A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume X Part 31

On getting into the bay, they found the vessel hauled dry ash.o.r.e, when Randal ordered his people to land and bring away what they could find in her, while he and three or four more kept the bark afloat. The people found the bark empty, but seeing a small house hard by, they suspected her cargo might be lodged there, and the inferior officer along with them ordered them to examine that house. The poor fellows went accordingly, without any officer at their head, and without any regard to order, every one endeavouring to be foremost. Their career was soon stopped, as they had hardly got beyond the top of the bank when they discovered the enemy coming furiously towards them. Some of the seamen were of opinion they might have retreated at this time in safety, if they had not been astonished at the strange manner in which they were attacked, by a number of horses galloping up to them without riders, which caused them for some time to stand amazed, not knowing what way to proceed; but on a little reflection they bestirred themselves to make the best of their way to the Mercury, in which they all succeeded except five, who were made prisoners. Fortunately for them, the Mercury had by some accident got aground, or they must all have been cut off, as the Spaniards thought fit to retire on getting within musket-shot of the Mercury. They now got the bark afloat, but as the water was still very low, and they were obliged in going out of the bay to keep very near to a point of land, the Spaniards galled them from that point, under the shelter of the wood. They soon pa.s.sed this point, having a fair wind, all lying close in the bottom of the bark, so that on this occasion only one man was wounded, who was shot through the thigh. The Spaniards came down upon them in this affair after the following singular manner. They were preceded by twenty or more horses abreast, two deep, and linked together, behind which extraordinary van-guard came the enemy on horseback, lying on the necks of their horses, and driving the others before them, never seen to sit up on their saddles, except to fire their muskets, or when there was no danger. When they got near our people, they threw their _lays_ or running nooses to catch them, and accordingly ensnared James Daniel, one of my foremast-men, who was a good way into the water, and whom they dragged out again at the rate of ten knots. The Spaniards in Chili are universally dexterous in the use of this running noose, for I have seen a Spaniard bring a man up by the foot as he ran along the deck, and they are sure of any thing they fling at, at the distance of several fathoms.

These misfortunes and disappointments made my crew extremely uneasy, and might have had bad consequences, if we had not been agreeably surprised by seeing a large ship coming round the northern point of the island of _Quiri-quinie_.[262] It was at this time almost dark, so that her people could not perceive what we were, and stood on therefore without fear, so that she came towards us, and was taken without resistance. This ship proved to be the St Fermin, of about 300 tons, last from _Cadaco_,[263]

having only a small cargo, consisting of sugar, mola.s.ses, rice, coa.r.s.e French linen, some woollen cloth and bays of Quito, a small quant.i.ty of chocolate, and about five or six thousand dollars in money and wrought plate. I sent Mr Hendric, the owners agent, to inspect her cargo, and to order every thing of value out of her into the Speedwell, and the ship's company sent their agent likewise. They returned in the afternoon, bringing all the bales, boxes, chests, portmanteaus, and other packages, with a large quant.i.ty of sugar, mola.s.ses, and chocolate, and about seventy hundred weight of good rusk, with all her other stores and eatables. Don Francisco Larragan, the captain of this ship, begged to be allowed to ransom her, which I willingly consented to, and allowed him to go in his own launch to Conception to raise the money, accompanied by a merchant, one of the prisoners.

[Footnote 262: A small island in the entrance of the Bay of Conception.--E.]

[Footnote 263: Callao, or the port of Lima, is perhaps here meant.--E.]

In the mean time we were very busy in searching the prize, lest any thing might have been concealed; and every one who came at any time from the St Fermin was strictly searched by some of our people appointed for the purpose, that they might not appropriate any thing of value. Our carpenter also was employed in making a slight spar-deck over the Mercury, as she might be of great use while cruizing along the coast. On the 30th December a boat came off to us with a flag of truce from the governor of Conception, and an officer, who acquainted us that two of our people, taken in the late skirmish, were still alive, but very much wounded. He brought also a present of seven jars of very good wine, and a letter from Don Gabriel Cano, the governor, in which he demanded to see my commission, as also that I should send ash.o.r.e Joseph de la Fontaine, who had been servant to one of the mates belonging to Captain La Jonquiere, and some other things that I thought unreasonable, engaging to enter into a treaty, if I would comply with these requisitions. At length a formal treaty was begun, in which I demanded 16,000 dollars for the ransom of the St Fermin alone, while they offered only 12,000 for both the ships and the bark. Finding all his Spanish _puncto_ tended only to entrap us, I set fire to the Solidad, one of our prizes; and, giving them time to comply with my proposals it they would, I set the St Fermin also on fire.

We sailed from the bay of Conception on the 7th January, 1720, intending for Juan Fernandez; and on the 8th we observed the sea to be entirely of a red colour, occasioned, as the Spaniards say, by the sp.a.w.n of the _camarones_, or pracous. On the 9th, the plunder taken in the St Fermin was sold by the ship's agent at the mart, and brought extravagant prices. The account being taken, and the shares calculated, the people insisted for an immediate distribution, which was made accordingly, and each foremast-man had after the rate of ten dollars a share, in money and goods. On the 11th we saw the island of Juan Fernandez; and at noon it bore from us five leagues W.S.W. the meridional distance from Conception being 275 miles[264] W. From that day to the 15th, I stood off and on, waiting for my boats which were employed in fishing. In this time I sent the Mercury ash.o.r.e to stop her leaks, while the boats caught so many fish, that we salted the fill of five puncheons. I could find no marks of Captain Clipperton having been here for a long time; but at length some of my men saw accidentally the words _Magee_ and Captain John cut upon a tree. Magee was the name of Clipperton's surgeon, but no directions were left, as agreed upon in his instructions to me, so that it was evident he never meant I should keep him company, or ever join him again.

