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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Xiii Part 4

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Oh! lives there, heaven! beneath thy dread expanse, One hopeless, dark idolater of chance, Content to feed, with pleasures unrefined, The lukewarm pa.s.sions of a lowly mind; Who, mouldering earthward, 'reft of every trust, In joyless union wedded to the dust, Could all his parting energy dismiss, And call this barren world sufficient bliss?

He may not merit the "proud applause," the "pre-eminence in ill," of those "lights of the world," and "demi-G.o.ds of fame," who league reason and science against the hopes of mankind, and busy themselves in throwing the "heaviest stones of melancholy" at the poor wretch shivering over the dregs of life, and tottering towards the gra.s.s. And yet it is certain, that what was written on his own tombstone implied much less the hope of another life, than the gloomy satisfaction of having partners in the darkness and inactivity of death. The reader will see it in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, where a short account of him is given.--E.]

Though I dare not a.s.sert that these people, to whom the art of writing, and consequently the recording of laws, are utterly unknown, live under a regular form of government, yet a subordination is established among them, that greatly resembles the early state of every nation in Europe under the feudal system, which secured liberty in the most licentious excess to a few, and entailed the most abject slavery upon the rest.[34]

[Footnote 34: The government of this island, it is most certain, is both monarchical and hereditary in one family. There is not the smallest reason to think that the Otaheitans, with all their ingenuity and love of freedom, are, any more than other people, exempt from those principles so vigorously depicted by Cowper in his "Task," as the origin of kingship:--

It is the abject property of most, That, being parcel of the common ma.s.s, And dest.i.tute of means to raise themselves, They sink, and settle, lower than they need.



They know not what it is to feel within A comprehensive faculty, that grasps Great purposes with ease, that turns and wields Almost without an effort, plans too vast For their conception, which they cannot move.

Conscious of impotence, they soon grow drunk With gazing, when they see an able man Step forth to notice; and besotted thus, Build him a pedestal, and say, "Stand there, And be our admiration and our praise."

But at what time this able man stepped forth to monopolise the admiration and the allegiance of his brethren (all sound men and true!), is not in the record. The Otaheitans, we know, are not historians.

Probably, then, they have been favoured by their priests with some good orthodox doctrine, as to divine appointment on the subject. Indeed, the case of these islanders is one in which the necessary effect of that consciousness of impotence and self-abas.e.m.e.nt, is scarcely in any degree counteracted by other principles. We see it literally exemplifying the description of the poet,--

Thenceforth they are his cattle: drudges, born To bear his burdens, drawing in his gears, And sweating in his service, his caprice Becomes the soul that animates them all.

"It is considered," says the missionary account, "as the distinctive mark of their regal dignity, to be every where carried about on men's shoulders. As their persons are esteemed sacred, before them all must uncover below their breast. They may not enter into any house but their own, because, from that moment, it would become ra, or sacred, and none but themselves, or their train, could dwell or eat there; and the land their feet touched would be their property." It sometimes happens in other countries, it is true, that men can be found base enough to emulate beasts of burden, by drawing the carriages of their sovereign lords. This, however, is only on some peculiar occasions, where certain clear indications of personal superiority have been manifested, to induce the ma.s.s of the people to revert to the notion of their own pristine lowliness. The Otaheitan princes, on the other hand, practise less self-denial in such imposition; or, which is perhaps more likely to be the truth, they find their continuance in an exalted situation very requisite to discriminate their office, which could not be inferred from any superiority of character they possess; for, says the same account, "the king and queen were always attended by a number of men, as carriers, domestics, or favourites, who were raa, or sacred, living without families, and attending only on the royal pair; and a worse set of men the whole island does not afford for thievery, plunder, and impurity." If this opinion be correct, one might safely infer, that the monarchy of Otaheite is of very old standing, or, in other words, that the royal blood is run to the dregs. And what though it be? Cannot the pageantry of state suffice for all the ends of good government in Otaheite, as well as any where else? It is very foolish, to say no more of it, to be exclaiming with the poet,

But is it fit, or can it bear the shock Of rational discussion, that a man, Compounded and made up like other men, Of elements tumultuous, in whom l.u.s.t And folly in as ample measure meet, As in the bosoms of the slaves he rules, Should he a despot absolute, and boast Himself the only freeman of his land?

