A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 21

[Footnote 205: At this place there is an expression in the Pilgrims, coupled with this sentence, which is quite inexplicable. "Yea, although the king had fallen down, and taken his mother by the feet, to obtain her leave to see her son." We are not sufficiently conversant in the secret history of the Zenana of Shah Jehan-guire to explain this; yet strongly suspect that this sentence ought to have run thus: Although the prince's mother fell at the king's feet to obtain leave to see her son.--E.]

--4. _Broils about Abdala Khan and Khan-Khannan: Ambitious projects of Sultan Churrum to subvert his eldest Brother: Sea Fight with a Portuguese Carrack; and various other Occurrences_.

Several days now pa.s.sed in soliciting the king and great men, and paying my court to them, without any remarkable occurrence; till on the 9th October, I had letters from Surat, giving me an account that four English ships had arrived there. On the 10th, Abdala Khan, the great governor of Ahmedabad, being sent for to court in disgrace, to answer for many insolent and contemptuous neglects of the king's commands, thought to stand upon his defence and to refuse compliance. But Sultan Churrum, whose ambitious views sought to turn every thing to his advantage, being desirous to oblige so great a man, who was reckoned one of the chiefest captains in the empire, prevailed upon him to submit, on his word to protect him. Abdala came therefore, in pretended humility, habited as a pilgrim, attended by forty servants on foot, until he arrived within a day's journey of the court, having 2000 horse attending him at some distance behind. He was this day brought to the _Jarruco_, the place where the king sits in public to see sports and hear complaints, and advanced towards the king, between two n.o.blemen, having chains on his legs, and holding his turban over his eyes, that he might see no one till he had the happiness to behold the king. After making his humble reverence, and answering a few questions, the king forgave him, caused his irons to be taken off, and clothed him in a new vest of cloth of gold, with a turban and sash, as is the custom.

The prince, Churrum, now intended to establish his honour and power on the Deccan wars, which his elder brother Sultan Parvis had been recalled from in disgrace, and which the great commander, Khan-Khannan, had not conducted prosperously, being strongly suspected of a secret understanding with the princes of the Deccan, from whom he was believed to receive pensions. Churrum, therefore, induced his father to recall Khan-Khannan, who refused to obey; and wrote to the king, not to send Churrum to the war, but one of his youngest sons, then only about fifteen. This gave Churrum much uneasiness, as he was exceedingly intent upon having the conduct of this war, for which reason he promised to give the subordinate command of the army to Abdala Khan, under himself, if he could contrive to get Khan-Khannan displaced. Fearing troubles from the ambition and factious practices of his son Churrum, the discontent of the two elder sons, Cuserou and Parvis, and the power of Khan-Khannan, the king was anxious to accommodate matters in the Deccan by accepting a peace, and continuing Khan-Khannan in his government; to which end he wrote him a letter of favour, and proposed to send him a vestment, as a sign of reconciliation, according to custom. Before dispatching these, he acquainted a kinswoman of Khan-Khannan, who lived in the seraglio, with his purpose. Whether she was false to her relation, through the secret influence of Sultan Churrum, or was grieved to see the head of her family so unworthily dealt with, who merited so highly, does not certainly appear: But she plainly told the king, that she did not believe Khan-Khannan would wear any thing the king sent, as he knew his majesty hated him, and had once or twice already sent him poison, which he had put into his bosom instead of his mouth, and proved by trials. For this reason, she was confident Khan-Khannan would not dare to put on any thing sent from his majesty. The king offered to wear the dress himself in her presence for an hour, which she might certify in a letter to her relative. To this she answered, that Khan-Khannan would trust neither of them with his life; but, if allowed to continue quietly in his command, would do his majesty good service.

Upon this, the king altered his plans, and resolved to invest Sultan Churrum in the supreme command of the Deccan wars, and to follow after him with another army, to ensure his reception.

Khan-Khannan, having due notice of the storm preparing against him, practised with the Deccan sovereigns, who were at his devotion, to offer favourable terms of peace for a season, as he saw no other way of averting the cloud that hung over both him and them, unless by temporizing till the king and the prince were established farther off.