[Footnote 264: The difference of longitude between Conception and Juan Fernandez is six degrees of longitude W. and, consequently, 360 minutes or marine miles.--E.]

Being by this certified of the arrival of Clipperton in the South Sea, I directly made the best of my way from Juan Fernandez, being in a pretty good condition as to provisions, by the additional stock of fish caught here, all our casks being filled. On the 21st, while sailing along there with the design of looking into _Copiapo_, I put Mr Dodd, second lieutenant of marines, into the Mercury, with a reinforcement of eight men, and sent her next evening to cruize close in with the land, while I kept with the Speedwell in the offing, to prevent being discovered from the land. On this occasion I took care to give the officer commanding the Mercury a copy of my commission, with all necessary instructions how to proceed, appointing the _Moro_, or head-land of Copiapo, to be our place of meeting. The business of the Mercury was to look into the port of Copiapo, called _Caldera_,[265] near which there are some gold-mines, and from whence considerable quant.i.ties of gold are exported in small vessels; and our bark had the advantage of being of that country build, so that she could not excite suspicion. Next day I hove in sight of the head-land of Copiapo, and lay to the southward, that I might not be seen from that port, which is to the northward of the _Moro de Copiapo_.

While here, opposite a small island which lies athwart the mouth of Copiapo river, I sent the pinnace to fish between that isle and the main, and soon after saw a vessel crowding all sail towards us. She at first seemed too large for the Mercury, yet turned out to be her; when the officer told me he had looked into the port, but could see no shipping; but he had looked into a wrong place, and having made him sensible of his error, I sent him again to the right place, which was about six leagues farther north.

[Footnote 265: The port of Caldera, or English harbour, is about twelve or fifteen miles to the N. of Copiapo river, having a considerable interposed promontory.--E.]

Next morning our pinnace returned, bringing only a few penguins which she had taken on the island in the bay of Copiapo. The Mercury had looked into Caldera, but saw nothing; and instead of making use of the land-wind to come off to me, had kept along sh.o.r.e in the bottom of the bay till the land-wind came in so strong that she was nearly lost on the lee-sh.o.r.e. On the 27th, I sent Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, and Mr Rainor, first lieutenant of marines, to relieve Mr Randal and Mr Dodd in the Mercury, which I had fitted with a gang of oars, and, upon trial, she was found to make way at the rate of three knots, which might render her extremely useful in a calm. The 5th February, I dispatched Mr Brooks ahead in the Mercury, to see if there were any ships in the harbour of Arica, in lat. 18 26' S. and next day, at one p.m. having ranged along sh.o.r.e, by the breakers of _Pisagua, Camarones_, and _Victor_, I got sight of the head-land of Arica, with a ship at anchor on its northern side, and saw the Mercury standing out of the bay, by which I judged the ship was too warm for her, and therefore made all haste to get up to her with the Speedwell. On coming up, we found that the ship was already taken, and the Mercury only accidentally adrift. This prize was called the Rosario, of 100 tons, laden with cormorants dung, which they use for manuring the land which produces the cod-pepper, or _Capsic.u.m_, from the cultivation of which they make a vast profit in the vale of Arica. The only white face in this ship was the pilot, whom I sent ash.o.r.e to see if the owner would ransom his ship, the cargo being worth gold to them, but entirely useless to us. Next morning I received a letter from Miguel Diaz Gonzale, the owner of the ship, insisting pitifully on his poverty and distress, having a large family to provide for, and promising to meet me at Hilo or Quaco, to treat for a ransom.

We soon after took a small bark of ten tons, laden with _guana_, or cormorants dung, and having also some dried fish, which lay within a mile of Arica. By this time all the adjacent country was up in arms, and great numbers had come down to the coast, well mounted and armed, and seemingly well disciplined. To try their courage, I ordered the Mercury and launch to draw near the sh.o.r.e, as if we had really intended to land, though the landing-place here is altogether impracticable for European boats; and I also cannonaded the town briskly. Our b.a.l.l.s made no execution, yet ploughed up the sand in front of the Spanish horse, throwing it all over them: But neither this, nor the approach of my small craft, made any impression, for they stood firm, and at least shewed the countenance of as good troops as could be wished. This much disappointed me, as it shewed my men that the Spaniards were far from being cowards, as they had been represented. As soon as it was dark, Gonzales came off to me, and I agreed to let him have back his ship and six negroes on receiving 1500 dollars, reserving right to take any thing out of her that might be useful to us; and at ten next night he brought me the agreed sum, being the weight of 1300 dollars in ingots of virgin silver, called _pinnas_ by the Spaniards, and the rest in coined dollars. He also made great enquiry for English commodities, for which he offered high prices, complaining that the French only supplied them with paltry goods and mere trifles, for which they carried off vast sums. He added, that he supposed the English merchants were all asleep, or too rich, as they did not come near them: And, although their ports were not so open as in other parts of the world, they yet know how to manage matters tolerably well; and that their governors, being generally Europeans, who seldom remained above three years in the country, used any means to improve their time, and could easily be gained so as to act very obligingly. He said much more as to the blindness of the English, in suffering the French pedlars to carry on, uninterruptedly, the most considerable branch of traffic in the world. Before leaving me, he desired me to carry his ship two or three leagues out to sea, and then to turn her adrift, on purpose to deceive the governor and the king's officers; and, if I would meet him at _Hilo_ (_Ilo_,) about twenty-five leagues to the north-westwards, he would purchase from me any coa.r.s.e goods I had to dispose of, which might be done there with all imaginable secrecy. At this time also, the master of the small bark came off in a _balsa_. This is an odd sort of an embarkation, consisting of two large seal skins, separately blown up, like bladders, and made fast to pieces of wood. On this he brought off two jars of brandy and forty dollars; which, considering his mean appearance, was as much as I could expect.