This is to overlook, entirely, the existence of certain springs in a government, which ensure its not stopping, for a considerable time after the corruption or even disorganization of what is apparently its head and source of vitality. It is to imagine that a political const.i.tution depends for its preservation on the same identical principles which gave it origin, and that none other can be subst.i.tuted in their place, without breaking up the whole machine. It is to forget, that after a certain period of society, the whims and vices of the nominal chief are of little more importance, than the movements and att.i.tudes of a dancing doll. "Habit," says Mr Hume, in his sensible way, "soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly founded; and men once accustomed to obedience never think of departing from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod, and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives."--E.]

Their orders are, _earee rahie_, which answers to king; _earee_, baron; _manahouni_, va.s.sal; and _toutou_, villain. The earee rahie, of which there are two in this island, one being the sovereign of each of the peninsulas of which it consists, is treated with great respect by all ranks, but did not appear to us to be invested with so much power as was exercised by the earees in their own districts; nor indeed did we, as we have before observed, once see the sovereign of Obereonoo while we were in the island. The earees are lords of one or more of the districts into which each of the peninsulas is divided, of which there may be about one hundred in the whole island; and they parcel out their territories to the manahounies, who cultivate each his part which he holds under the baron. The lowest cla.s.s, called toutous, seem to be nearly under the same circ.u.mstances as the villains in feudal governments: These do all the laborious work, they cultivate the land under the manahounies, who are only nominal cultivators for the lord, they fetch wood and water, and, under the direction of the mistress of the family, dress the victuals; they also catch the fish.

Each of the eares keeps a kind of court, and has a great number of attendants, chiefly the younger brothers of their own tribe; and among these some hold particular offices, but of what nature exactly we could not tell. One was called the _Eowa no l'Earee_, and another the _Whanno no l'Earee_, and these were frequently dispatched to us with messages.

Of all the courts of these eares, that of Tootahah was the most splendid, as indeed might reasonably be expected, because he administered the government for Outou, his nephew, who was earee rahie of Obereonoo, and lived upon his estate. The child of the baron or earee, as well as of the sovereign or earee rahie, succeeds to the t.i.tle and honours of the father as soon as it is born: So that a baron, who was yesterday called earee, and was approached with the ceremony of lowering the garments, so as to uncover the upper part of the body, is to day, if his wife was last night delivered of a child, reduced to the rank of a private man, all marks of respect being transferred to the child, if it is suffered to live, though the father still continues possessor and administrator of his estate: Probably this custom has its share, among other inducements, in forming the societies called Arreoy.[35]

[Footnote 35: What renders this opinion the more probable, is the circ.u.mstance of these societies being generally made up of the _n.o.bles_.

