set sail from Candia, steering westwards to the straits of Gibraltar; but, owing to contrary winds, he was obliged to keep near the coast of Barbary. On the 2d of June, he pa.s.sed the straits, and, through the ignorance of the pilot, the ship got upon the shoals of St Peter, in consequence of which accident the rudder was thrown off the hinges, and the ship admitted water in three several places; insomuch that it was with great difficulty they could save the vessel from sinking, and get her into Cadiz. The vessel was here unloaded; and, having given her a thorough repair, the lading was again put on board in twenty-five days after their arrival. Having learned in the meantime that the republic of Venice had entered into a war with Genoa, he thought proper to augment the number of his men, so that his crew in all amounted to sixty-eight. He set sail again on the 14th of July, and endeavoured to bear up for Cape St Vincent; but, owing to a strong north-east wind, which on that coast is called _Agione_, he was forced to beat up to windward forty-five days at a great distance from land, and was driven into dangerous and unknown seas near the Canary islands. When at length their stock of provisions was nearly exhausted, they got a fair wind from the south-west, and directed their course towards the north-east; and the iron work about their rudder giving way, they mended it up as well as they could, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the 25th of August.
Having here carefully repaired the iron work of their rudder, and taken in a fresh stock of provisions, they again set sail on the 14th of September; and were a second time baffled by contrary winds, insomuch that they had to put in at the port of Mures in Spain, whence Quirini went with thirteen of his crew to perform his devotions at the shrine of St Jago di Compostella.
They returned from thence with all speed, and again set sail with a fair wind at south-west, and kept at the distance of 200 miles from the land, in hopes the wind might continue. But on the 5th November the wind shifting to the east and south-east, prevented them from entering the English channel, and forced them beyond the Scilly islands. The wind now again increased in violence, and on the 10th November carried the rudder a second time from its hinges. They slung it by means of ropes to the quarters of the ship, but it soon broke loose, and was dragged after the ship for three days, when, by exerting their utmost efforts, it was again made fast. The vessel now drove continually farther from land; and as the crew consumed the victuals and drink without bounds or moderation, two or three of the men were appointed to guard the provisions, with orders to distribute regular shares to each person on board twice a day, Quirini himself not excepted.
As a subst.i.tute for their disabled rudder, they constructed, by the advice of the carpenter, out of some spare masts and yards, two rudders with triangular boarded ends, in order to steady the course of the vessel. These being properly fastened proved highly serviceable, and inspired them with fresh hopes of safety; but, by the extreme violence of the winds and waves, this their last refuge was torn away. On the 26th of November the storm increased to such extreme violence, that they expected every moment to founder, and had no doubt this was to have proved the last day of their lives. By degrees, indeed, the storm abated; but they were driven out to sea to the W.N.W., and the sails, from being perpetually fatigued by the rain and wind, were now torn to shivers; and though they put up new ones, they were soon likewise destroyed. The ship now drove without either sails or rudder, at the mercy of the winds and waves, and was filled by the sea which continually beat over it; insomuch that the crew, worn out with constant labour, anxiety, and watching, were scarcely able to keep the water under. On heaving the lead they found water at 80 fathoms; on which they spliced all their four cables on end, and rode at anchor for the s.p.a.ce of forty hours; when one of die crew, terrified at the dreadful working of the ship occasioned by the winds and waves, cut the cable at the forecastle, and the ship now drove about as before. On the 4th December, four large waves broke in succession over their ill-fated vessel, and filled it so full of water that it seemed just ready to sink. By exerting their utmost strength and resolution, the crew baled the water out, though it reached to their waists, and at length succeeded in emptying the vessel entirely. On the 7th, the tempest increased with such violence, that the sea flowed into the ship uninterruptedly from the windward, and their speedy destruction seemed quite inevitable; so that they were now of opinion their only chance of safety was by cutting away the mainmast, which might lighten the ship. This was done therefore immediately; and a large wave fortunately carried the mast and yard clear away, by which the ship worked with considerably less strain and violence. The wind and waves too, now became less violent, and they again baled out the water. But now the mast was gone, the ship would no longer keep upright, and lay quite over on one side, so that the water ran into her in torrents; and the people, being quite exhausted with labour and want of food, had not strength remaining to clear out the water.