One part of his cargo was valuable, being a considerable quant.i.ty of excellent dried fish.

The port of _Arica_, formerly so famous for the great quant.i.ties of silver shipped from thence, is now much diminished in its riches, and appears mostly a heap of ruins, except the church of St Mark, and two or three more, which still look tolerably well. What helps to give it a very desolate appearance is, that the houses near the sea are only covered with mats. Being situated on the sea-sh.o.r.e, in an open roadstead, it has no fortifications of any kind to defend or command the anchorage, the Spaniards thinking it sufficiently secured by the heavy surf, and the rocky bottom near the sh.o.r.e, which threaten inevitable destruction to any European boats, or other embarkation, except what is expressly contrived for the purpose, being the _balsas_ already mentioned. To obstruct the landing of an enemy, the Spaniards had formerly a fort and entrenchments, flanking the storecreeks; but being built of unburnt bricks, it is now fallen to ruins. In 1680, when Dampier was here, being repulsed before the town, the English landed at the creek of _Chacota,_ to the south of the head-land, whence they marched over the mountain _(Gordo)_ to plunder Arica. Earthquakes also, which are frequent here, have at last ruined the town, and Arica is now no more than a little village of about 150 families, most of them negroes, mulattoes, and Indians, with very few whites. On the 26th November, 1605,[266] the sea, violently agitated by an earthquake, suddenly overflowed, and broke down the greatest part of the town, and the ruins of its streets are to be seen at this day. What remains of Arica is not now liable to such an accident, being situated on a little rising ground at the foot of the head-land. Most of the houses are only constructed of a sort of fascines, made of flags or sedges, bound together, called _totora_, set up on end, crossed by canes and leather thongs; or are made of canes set on end, having the intervals filled with earth. The use of unburnt bricks is reserved for churches and the stateliest houses; and as no rain ever falls here, they are only covered with mats, so that the houses seem all in ruins when seen from the sea.

The parish church, dedicated to St Mark, is handsome enough. There are also three religious houses, one a monastery of seven or eight _mercenarians_, a second is an hospital of the brothers of _St John of G.o.d_, and the third a monastery of Franciscans, who formerly had a house a short way from town, in the pleasantest part of the vale, near the sea.

[Footnote 266: Perhaps this date ought to have been 1705.--E.]

The vale of Arica is about a league wide next the sea, all barren ground except where the old town stood, which is divided into small fields of clover, some small plantations of sugar-canes, with olive-trees and cotton-trees intermixed, and several intervening marshes, full of the sedges of which they build their houses. Growing narrower about a league eastward at the village of _St Michael de Sapa_, they begin to cultivate the _agi_, or Guinea pepper, which culture extends over all the rest of the vale, in which there are several detached farms exclusively devoted to its culture. In that part of the vale, which is very narrow, and about six leagues long, they raise yearly to the value of above 80,000 crowns. The Spaniards of Peru are so much addicted to this spice, that they dress no meat without it, although so hot and biting that no one can endure it, unless accustomed to its use; and, as it cannot grow in the _Puna_, or mountainous country, many merchants come down every year, who carry away all the Guinea pepper that grows in the districts of _Arica, Sama, Taena, Loc.u.mba_, and others, ten leagues around, from all of which it is reckoned they export yearly to the value of 600,000 dollars, though sold cheap. It is hard to credit that such vast quant.i.ties should go from hence, as the country is so parched up, except the vales, that nothing green is to be seen. This wonderful fertility is produced by the dung of fowls, which is brought from _Iquique_, and which fertilizes the soil in a wonderful manner, making it produce four or five hundred for one of all sorts of grain, as wheat, maize, and so forth, but particularly of this _agi_, or Guinea pepper, when rightly managed. When the plants are sufficiently grown in the seed-bed to be fit for transplanting, they are set out in winding lines like the letter S, that the furrows for conveying the water may distribute it equally to the roots of the plants. They then lay about the root of each plant of Guinea pepper as much _guana_, or bird's dung formerly mentioned, as will lie in the hollow of the hand. When in blossom, they add a little more; and, lastly, when the pods are completely formed, they add a good handful more to each plant, always taking care to supply them with water, as it never rains in this country; otherwise, the salts contained in the manure, not being dissolved, would burn the plants, as has been found by experience. It is also for this reason that this manure is laid on at different times, as already explained, the necessity of which has been found by long use, and by the superior value of the crops thus produced.