But it is certain, that the inhuman practice of child-murder is not confined to the Arreoys. "It is the common practice," says the missionary account, "among all ranks, to strangle infants the moment they are born," To the same work we are indebted for some particulars respecting the division of ranks in Otaheite, which do not quite accord with the statement in the text. The difference is indeed very immaterial, and would scarcely deserve notice, if any thing were not important which seems to ill.u.s.trate the history of so interesting a people. A slight sketch of the subject, as given in that work, may suffice for the reader's consideration. The person next in rank to the king is his own father, if alive--it being the invariable maxim of this government, though quite unexampled elsewhere, for a son to succeed to the t.i.tle and dignity of king, immediately on his birth, and in prejudice of his own father, who, however, is usually, but not always, entrusted with the regency, till the young man have ability for the duties of his office. The chiefs of the several districts are next in dignity; they exercise almost regal authority in their respective territories; they are notwithstanding subject to the sovereign, and liable to be called on by him for such a.s.sistance as circ.u.mstances may induce him to require. Next to these, are the near relatives of the chiefs, called to-whas and tayos. Then follows the rank of rattira or gentlemen, whose estates are called rahoe. These two ranks have the power of laying a prohibition on their respective lands, or on particular sorts of provision, for the purpose of acc.u.mulating articles for their feasts, or after any great consumption of the necessaries of life. The lowest cla.s.s of society after the rattira, is the manahoune, which bears a resemblance to our cottagers. They cultivate the lands, and are in a state of va.s.salage, but they are not compelled to constant service, and they are permitted both to change masters, and to migrate to other districts. The servants in any cla.s.s are called _toutou_; such as wait on the women, _tuti_, an occupation into which, it seems, for reasons best known to themselves, young men of the first families not unfrequently insinuate, though by so doing they are excluded from the solemnities of religion. A detestable set of men named _mahoos_, and bearing a resemblance to the Catamites of old, deserve not to be mentioned in the list of the ranks in this society. Birth has several distinctions in its favour among these people. Thus, a chief is always a chief, notwithstanding his demerits or misdemeanours; and, on the contrary, nothing can raise a common man above the station of a towha or rattira. The king allows perfect freedom of intercourse and communion with his subjects, treating them with the greatest freedom, and, indeed, scarcely preserving any appearance of distinction from them. His household is often changed, as no one serves him longer than he likes, and it is not usual to engage for any stated time, or for any wages.

With these people it is not a reproach to be poor; but they freely express their contempt of those who are affluent, and at the same time covetous. The dread of being thus despised is so great and prevalent among them, that a man would give the clothes off his body, rather than be called in their language peere peere, _i.e._ stingy. The rights of _property_ are sacredly respected, and though there be no records or writing in the island, are minutely ascertained, and carefully preserved by tradition.--E.]

If a general attack happens to be made upon the island, every district under the command of an earee, is obliged to furnish its proportion of soldiers for the common defence. The number furnished by the princ.i.p.al districts, which Tupia recollected, when added together, amounted, as I have observed before, to six thousand six hundred and eighty.

Upon such occasions, the united force of the whole island is commanded in chief by the earee rahie. Private differences between two earees are decided by their own people, without at all disturbing the general tranquillity.

Their weapons are slings, which they use with great dexterity, pikes headed with the stings of sting-rays, and clubs, of about six or seven feet long, made of a very hard heavy wood. Thus armed, they are said to fight with great obstinacy, which is the more likely to be true, as it is certain that they give no quarter to either man, woman, or child, who is so unfortunate as to fall into their hands during the battle, or for some hours afterwards, till their pa.s.sion, which is always violent, though not lasting, has subsided.

The earee rahie of Obereonoo, while we were here, was in perfect amity with the earee rahie of Tiarreboo, the other peninsula, though he took to himself the t.i.tle of king of the whole island: This, however, produced no more jealousy in the other sovereign, than the t.i.tle of King of France, a.s.sumed by our sovereign, did in his most Christian Majesty.

In a government so rude, it cannot be expected that distributive justice should be regularly administered, and indeed, where there is so little opposition of interest, in consequence of the facility with which every appet.i.te and pa.s.sion is gratified, there can be but few crimes.[36]

There is nothing like money, the common medium by which every want and every wish is supposed to be gratified by those who do not possess it; there is no apparently permanent good which either fraud or force can unlawfully obtain; and when all the crimes that are committed by the inhabitants of civilized countries, to get money, are set out of the account, not many will remain: Add to this, that where the commerce with women is restrained by no law, men will seldom be under any temptation to commit adultery, especially as one woman is always less preferred to another, where they are less distinguished by personal decorations, and the advent.i.tious circ.u.mstances which are produced by the varieties of art, and the refinements of sentiment. That they are thieves is true; but as among these people no man can be much injured or benefited by theft, it is not necessary to restrain it by such punishments, as in other countries are absolutely necessary to the very existence of civil society. Tupia, however, tells us, that adultery is sometimes committed as well as theft. In all cases where an injury has been committed, the punishment of the offender lies with the sufferer: Adultery, if the parties are caught in the fact, is sometimes punished with death in the first ardour of resentment; but without circ.u.mstances of immediate provocation, the female sinner seldom suffers more than a beating. As punishment, however, is enforced by no law, nor taken into the hand of any magistrate, it is not often inflicted, except the injured party is the strongest; though the chiefs do sometimes punish their immediate dependants for faults committed against each other, and even the dependants of others, if they are accused of any offence committed in their district.[37]