In this desperate situation, expecting every moment that the vessel would sink or go to pieces, they came to the resolution of endeavouring to save themselves in the boats, of which the larger held only forty-seven men, and the smaller twenty-one. Quirini had the choice of either of the boats, and at last went with his servants, into the larger boat, in which the officers had embarked. They took with them a stock of provisions; and on the 17th December, the winds and waves having somewhat moderated, they quitted their unfortunate ship. Among other costly articles of commerce, the ship was laden with 800 casks of Malmsey wine, and a great quant.i.ty of sweet-scented Cyprus wood, with pepper and ginger. On the following night, the small boat in which twenty-one of the crew were embarked, was separated from them by the violence of the storm, and they never heard of her more. Those in the larger boat were obliged to throw overboard most of their stock of wine and provisions, and all their clothes except those they had on, in order if possible to lighten her a little. As the weather proved fair for some time, they steered to the eastwards, in hopes of getting as they thought to Iceland; but the wind again chopping about, drove them about at its will, and they were quite ignorant whereabouts they were.
Their liquor now began to fail, and many of the people being quite exhausted with incessant labour, long watchings, and the other hardships they had undergone, and through scarcity of provisions, a great number of them died. So great particularly was the scarcity of drink, that the allowance for each man was only a fourth part of a moderate cupful once in twenty-four hours. They were better provided with salted meat, cheese, and biscuit; but this dry and salt food excited an intolerable thirst, which they had no means to quench; in consequence of which some of them died suddenly, and without having exhibited any previous symptoms of illness; and it was particularly observed, that those were first carried off who had formerly lived in the most intemperate manner, and had given themselves up to drunkenness, or had continually indulged themselves in hovering over the fire. Though these had the external appearance of being strong and healthy, they were least able to endure the hardships they had now to suffer, and two or three of them used to die in a day. This mortality prevailed for ten days, from the 19th to the 29th of December. On the 29th the last remainder of the wine was served out, and every one resigned himself to meet death, which seemed at hand. Some of the people, urged by raging thirst, drank sea water, which evidently hastened their dissolution. Others had recourse to their own urine, and this nauseous beverage, joined to the precaution of eating as little salt provision as possible, contributed most of all to the preservation of their lives.
For the s.p.a.ce of five days they continued in this dreadful situation, sailing all the time to the north-eastward. At length on the 4th of January, one of the people who sat in the bow of the boat, descried somewhat to leeward which he conceived to be the shadow of land, and immediately informed the crew of his discovery in an anxious voice. All eyes were now eagerly directed to this object, and as day broke they saw with extreme joy that it really was the land. The sight of this welcome object inspired them with fresh vigour, and they now plied their oars in order to arrive the sooner at the sh.o.r.e; but on account of its great distance, as well as the shortness of the day, which was only two hours long, they were unable to accomplish this desire. Besides, they were now so weak as to be unable to make use of their oars for any length of time; and as night soon overtook them, and was of long continuance, it seemed to men in their forlorn state as if it would never end. When the next day broke, they could no longer discern the land which they had seen the day before; but they discovered another mountainous country very near them and to leeward. That they might not lose the way to this during the ensuing night, they took its bearings by the compa.s.s, and hoisting sail with a fair wind they reached it about four o'clock in the evening. On approaching the sh.o.r.e, they observed that it was surrounded by many shallows, as they distinctly heard the sea breaking over these; but they gave themselves up to the guidance of providence, and at one time the boat grounded on a shoal, but a vast wave came and floated them over, and at the same time carried them safely to land upon a shelving rock, which was now their great security, as the spot was encompa.s.sed on every side with rugged projecting rocks, and they could not possibly have got on sh.o.r.e in any other place.
Here therefore they ran their boat on sh.o.r.e; and those who were on the bows leaped directly on the coast, which they found entirely covered with snow, which they swallowed in immense quant.i.ties, filling their parched and burning stomachs and bowels. They likewise filled a kettle and pitcher for those who from weakness remained in the boat; and Quirini alleges, that he swallowed as much snow as he would have found it difficult to have carried on his back, all his happiness and welfare seeming to depend upon the quant.i.ty of it he could swallow. This extravagant quant.i.ty of snow agreed so ill with some of the people, that five of them died that night; though their deaths were attributed to the sea water which they had previously drank.
SECTION II.
_Preservation of Quirini on the Coast of Norway, and Residence In the Isle of Rostoe_.