For the carriage of this _guana_, or fowl's dung, the people at Arica generally use that sort of little camels which the Indians of Bern call _Llamas_, the Chilese, _Chilihneque_, and the Spaniards, _Carneros de la tierra_, or native sheep. The heads of these animals are small in proportion to their bodies, and are somewhat in shape between the head of a horse and that of a sheep, the upper lips being cleft like that of a hare, through which they can spit to the distance of ten paces against any one who offends them, and if the spittle happens to fall on the face of a person, it causes a red itchy spot. Their necks are long, and concavely bent downwards, like that of a camel, which animal they greatly resemble, except in having no hunch on their backs, and in being much smaller. Their ordinary height is from four feet to four and a half; and their ordinary burden does not exceed an hundred-weight. They walk, holding up their heads with wonderful gravity, and at so regular a pace as no beating can quicken. At night it is impossible to make them move with their loads, for they lie down till these are taken off, and then go to graze. Their ordinary food is a sort of gra.s.s called _yeho_, somewhat like a small rush, but finer, and has a sharp point, with which all the mountains are covered exclusively. They eat little, and never drink, so that they are very easily maintained. They have cloven feet like sheep, and are used at the mines to carry ore to the mills; and, as soon as loaded, they set off without any guide to the place where they are usually unloaded. They have a sort of spur above the foot, which renders them sure-footed among the rocks, as it serves as a kind of hook to hold by. Their hair, or wool rather, is long, white, grey, and russet, in spots, and fine, but much inferior to that of the Vicunna, and has a strong and disagreeable scent.

The _Vicunna_ is shaped much like the Llama, but much smaller and lighter, their wool being extraordinarily fine and much valued. These animals are often hunted after the following manner: Many Indians gather together, and drive them into some narrow pa.s.s, across which they have previously extended cords about four feet from the ground, having bits of wool or cloth hanging to them at small distances. This so frightens them that they dare not pa.s.s, and gather together in a string, when the Indians kill them with stones tied to the ends of leather thongs. Should any _quanacos_ happen to be among the flock, these leap over the cords, and are followed by all the _vicunnas_. These _quanacos_ are larger and more corpulent, and are also called _viscachas_. There is yet another animal of this kind, called _alpagnes_, having wool of extraordinary fineness, but their legs are shorter, and their snouts contracted in such a manner as to give them some resemblance to the human countenance.

The Indians make several uses of these creatures, some of which carry burdens of about an hundred-weight. Their wool serves to make stuffs, cords, and sacks. Their bones are used for the construction of weavers utensils; and their dung is employed as fuel for dressing meat, and warming their huts.

Before the last war, a small fleet called the _armadilla_ used to resort yearly to Arica, partly composed of kings ships, and partly those of private persons. By this fleet, European commodities were brought from Panama, together with quicksilver for the mines of _La Paz, Oruro La Plata,_ or _Chuguizaca, Potosi_, and _Lipes_; and in return carried to Lima the king's fifth of the silver drawn from the mines. Since the galleons have ceased going to Porto-Bello, and the French have carried on the trade of supplying the coast of the South Sea with European commodities, Arica has been the most considerable mart of all this coast, and to which the merchants of the five above-mentioned rich, towns resort. It is true that the port of _Cobija_ is nearer _Lipes_ and _Potosi_; but being situated in a barren and desert country, where nothing can be procured for the subsistence of man or beast, the merchants chuse rather to go to Arica, though more distant, as they are sure to find at that place every thing they need. Besides, they find no great difficulty in bringing there their silver privately in a ma.s.s, and compounding with the corregidores or chief magistrates to avoid paying the royal fifth.

On leaving Arica, we sailed for the road of Ilo, about 75 miles to the N.W. where we arrived that same afternoon, and saw a large ship with three small ones at anchor. The great ship immediately hoisted French colours, being the _Wise Solomon_ of 40 guns, commanded by Mons.

Dumain, who was resolved to protect the vessels that were beside him, and to oppose my coming into the road. As it grew dark before I could get into the road, I sent my third lieutenant, Mr La Porte, a Frenchman, to inform Mr Dumain who we were: But my officer no sooner got on board than he was tumbled out again, the Frenchman calling him a renegado; and Mr Dumain sent me word he would sink me if I offered to anchor there. La Porte also told me, that to his knowledge the French ships often accepted Spanish commissions, when there were English cruizers on this coast, having great privileges in trade allowed them for this service; and he could plainly see that the French ship was double manned, by means of inhabitants from the town, who were partly French; and, as he supposed, would come to attack me as soon as the wind was off sh.o.r.e.

While thus talking, the French ship fired several guns at us, as if to shew that they were ready, and meant shortly to be with us. At first, this bravado heated me not a little, and I had some design of turning the Mercury into a fire-ship, by the help of which I might have roasted this insolent Frenchman: But, having reflected on the situation of affairs at home, and fearing my attacking him might be deemed unjustifiable, notwithstanding his unwarranted conduct, I thought it best to stand out of the harbour.

On the 12th February, the moiety of the money taken at Arica was divided among the company according to their shares. On the 22d we found ourselves in the heights of _Calao,_ the port of Lima; on which I furled all my sails, resolving to get away in the night; knowing, if we were discovered from thence, that we should certainly be pursued by some Spanish men of war, as there are always some in that port. On the 26th, the officers in the Mercury desired to be relieved, and I spoke to Captain Hately, whose turn it was to take the command of that bark. This gentleman had been long a prisoner among the Spaniards in this country, which he was well acquainted with, having travelled between Payta and Lima by land, on which occasion he had observed several rich towns, which made him conceive we might do something to purpose, by cruizing along the coast, as far as the island of Lobos, in lat. 7 S. I approved of this, as it was probable we might meet some of the Panama ships, which always keep well in with the land, in order to have the benefit of the land-breezes. As the company of the Mercury seemed delighted with this project, I augmented their complement, giving them a month's provisions on board. I also lent Captain Hately my pinnace, mounted his bark with two of our quarter-deck guns, and gave him a copy of my commission, although it was very likely we should have frequent sight of the Mercury, between our present intended separation, and our intended rendezvous at the island of Lobos, not above sixty leagues from where we then were.