[Footnote 36: It is impossible not to censure so gross a blunder, if blunder that may be called, which is alike abhorrent to the truth of facts and to the validity of all good principle. The language indeed is so vague, as to admit something like a defence, under the shadow of a definition which shall restrict crimes to gross violations of public and private right; but even this would be faulty, as implying what is not the case, that the facility of indulgence, and of course the frequency, does not enhance the strength and efficacy of those pa.s.sions and appet.i.tes, which, if not moderated, certainly lead to outrageous conduct. Habits of indulgence, it is no doubt certain, imply a softening down of the violence of character; and hence, in a _peculiar sense_, it may be said, that the ages of refinement and luxury are the most happy and virtuous, an a.s.sertion which Mr Hume has spent no small labour in maintaining: But, on the other hand, it is clear, that violence is more easily guarded against, in almost any state of society, than the artifices of dishonesty and the pollution of licentiousness; and, besides, it never will be found that any fecundity of nature can keep pace, with the accelerating increase of vicious desires and propensities, consequent on indulgence. Restraint from the operation of fear, and better still when practicable, the implantation and growth of moral principle and right feeling, are vastly better preservatives against crimes of every sort, than all the facilities of sensual gratification which Otaheite or any other country can afford.--E.]

[Footnote 37: The nature of the laws of a country is perhaps the best test of its civilization; as the condition and treatment of the women are of its refinement in sentiment and feeling. In Otaheite, every man seems to be his own lawyer; because in fact, the whole society is held together by principles quite natural to a state of ease and enjoyment.

Now as women form a princ.i.p.al ingredient in this state of society, and as, at the same time, property is considered heritable, we may readily enough infer what will be the conduct of a dishonoured husband among those islanders, when we know what his rank and circ.u.mstances are. The poor man will think no real injury done him, but may resent the partiality shewn to another, by a conduct certainly not calculated to procure affection for himself, coolness or a drubbing. The rich, on the other hand, in addition to the feeling of wounded pride, will dread the spuriousness of his offspring, and so storm most l.u.s.tily on both male and female sinner, till revenge be fully gratified. The difference of opinion about this matter, in different nations and ages, is immense and embarra.s.sing. Some people, we know, had their wives in common, as related of our own ancestors by Caesar, and of the Ma.s.sagetae by Herodotus. The Greeks and Romans thought it more convenient to lend them out occasionally to a friend or acquaintance, in which they seem to have imitated the Spartans. In certain countries, the offer of a wife is a common civility to strangers, who cannot be expected to carry their own about with them constantly. The Indians of North Carolina, we are told by Lawson, never punish a woman for adultery, because, say they, she is a weakly creature, and easily drawn away by the man's persuasion.

That people, however, take good care to recover damages from the man, in which one might think the inhabitants of Britain now-a-days would conceive they acted wisely, and might only envy them the power they allow to the husband of a.s.sessing the offender, and levying the fine; for, says Lawson, "he that strives to evade such satisfaction as the husband demands lives daily in danger of his life; yet, when discharged, all animosity is laid aside, and the cuckold is very well pleased with his bargain, whilst the rival is laughed at by the whole nation, for carrying on his intrigue with no better conduct, than to be discovered, and pay so dear for his pleasure." In this, however, _we_ differ; our cuckolds are laughed at as fools, which is monstrously absurd, whilst the transgressor is denominated a _fine fellow_, no less monstrously unjust. How far the laws of England may be accessary to such glaring perversity of sentiment, it is difficult to say; but if one were disposed to fear with Mr Christian, (see his notes on Blackstone, lib.