For this purpose, there came two amba.s.sadors at this time to court, from the princes of the Deccan, bringing horses richly caparisoned as presents. The king refused to listen to them, or to accept their gifts, and turned them over to his son, saying that peace or war rested entirely with him. The prince was so puffed up by this favour, though informed that the proposed conditions of peace were highly honourable, that he declared proudly he would listen to no terms, till he was in the field at the head of the army, being resolved that Khan-Khannan should not deprive him of the honour of finishing that war.

The ambitious views of this young prince are quite obvious, and form the common talk of the country, yet the king suffers him to proceed, although he by no means intends him as his successor. Sultan Cuserou, the eldest son, is highly beloved and honoured of all men, and almost adored, for his excellent parts and n.o.ble dispositions, with which the king is well acquainted, and even loves him dearly. But he conceives that the liberty of this son would diminish his own glory, and does not see that the ambition of Churrum greatly more tarnishes his own fame than would the virtuous character and n.o.ble actions of the other. Thus the king fosters division and emulation among his sons, putting so much power into the hands of the younger, which he believes he can undo at his pleasure, that the wisest here foresee much fatal division in this mighty empire when the present king shall pay the debt of nature, expecting that it will then be rent in pieces by civil wars.

The history of this country, for the variety of its incidents, and the many crooked practices of the present king during the reign of his father, Akbar Shah, and these latter troubles, were well worthy of being committed to writing. But, as the country is so remote, many would despise such information, and as the people are esteemed barbarous, few persons would give it credit. I content myself, therefore, with privately contemplating the singular history of this nation, although I could narrate so many singular and amusing state intrigues, subtle evasions, policies, answers, and adages, as could not be easily equalled in the history of one age or country. One incident, however, that occurred lately, I cannot omit relating, as it evinces the wisdom and patience of the emperor, the incorruptible fidelity of a servant, the detestable falsehood of a brother, and the impudent boldness of a faction, ready to dare every infamous action, when permitted by the supreme ruler to exercise an authority beyond the limits of their condition, and contrary to the dictates of reason and true policy.

The favourite Prince Sultan Churrum, together with the favourite Queen _Nourmahal_, aunt to his wife, Asaph Khan father-in-law to Churrum, and brother of _Nourmahal_, and _Etiman Dowlet_, father of _Asaph Khan_ and _Nourmahal_, being the faction that now governed the emperor, and who believed their bad influence in danger of being overthrown if the prince _Cuserou_ were allowed to live, determined to use every effort for his destruction, and to endeavour to get him into their power, that they might end his days by poison, for they knew that he was universally beloved among the n.o.bles, and that his remaining in life and restoration to liberty must some day overthrow and punish their ambitious projects.

To attain their infamous purposes, Nourmahal was instructed to practise upon the king's weakness, by false tears and bewitching blandishments, to insinuate that Sultan Cuserou was not in sufficiently safe custody, and that he still meditated aspiring projects, contrary to the authority and safety of the emperor, who listened to all her insinuations, yet refused to understand her, as she did not plainly speak out her meaning.

As this plan failed, the prince, with Etiman Dowlet and Asaph Khan, took the opportunity of the emperor being drunk, to persuade him, as if for the greater safety and honour of Sultan Cuserou, that it were fitter he should be in the company of his brother Churrum, who would be more regardful of his safety and happiness than could be expected from an idolatrous rajput, to whose custody he had been committed by the emperor. They therefore humbly implored his majesty that Prince Cuserou might be confided to the care of his dear brother Churrum. This was granted by the intoxicated monarch, who immediately fell asleep.

They now deemed their project successful, as having the royal authority; and, considering their own greatness, they believed no one would dare to dispute the warrant, or to refuse delivering the prince into their hands. Accordingly, Asaph Khan went that same night with a guard to the house of _Anna-Rah_, a rajput Rajah, or prince, to demand from, him, in the king's name and authority, the person of Sultan Cuserou, who had been confided to his custody by the king. Anna-Rah declared that he was the most humble slave of Prince Churrum, whose name Asaph Khan used upon this occasion; but having received charge of Prince Cuserou directly from the hands of the emperor, he would deliver him up to no other person. He therefore entreated that Prince Churrum would have patience till next morning, when he would discharge his duty to the king, whose pleasure, once known, he would implicitly obey. This answer overturned the whole contrivance. In the morning Anna-Rah went to the king, to whom he communicated the demand made upon him in the name of Prince Churrum, saying. That his majesty had given his son Cuserou to his charge, together with the command of 4000 horse, with all of whom he was ready to die at the imperial gate, rather than resign the prince into the hands of his enemies: But, if his majesty required, he was ready at all times to obey his commands. To this the king replied, "You have done honestly and faithfully, and have answered discretely. Continue your purpose, and take no notice of any orders. I will not seem to know any thing of this, neither do you speak of it any farther. Preserve your fidelity, and let us see how far they will prosecute this affair."