When every thing was ready for their departure, Captain Betagh, whose turn it was to relieve the marine officer in the Mercury, being unwilling to go, went among our people with a terrified countenance, saying, that he and those with him in the Mercury were going to be sacrificed. Hearing this, I addressed my ship's company, telling them I could not conceive what this pestilent fellow meant by making such an uproar. I appealed to them all, if it had not been customary to relieve the officers in this manner, ever since we had this vessel in company, and asked them if ever they knew me select any man for going upon an enterprise, and had not, on the contrary, left it always to their own choice to go on any particular service out of the ship. I then desired to know who among them were of Betagh's opinion? Upon this, they all declared with one voice, that they had never entertained any such opinion; but, on the contrary, that I should always find them obedient to my commands. In the next place, I ordered the Mercury along side, and acquainted her crew with the speech Betagh had made in the Speedwell, and desired to know if any of them were apprehensive of being sold or sacrificed. At this they all set up a loud huzza, and requested they might go on the intended cruize in the Mercury. Accordingly Hately and Betagh went on board that bark, and put off from us, giving us three cheers, and stood right in for the land.

It may be proper to take some notice of the proceedings of the Mercury after she left me, as I have been informed from some of themselves and some prisoners. The very next day they took a small bark laden with rice, chocolate, wheat, flour, and the like; and the day following, another. On the 4th day, they took a ship of near 200 tons, in which were 150,000 dollars. Flushed with this success, Betagh prevailed upon Hately, and most of the people in the Mercury, not to rejoin me, saying, they had now enough to appear like gentlemen as long as they lived, but it would be a mere nothing when the owner's part was taken out, and the rest divided into 500 shares. He therefore thought, since fortune had been so kind to them, they ought to make the best of their way to India, as they had sufficient provisions and all other requisites for the voyage, and Captain. Hately was well able to conduct them to some port in the East Indies. This plan was accordingly resolved on, and they fell to leeward of the place of rendezvous. But, weighing with himself the prodigious extent of the run, and its many hazards, and well knowing the treatment he might expect in India, if his treachery were discovered, Captain Hately became irresolute, and could not determine what was best to be done, so that he kept hovering on the coast. In the mean time, some of his crew went away in his boat to surrender themselves to the enemy, rather than be concerned in such a piratical undertaking. Betagh and his accomplices still kept Hately warm with liquor, and at length brought him to the resolution of leaving the South Sea. But they had no sooner clapped their helm a-weather for this purpose than they saw a sail standing towards them, which proved to be a Spanish man of war, which caught them, and spoilt their India voyage. The English prisoners were very indifferently used; but Betagh, being a Roman Catholic, and of a nation which the Spaniards are very fond of,[267] was treated with much respect, and was even made an officer.

[Footnote 267: He seems to have been a Fleming, taken on board at Ostend, when the voyage was originally intended to have proceeded under an imperial commission.--E.]

In the morning of the 29th February, we saw a vessel at anchor in the road of _Guanchaeo_, and anch.o.r.ed alongside of her at eleven a.m. She was called the Carmasita, of about 100 tons, having only two Indian men and a boy on board, and her only loading was a small quant.i.ty of timber from Guayaquil. From these prisoners, I was informed of a rich ship being in the cove of Payta, having put in there to repair some damage she had sustained in a gale of wind. On this information I put immediately to sea, but in purchasing our anchor, the cable parted, and we lost our anchor. Our prize being new and likely to sail well, I took her with us, naming her the St David, designing to have made her a complete fire-ship as soon as we should be rejoined by the Mercury, in which there were materials for that purpose. Next day we looked into Cheripe, whence we chased a small vessel, which ran on sh.o.r.e to avoid us. Next morning, being near Lobos, our appointed rendezvous with the Mercury, I sent ash.o.r.e my second lieutenant, Mr Randal, with two letters in separate bottles, directing Captain Hately to follow me to Payta, to which port I now made the best of my way, and arrived before it on the 18th of March, and sent Mr Randal to look into the cove, to bring me an account of what ships were there, that I might know what to think of the information we had received from our prisoners.

On the 21st, I steered directly in for the cove of Payta, which I entered under French colours about four in the afternoon. We found only a small ship there, of which Mr Brooks took possession in the launch.

About seven p.m. we came to anchor within three quarters of a mile of the town. The town seemed to be moderately large and populous, and there might probably be some land-forces for its defence, being the rendezvous of the ships which trade between Panama and Caloa; yet, as the taking of this place was treated in our instructions as a matter of importance, I consulted with my officers as to the best manner of making the attempt.

Leaving the charge of the ship with the master, Mr Coldsea, and a few hands, to look after the negroes we had on board, and with orders to bring the ship nearer to the town, for the more expeditiously embarking any plunder we might make; I landed with forty-six men, well armed, about two in the morning of the 22d, and marched directly up to the great church without the slightest opposition, for we found the town entirely deserted by the inhabitants.

At day-light, we observed large bodies of men on the hills, on both sides of the town, which we expected would have come down to attack us; but, on marching up towards them, they retired before us. Hitherto we had taken no prisoners, except an old Indian and a boy, who told us that Captain Clipperton had been here some time before, and had set some prisoners ash.o.r.e, who a.s.sured them he meant not to do them any injury; but that the inhabitants, not thinking fit to trust him, had removed all their valuable effects into the mountains, among which were 400,000 dollars belonging to the king, which had been a fine prize for Clipperton, who certainly would have found no greater difficulty in taking this town than I did.