1, ch. 16.) "that there is little reason to pay a compliment to them for their respect and favour to the female s.e.x," he might not hesitate to suspect some radical vice in their const.i.tution, which could so far debase female honour as to leave it problematical, whether or not the violaters of it, in any sense or degree, were capable of any thing but infamy. 'Twere too puritanical, perhaps, to join Cowper in his ironical commendation;--

"But now, yes, now, We are become so candid and so fair, So liberal in construction, and so rich In Christian charity (good-natured age!) That they are safe, sinners of either s.e.x, Transgress what laws they may."

But surely it is desirable, that a nation professing supreme regard to a divine revelation, should shew something of its abhorrence, at a crime which strikes at the root of all social comfort and happiness.--E.]

Having now given the best description that I can of the island in its present state, and of the people, with their customs and manners, language and arts, I shall only add a few general observations, which may be of use to future navigators, if any of the ships of Great Britain should receive orders to visit it. As it produces nothing that appears to be convertible into an article of trade, and can be used only by affording refreshments to shipping in their pa.s.sage through these seas, it might be made to answer this purpose in a much greater degree, by transporting thither sheep, goats, and horned cattle, with European garden stuff, and other useful vegetables, which there is the greatest reason to suppose will flourish in so fine a climate, and so rich a soil.

Though this and the neighbouring islands lie within the tropic of Capricorn, yet the heat is not troublesome, nor did the winds blow constantly from the east. We had frequently a fresh gale from the S.W.

for two or three days, and sometimes, though very seldom, from the N.W.

Tupia reported, that south-westerly winds prevail in October, November, and December, and we have no doubt of the fact. When the winds are variable, they are always accompanied by a swell from the S.W. or W.S.W.; there is also a swell from the same points when it is calm, and the atmosphere loaded with clouds, which is a sure indication that the winds are variable, or westerly out at sea, for with the settled trade-wind the weather is clear.

The meeting with westerly winds, within the general limits of the eastern trade, has induced some navigators to suppose that they were near some large tract of land, of which, however, I think they are no indication.

It has been found, both by us and the Dolphin, that the trade-wind, in these parts, does not extend farther to the south than twenty degrees, beyond which, we generally found a gale from the westward; and it is reasonable to suppose, that when these winds blow strong, they will drive back the easterly wind, and consequently encroach upon the limits within which they constantly blow, and thus necessarily produce variable winds, as either happens to prevail, and a south-westerly swell. This supposition is the more probable, as it is well known that the trade-winds blow but faintly for some distance within their limits, and therefore may be more easily stopped or repelled by a wind in the contrary direction: It is also well known, that the limits of the trade-winds vary not only at different seasons of the year, but sometimes at the same season, in different years.

There is therefore no reason to suppose that south-westerly winds, within these limits, are caused by the vicinity of large tracts of land, especially as they are always accompanied with a large swell, in the same direction in which they blow; and we find a much greater surf beating upon the sh.o.r.es of the south-west side of the islands that are situated just within the limits of the trade-wind, than upon any other part of them.

The tides about these islands are perhaps as inconsiderable as in any part of the world. A south or S. by W. moon makes high water in the bay of Matavai at Otaheite; but the water very seldom rises perpendicularly above ten or twelve inches.

The variation of the compa.s.s I found to be 4 46' easterly, this being the result of a great number of trials made with four of Dr Knight's needles, adapted to azimuth compa.s.ses. These compa.s.ses I thought the best that could be procured, yet when applied to the meridian line, I found them to differ not only one from another, sometimes a degree and a half, but the same needle, half a degree from itself in different trials made on the same day; and I do not remember that I have ever found two needles which exactly agreed at the same time and place, though I have often found the same needle agree with itself, in several trials made one after the other. This imperfection of the needle, however, is of no consequence to navigation, as the variation can always be found to a degree of accuracy, more than sufficient for all nautical purposes.

SECTION XX.