Next day, finding the king silent on the subject, the prince and his faction took no notice of any thing, hoping the king might forget what had pa.s.sed in his cups over night. I have communicated this incident, that you may beware of scattering your goods in this country, or of engaging your servants and stock too deeply; for the time will come when the whole of this empire will be in commotion, and it is not a few years war that will put a period to the inveterate enmity acc.u.mulated on all hands against a day of vengeance. Should Sultan Cuserou prevail in procuring his rightful inheritance, this empire will become a sanctuary for Christians, whom he loves and honours, being a patron of learning, and an encourager of true valour and just government, abhorring all covetousness, and despising the base custom of accepting bribes and presents, in use among his ancestors and the n.o.bility of this empire.

Should Sultan Churrum ascend the throne, it will be a great loss to us, as he is a rigid adherent to the superst.i.tion of Mahomet, a hater of all Christians, proud, subtle, false, and barbarously tyrannical.[206]

[Footnote 206: From this paragraph it appears that the journal of Sir Thomas Roe was addressed to the Governor and Committees, or Directors of the East India Company.--E.]

The king returned from hunting on the night of the 13th October, and sent me a wild pig. An amba.s.sador is daily expected here from Shah Abbas, king of Persia. This day I received advice of the arrival of four of our ships in safety at Swally roads, and at the same time received letters from England. The fleet, originally consisting of six ships, left England on the 9th March, 1616, losing company of the Rose about the North Cape, in foul weather. The other five arrived safely in Saldanha bay on the 12th June, where the Lion was waiting for a wind, homewards bound, her officers and people all in good health. After staying some time at the Cape without news of the missing ship, they dispatched the Swan for Bantam, and sailed on the 29th June with the other four ships for Surat. On this pa.s.sage, on the 6th August, when in lat. 12 50' S. near the Comora islands, they got sight of a carrack of 1500 tons burden, and 600 men, being the admiral of a fleet for Goa. The Globe fetched her to windward, and after the usual salutations of the sea, the carrack commanded her to leeward, and seconded this order with five shots through her hull, to which the Globe replied with eighteen, and then luffed off. The admiral of the English got now up with all his ships, and demanded satisfaction for the injury, which was replied to with scorn. On this an engagement ensued, in which the commander, Benjamin Joseph, was soon slain, but his successor continued the battle.

Towards evening the carrack ran herself ash.o.r.e on the rocks of _Angazesia_. Our fleet came to anchor in the offing to wait the event, and sent a boat to offer fair terms of battle. But about midnight the carrack was set on fire, and continued to burn all next morning. The English sent their boats to give a.s.sistance, but could not approach, and they had reason to believe that not one man was saved.[207] The new viceroy of Goa was in this ship, by whose obstinacy the death of all the rest was occasioned. Our fleet came to anchor off Swally on the 24th September, 1616.

[Footnote 207: It was afterwards known that some few escaped with life and poverty. A more particular account of this fight will be found in the subsequent journal of Alexander Child.--_Purch._]