I was constrained suddenly to halt, in consequence of hearing a gun fired from the ship, soon after which word was brought me that she was ash.o.r.e. I hurried off as fast as I could, carrying with us the union-flag, which I had planted in the church-yard; and, as we were re-embarking, the enemy came running down the hill, hallooing after us.

When I got on board, I found the ship entirely afloat, but within her own breadth of the rocks; and, as the water was quite smooth, we soon warped her off again. We then returned to the town, whence the Spaniards retired as peaceably as before. The remainder of the day was employed in shipping off what plunder we could find, which consisted of hogs, brown and white _calavances_, beans, Indian corn, wheat, flour, sugar, and as many _cocoa nuts_[268] as we were able to stow away, together with pans and other conveniences for preparing it, so that we were now amply provided with excellent breakfast meat for the rest of our voyage, and were, besides, full of other provisions.

[Footnote 268: Cacao, chocolate-nuts, are almost certainly here meant.--E.]

At eight in the morning of the 23d, a messenger came in to know what ransom I would take for the town and the ship, for which I demanded 10,000 dollars in twenty-four hours. At eight next morning, I had a letter from the governor, signifying, that as I wrote in French, neither he nor any one about him could understand its contents; but if I would write in Latin or Spanish, I might depend on a satisfactory answer. In the afternoon, I sent for one of our quarter-deck guns on sh.o.r.e, which was mounted at our guard, and was fired at sun-set, midnight, and break of day. The messenger returned in the morning of the 24th, accompanied by the master of the ship we had taken, and on hearing of their arrival, I went on sh.o.r.e to know what they had to propose. I understood from them that the governor was determined not to ransom the town, and did not care what become of it, provided the churches were not burnt. Though I never had any intention to destroy any place devoted to divine worship, I answered that I should have no regard to the churches, or anything else, when I set the town on fire; and I told the master of the vessel, he might expect to see her in flames immediately, if not ransomed without delay. This seemed to make a great impression, and he promised to return in three hours with the money. I then caused every thing to be taken out of the town that could be of any use to us, after which I ordered the town to be set on fire in several places; and, as the houses were old and dry, it instantly became a bonfire.

In the midst of this conflagration, the people in the Speedwell made many signals for me to come on board, and kept continually firing towards the mouths of the harbour. As I could only guess the meaning of all this, I went on board as soon as possible in a canoe, having only three men along with me. Before I could reach the ship, I could distinctly see a large ship, with a Spanish flag at her fore-topmast-head, and her fore-topsail a-back. At this sight, two of my three men were ready to faint, and if it had not been for my boatswain, I doubt if I should have got on board; and if the Spanish admiral had acted with vigour, he might have taken the ship long enough before I got to her. It is bare justice to Mr Coldsea to say, that he fired so smartly on the Spaniard as to induce him to act with great precaution, which had been quite unnecessary if he had known our weakness. His caution, however, gave me the opportunity of getting on board: and, in the mean time, my officers were so unwilling to leave our guard-gun ash.o.r.e, that they spent a great while in getting it into the boat, so that I was afraid the enemy would attack us before our people could get on board. The Spaniard was, however, in no hurry, thinking, no doubt, that we could not well escape him, yet was within pistol-shot of us before the last of our men got on board, being about fifty in all. We now cut our cable, but our ship fell round the wrong way, so that I had just room enough to fall clear of the enemy. Being now close together, the formidable appearance of the enemy struck an universal damp on the spirits of my people; some of whom, in coming off from the sh.o.r.e, were for jumping into the water and swimming on sh.o.r.e, which a few actually did.

The enemy was a fine European-built ship, of 50 guns, and the disproportion was so great between us, that there seemed no hopes of escaping, as we were under his lee. I endeavoured to get into shoal water, but he becalmed me with his sails, and confined us for the best part of an hour, during which he handled us very roughly with his cannon, making very little use of his small-arms, never allowing us a moment's ease, but as soon as his broadside was ready, he gave his ship the starboard helm, bringing as many of his guns to bear as possible, and at the same time kept me from the wind. We returned his fire as briskly as we could; but, in our precipitate retreat from the town, most of our small arms were wetted, so that it was long before they were of any use. During this action, there was a strange contusion on sh.o.r.e, where the people had flocked down from the hills to extinguish the fire in Payta, in which some of them were busily employed, while others stood on the sh.o.r.e, spectators of our engagement. I was long in despair of getting away from the Spaniard, expecting nothing less than to be torn in pieces by his superior fire, unless we could have an opportunity of trying our heels with him while our masts remained standing. I expected every minute that he would board us, and hearing a hallooing among them, and seeing their forecastle full of men, I concluded that they had come to this resolution; but soon saw that it proceeded from our ensign being shot down, on which I made another be displayed in the mizen-shrouds, on sight of which they lay snug as before, keeping close upon our quarter.

Intending at length to do our business at once, they clapped their helm hard a-starboard, in order to bring their whole broadside to bear, but their fire had little effect, and it muzzled themselves, which gave us an opportunity to get away from them.

This certainly was a lucky escape, after an engagement of three gla.s.ses with an enemy so much our superior; for he had 56 guns and 450 men, while we had only 20 guns mounted and only 73 men, of whom 11 were negroes and two Indians. He had farther the vast advantage over us of being in perfect readiness, while we were in the utmost confusion; and in the middle of the engagement, a third of my people, instead of fighting, were hard at work in preparing for an obstinate resistance; particularly the carpenter and his crew, who were busy in making port-holes for stern-chase guns, which, as it happened, we made no use of. Yet were we not unhurt, as the loss of my boat and anchor were irreparable, and may be said to have been the cause of that scene of trouble which fell upon us soon after; as we had now only one anchor remaining, that lost at Payta being the third, and we had not now a boat of any kind. I have since learnt that some of our shots in the engagement were well directed, and that we killed and wounded several of the enemy.