_A Description of several other Islands in the Neighbourhood of Otaheite, with various Incidents; a dramatic Entertainment; and many Particulars relative to the Customs and Manners of the Inhabitants_.[38]

[Footnote 38: Several additional particulars respecting the islands here spoken of, are given on the authority of the missionary account, and other works, to which it is unnecessary to refer particularly.--E.]

After parting with our friends, we made an easy sail, with gentle breezes and clear weather, and were informed by Tupia, that four of the neighbouring islands, which he distinguished by the names of _Huaheine, Ulietea, Otaha,_ and _Bolabola_ lay at the distance of between one and two days sail from Otaheite; and that hogs, fowls, and other refreshments, with which we had of late been but sparingly supplied, were there to be procured in great plenty; but having discovered from the hills of Otaheite, an island lying to the northward, which he called _Tethuroa_, I determined first to stand that way, to take a nearer view of it. It lies N. 1/2 W. distant eight leagues from the northern extremity of Otaheite, upon which we had observed the transit, and to which we had, for that reason, given the name of _Point Venus_. We found it to be a small low island, and were told by Tupia, that it had no settled inhabitants, but was occasionally visited by the inhabitants of Otaheite, who sometimes went thither for a few days to fish; we therefore determined to spend no more time in a farther examination of it, but to go in search of Huaheine and Ulietea, which he described to be well peopled, and as large as Otaheite.[39]

[Footnote 39: Tethuroa consists of several low islets, enclosed in a reef ten leagues round, and inaccessible to large canoes. The people are subject to the sovereign of Otaheite, and are in general members of the wandering society of the arreoyes, who frequent these spots for purposes of amus.e.m.e.nt and luxury. No bread-fruit is allowed to be planted on these islets, in order that the resident inhabitants, who are few in number, may be obliged to come with their fish, which is their princ.i.p.al commodity, to Oparre, where it may be had in exchange. Cocoa-nuts, however, abound, as they thrive most in low places. The pa.s.sage to these islets is represented as difficult and dangerous, but this does not deter the people from a.s.sembling on them in great numbers. So many as a hundred canoes have been seen occasionally around this spot.--E.]

At six o'clock in the morning of the 14th, the westermost part of _Eimeo_, or York island, bore S.E. 1/2 S. and the body of Otaheite E.

1/2 S. At noon, the body of York Island bore E. by S 1/2 S.; and Port-Royal bay, at Otaheite, S. 70 45' E. distant 61 miles; and an island which we took to be Saunders's Island, called by the natives _Tapoamanao_, bore S.S.W. We also saw land bearing N.W. 1/2 W. which Tupia said was Huaheine.[40]

[Footnote 40: Eimeo, or, as the natives usually call it, Morea, is the nearest to Otaheite, its distance from the western coast being only about four leagues.--It is reckoned ten miles long, from north to south, and half as much in breadth. It has several harbours, and is intersected by considerable valleys of a fertile appearance. The natives, who are at present dependent on Otaheite, are said to be as much addicted to thieving as those of that island. The women are inferior in attractions to any in their neighbourhood. The harbour of Taloo on the north coast is very eligible for vessels--it is situate in 17 30' lat.i.tude, and 150 west longitude. This island is always seen by persons who touch at Otaheite. Tapoamanao, a little to the westward of Eimeo, has perhaps never been landed on by Europeans and is little known.--It is not above six miles long, but seems fertile, and to abound especially with cocoa-nuts. There are not many habitations to be seen on it. The government is said to depend on Huaheine, which is distant from it about fourteen leagues.--E.]

On the 15th, it was hazy, with light breezes and calms succeeding each other, so that we could see no land, and made but little way. Our Indian, Tupia, often prayed for a wind to his G.o.d Tane, and as often boasted of his success, which indeed he took a very effectual method to secure, for he never began his address to Tane, till he saw a breeze so near that he knew it must reach the ship before his oraison was well over.