Having thus got away from the _Peregrine_, I slipped off in the evening with much ado from the Brilliant, her consort, on board of which Betagh now was, and even desired to be the first to board me. I was now in a very uncomfortable situation, not having the smallest hope of meeting with the Success; and I had learned at Payta, that the Spaniards had laid on an embargo for six months, so that we had nothing to expect in the way of prizes; and, having seen our prize taken, we had reason to expect that all our designs were discovered by the enemy. Having now only one anchor and no boat, it is not to be wondered that I gave up all idea of making an attempt on Guayaquil, which I at first proposed, having intelligence that there were several ships of considerable value in that river, in consequence of the embargo, which might have done me some service, if I had been better provided. In this situation, it was resolved, in a committee of my officers, to return to the southwards, or to windward, as the Spaniards must necessarily continue their trade with Chili, in spite of their embargo; after which we proposed to water at Juan Fernandez, and then to cruize on the coast of Conception, Valparaiso, and Coquimbo, for the coasting traders, among whom we might supply ourselves with anchors, cables, and boats, and a vessel to fit out as a fire-ship. I also proposed, before leaving the coast of Chili, to make an attempt on La Serena or Coquimbo. After all this, I proposed to proceed for the coast of Mexico, and thence to the _Tres Marias_ and California, as the most likely means of meeting with the Success; besides which, the former of these places might be commodious for salting turtle, to serve as sea stores, and the latter for laying in a stock of wood and water; after which we might lie in the track of the Manilla ship. But if we could not succeed in that attempt, we might then satisfy ourselves with cruizing for the Peruvian ships, which bring silver to Acapulco for purchasing the Indian and Chinese commodities.

My plan being approved, we proceeded to windward, having secured our masts and bent a new set of sails on the 26th, after which we stood to the southward, expecting to make our pa.s.sage in about five weeks. The carpenters were now set to work to build a new boat that we might have the means of watering our ship. On the 31st, while working the pumps, the water not only came in in greater quant.i.ty than usual, but was as black as ink, which made me suspect some water had got at our powder; and on going into the powder-room, I found the water rushing in like a little sluice, which had already spoiled the greatest part of our powder, only six barrels remaining uninjured, which I immediately had stowed away in the bread-room. It pleased G.o.d that we now had fair weather, as otherwise we might have had much difficulty to keep our ship afloat. We found the leak on the larboard side, under the lower cheek of the head, where a shot had lodged and afterwards dropt out, leaving room for a stream of water. We accordingly brought down our ship by the stern, and secured the leak effectually. At this time we had an abundant stock of provisions. Each man had a quart of chocolate and three ounces of rusk for breakfast; and had fresh meat or fresh fish every day for dinner, having plenty of the latter about the ship, so that we could almost always make our choice between dolphin and albicore.

On the 6th May we made the westermost of the islands of Juan Fernandez, otherwise called _Mas a Fuero_, distant twelve leagues N.E. by N. and the day after, our carpenters had completed our new boat, which could carry three hogsheads. On the 12th we saw the great island of Juan Fernandez, bearing E. 1/2 S. being in lat.i.tude, by observation, 33 40'

S. a joyful sight at the time, though so unfortunate to us in the sequel. We plied off and on till the 21st, but could not get as much water on board daily in that time as supplied our daily expenditure, owing to the smallness of our boat, which made it necessary for us to anchor in the roads till that purpose was accomplished, in order for which I prepared to raft twenty tons of casks on sh.o.r.e. We worked in and anch.o.r.ed in forty fathoms, carrying a warp on sh.o.r.e, which we fastened to the rocks, of three hawsers and a half in length, which both steadied the ship, and enabled us to haul our cask-raft ash.o.r.e and aboard. By this means we were ready to go to sea again next morning, having filled all our water casks; but had no opportunity of so doing for four days, during which we continued to anchor in the same manner.

On the 25th May, a hard gale came upon us from seaward, bringing with it a great tumbling swell, by which at length our cable parted. This was a dismal accident, as we had no means whatever by which to avoid the prospect of immediate destruction. But Providence interposed in our behalf: For had we struck only a cable's length to the east or west of where we did, we must all have inevitably perished. When our ill-fated ship touched the rock, we had all to hold fast by some part of the ship or rigging, otherwise the violence of her shock in striking must have tossed us all into the sea. Our three masts went all away together by the board. In short, words are wanting to express the wretched condition in which we now were, or our astonishment at our unexpected and unfortunate shipwreck.

SECTION III.

_Residence on the Island of Juan Fernandez._

Having all got on sh.o.r.e in the evening, my officers gathered around me to bear me company, and to devise measures for procuring necessaries out of the wreck; and having lighted a fire, wrapped themselves up in what they could get, and slept very soundly, notwithstanding the coldness of the weather, and our hopeless situation. I would have set the people to work that very night, in endeavouring to save what we could from the wreck, but they were so dispersed that we could not gather them together, and all opportunity was lost of saving any thing, except some of our fire-arms. But while the people were employed in building tents, and making other preparations for their residence on the island, the wreck was entirely destroyed, and every thing in her was lost, except one cask of beef and one of _farina de pao_, which were washed on sh.o.r.e.

Thus all our provisions were gone, and every thing else that might have been useful. I had saved 1100 dollars belonging to the owners, which happened to be in my chest in the great cabin, all the rest of their treasure being in the bottom of the bread-room for security, which consequently could not be come at.

I now took some pains to find out a convenient place in which to set up my tent, and at length found a commodious spot of ground not half a mile from the sea, having a fine stream of water on each side, with trees close at hand for firing, and building our huts. The people settled around me as well as they could, and as the cold season was coming on, some thatched their huts, while others covered theirs with the skins of seals and sea-lions. Others again satisfied themselves with water-b.u.t.ts, in which they slept under cover of trees. Having thus secured ourselves from the weather, we used to pa.s.s our time in the evenings around a great fire before my tent, where my officers usually a.s.sembled, employing themselves in roasting cray-fish in the embers; sometimes bewailing our unhappy fate, and sinking into despondency; and at other times feeding ourselves with hopes that something might yet be done to set us again afloat. On this subject I first consulted with the carpenter, who answered, that he could not make bricks without straw, and then walked from me in a surly humour. From him I went to the armourer, and asked what he could do for us in his way that might contribute to build a small vessel. To this he answered, that he hoped he could do all the iron work, as he had fortunately saved his bellows from the wreck, with four or five _spadoes_ or Spanish swords, which would afford him steel, and there could be no want of iron along sh.o.r.e; besides, that we should doubtless find many useful things when we came to work in good earnest. He desired therefore, that I would get some charcoal made for him, while he set up his forge.

Upon this encouragement, I called all hands together, and explained to them the great probability there was of our being able to build a vessel sufficient to transport us from this island; but that it would be a laborious task, and must require their united best endeavours. To this they all consented, and promised to work with great diligence, begging me to give them directions how to proceed. I then ordered the men who had axes on sh.o.r.e, before the wreck, to cut wood for making charcoal, while the rest went down to the wreck to get the boltsprit ash.o.r.e, of which I proposed to make the keel of our intended vessel; and I prevailed on the carpenter to go with me, to fix upon the properest place for building. The people found a great many useful materials about the wreck; and among the rest the topmast, which had been washed on sh.o.r.e, and was of the greatest importance.

We laid the blocks for building upon on the 8th June, and had the boltsprit ready at hand to lay down as the keel; when the carpenter turned short round upon me, and swore an oath that he would not strike another stroke on the work, for he would be slave to n.o.body, and thought himself now on a footing with myself. I was at first angry, but came at length to an agreement with him, to give him a four-pistole piece as soon as the stern and stern-posts were up, and 100 dollars when the bark was finished, and the money to be committed to the keeping of any one he chose to name. This being settled, he went to work upon the keel, which was to be thirty feet long; the breadth of our bark, by the beam, sixteen feet, and her hold seven feet deep. In two months we made a tolerable shew, owing in a great measure to the ingenuity of Poppleston, our armourer, who never lost a minute in working with his hands, or contriving in his head. He made us a small double-headed maul, hammers, chisels, and a sort of gimblets or wimbles, which performed very well.

He even made a bullet-mould, and an instrument to bore cartouch-boxes, which he made from the trucks of our gun-carriages, covering them with seal-skins, and contrived to make them not only convenient, but neat. He contrived to execute any iron-work wanted by the carpenter, and even finished a large serviceable boat, of which we stood much in need.

In the beginning of this great work the people behaved themselves very well, half of them working regularly one day, and the other half the next, seeming every day to grow easier under our misfortunes. They treated me with as much respect as I could wish, and even in a body thanked me for the prospect of their deliverance; while I never failed to encourage them by telling them stories of the great things that had been accomplished by the united efforts of men in similar distresses. I always pressed them to stick close to the work, that we might get our bark ready in time; and told them that we fortunately had three of the best ports in Chili within 120 leagues of us. This inspired them with life and vigour, and they often declared that they would exert their utmost endeavours to finish her with all expedition. At last, however, we became a prey to faction, so that it was a miracle we ever got off from this place. For, after completing the most laborious part of the work, they entirely neglected it; and many of my officers, deserting my society, herded with the meanest of the ship's company. I was now convinced in a suspicion I had long entertained, that some black design was in embryo; for when I met any of my officers, and asked what they were about, and the reason of their acting so contrary to their duty, by diverting the people from their work, some used even to tell me they knew not whether they would leave the island or not, when my bundle of sticks was ready; that they cared not how matters went, for they could shift for themselves as well as the rest. When I spoke with the common men, some were surly, and others said they would be slaves no longer, but would do as the rest did. In the midst of these confusions, I ordered my son to secure my commission in some dry place among the woods or rocks, remembering how Captain Dampier had been served in these seas.

At length, I one afternoon missed all the people, except Mr Adamson the surgeon, Mr Hendric the agent, my son, and Mr Dodd, lieutenant of marines, which last feigned lunacy, for some reason best known to himself. I learnt at night that they had been all day a.s.sembled at the great tree, in deep consultation, and had framed a new set of regulations and articles, by which the owners in England were excluded from any share in what we might take for the future, divested me of all authority as captain, and regulated themselves according to the _Jamaica discipline_.[269] Even the chief officers, among the rest, had concurred in electing one Morphew to be their champion and speaker, who addressed the a.s.sembly to the following purport: "That they were now their own masters, and servants to none: and as Mr Shelvocke, their former captain, took upon him still to command, he ought to be informed, that whoever was now to be their commander, must be so through their own courtesy. However, that Mr Shelvocke might have the first offer of the command, if the majority thought fit, but not otherwise. That Mr Shelvocke carried himself too lofty and arbitrarily for the command of a privateer, and ought to have continued in men-of-war, where the people were obliged to bear all hardships quietly, whether right or wrong."