On the 16th, we had a gentle breeze; and in the morning about eight o'clock, being close in with the north-west part of the Island Huaheine, we sounded, but had no bottom with 80 fathom. Some canoes very soon came off, but the people seemed afraid, and kept at a distance till they discovered Tupia, and then they ventured nearer. In one of the canoes that came up to the ship's side, was the king of the island and his wife. Upon a.s.surances of friendship, frequently and earnestly repeated, their majesties and some others came on board. At first they were struck with astonishment, and wondered at every thing that was shewn them; yet they made no enquiries, and seeming to be satisfied with what was offered to their notice, they made no search after other objects of curiosity, with which it was natural to suppose a building of such novelty and magnitude as the ship must abound. After some time, they became more familiar. I was given to understand, that the name of the king was _Oree_, and he proposed, as a mark of amity, that we should exchange names. To this I readily consented; and he was Cookee, for so he p.r.o.nounced my name, and I was Oree, for the rest of the time we were together. We found these people to be very nearly the same with those of Otaheite, in person, dress, language, and every other circ.u.mstance, except, if Tupia might be believed, that they would not steal.

Soon after dinner, we came to an anchor, in a small but excellent harbour on the west side of the island, which the natives call _Owharre_, in eighteen fathom water, clear ground, and secure from all winds. I went immediately ash.o.r.e, accompanied by Mr Banks, Dr Solander, Mr Monkhouse, Tupia, King Cookee, and some other of the natives who had been on board ever since the morning. The moment we landed, Tupia stripped himself as low as the waist, and desired Mr Monkhouse to do the same: He then sat down before a great number of the natives, who were collected together in a large house or shed; for here, as well as at Otaheite, a house consists only of a roof supported upon poles; the rest of us, by his desire, standing behind. He then began a speech or prayer, which lasted about a quarter of an hour, the king, who stood over against him, every now and then answering in what appeared to be set responses. In the course of this harangue he delivered at different times two handkerchiefs, a black silk neckcloth, some beads, two small bunches of feathers, and some plantains, as presents to their Eatua, or G.o.d. In return for these, he received for our Eatua, a hog, some young plantains, and two small bunches of feathers, which he ordered to be carried on board the ship. After these ceremonies, which we supposed to be the ratification of a treaty between us, every one was dismissed to go whither he pleased; and Tupia immediately repaired to offer his oblations at one of the Morais.

The next morning, we went on sh.o.r.e again, and walked up the hills, where the productions were exactly the same as those of Otaheite, except that the rocks and clay appeared to be more burnt. The houses were neat, and the boat-houses remarkably large; one that we measured was fifty paces long, ten broad, and twenty-four feet high; the whole formed a pointed arch, like those of our old cathedrals, which was supported on one side by twenty-six, and on the other by thirty pillars, or rather posts, about two feet high, and one thick, upon most of which were rudely carved the heads of men, and several fanciful devices, not altogether unlike those which we sometimes see printed from wooden blocks, at the beginning and end of old books. The plains, or flat part of the country, abounded in bread-fruit, and cocoa-nut trees; in some places, however, there were salt swamps and lagoons, which would produce neither.

We went again a-sh.o.r.e on the 18th, and would have taken the advantage of Tupia's company, in our perambulation; but he was too much engaged with his friends. We took, however, his boy, whose name was _Tayeto_, and Mr Banks went to take a farther view of what had much engaged his attention before; it was a kind of chest or ark, the lid of which was nicely sewed on, and thatched very neatly with palm-nut leaves: It was fixed upon two poles, and supported on little arches of wood, very neatly carved; the use of the poles seemed to be to remove it from place to place, in the manner of our sedan chairs: In one end of it was a square hole, in the middle of which was a ring touching the sides, and leaving the angles open, so as to form a round hole within a square one. The first time Mr Banks saw this coffer, the aperture at the end was stopped with a piece of cloth, which, lest he should give offence, he left untouched; probably there was then something within, but now the cloth was taken away, and, upon looking into it, it was found empty. The general resemblance between this repository and the ark of the Lord among the Jews is remarkable; but it is still more remarkable, that upon enquiring of the boy what it was called, he said, _Ewharre no Eatua_, the _house of the G.o.d_: He could however give no account of its signification or use.[41]

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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Xiii Part 4 summary

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