The 14th October I waited on the emperor, to whom I imparted his majesty's salutations, which were courteously received, but he immediately began to enquire what presents had been sent to him. I mentioned our late fight and victory, at which he seemed to rejoice, and applauded the valour of our nation; but he immediately shifted the discourse, asking what our king had sent him. I answered, that he had sent many tokens of his love and affection; but knowing that his majesty was lord of the best portion of Asia, and the richest monarch of the East, my sovereign was satisfied the sending of rich gifts to his majesty were to cast pearls into the sea, their common mother and storehouse; but that my master, together with the warmest a.s.surance of his love, had sent him many curiosities, which I hoped would give him entire satisfaction. He urged me to mention particulars, some of which I named. He asked me for French _m.u.f.fe_ or velvet, to which I answered, that all my letters were not arrived. He then enquired if there were any dogs. To which I answered, that some had been slain in the battle at sea, but that two were preserved for him, at which he seemed much rejoiced. He then said, if I could procure him one of our great horses, such as I had described, being a _roan_ or Dutch horse, he would value it more than an additional kingdom. I answered, that I should use my best endeavours to satisfy his majesty, but much feared it could not be effected, owing to the length of the voyage. He said he would willingly give a lack of rupees for such a horse. I then desired he would be pleased to give an order for the transmission of the presents without being searched, and for the good usage of our people. He answered, that the port belonged to his son, but sent for him, and publicly gave orders for what I required; that the presents should not be searched, nor pay any custom, but should be sent up safe to me with all expedition, that I might distribute them at my discretion. He likewise commanded the prince to give orders for the good usage of our people, and that I should be satisfied in all my demands. This order did not extend to the grant of a fort, as Asaph Khan had absolutely refused to deliver in that clause.

This charge was very round and hearty on the part of the king, and a great grace to me. The prince called Asaph Khan forwards in my presence, and promised, before his father and the whole court, to give me all reasonable satisfaction. All this was on the strength of the new presents.

That same day I sent for the Portuguese jesuit who resided at court, and gave him an account of the engagement between our ships and the carrack, offering to make peace between our nation and the Portuguese upon equal terms. He promised to acquaint the viceroy of Goa with my offer, and so departed. The 15th I received accounts from Masulipatan that Captain Keeling had taken a Portuguese ship and two barks; one on the coast of Cochin, laden with tin, and the other freighted from Bengal, both of which were carried to Bantam. I was also informed that Sir Robert Shirley had been dismissed with disgrace from Goa, and was on his way overland to Masulipatan, to procure a pa.s.sage; but am apt to believe this intelligence is untrue.

The 16th, being with the prince's secretary about the dispatch of our affairs, he proposed to me, by his master's orders, to procure him two gunners from our fleet to serve him in the Deccan war, offering good pay and good usage. This I undertook to perform, knowing that indifferent artists might serve there. While at the prince's palace, Abdala Khan came to visit him, so magnificently attended, that I have not before seen the like. He was preceded by about twenty drums, and other martial music, on horseback, who made abundant noise. After them followed fifty persons bearing white flags, and two hundred well-mounted soldiers, all richly clothed in cloth of gold, velvet, and rich silks, who all entered the gate with him in regular array. Next his person were forty targeteers, in the richest liveries. After making his humble reverence, he presented a black Arabian horse, splendidly caparisoned, all his furniture being studded with flowers of enamelled gold, and set with small precious stones. According to custom, the prince returned a turban, a vest, and a girdle.

Still persisting in his purpose of personally finishing the war in the Deccan, he would give no answer to the amba.s.sadors from that country, but detained them till he should come to the frontiers. Being now about to depart, he and his party thought themselves not secure if Sultan Cuserou remained under the safeguard of Anna-Rah, lest, during the absence of Churrum, the king might be reconciled to Cuserou, by whose liberty all the hopes and power of their faction would be overthrown, in which case their ambition and the injuries they had done could hardly escape punishment. In this view they continued to urge the king to deliver Sultan Cuserou into the custody of Asaph Khan, as deputy on that occasion to Churrum, under pretence that this measure would intimidate Khan-Khannan and the Deccan princes, when they shall learn that Sultan Churrum is so favoured that the king has delivered his eldest son into his keeping, giving him as it were present possession of the kingdom, and the certain prospect of succession. Accordingly, on the 17th of October, Sultan Cuserou was delivered up as they desired, the soldiers of Anna-rah were discharged, and those of Asaph Khan placed over him, a.s.sisted by 200 horse belonging to the prince. The sister of Sultan Cuserou, and several other women in the seraglio, have put themselves in mourning, refuse to take their food, and openly exclaim against the dotage and cruelty of the king; declaring, if Cuserou should die, that an hundred of his kindred would devote themselves to the flames, in memory of the king's cruely to the worthiest of his sons.

The king endeavoured to sooth them by fair words, protesting that he had no evil intentions towards his son, whom he promised speedily to deliver from captivity, and even sent his favourite Nourmahal to endeavour to appease the enraged and disconsolate ladies; but they refused to admit her visit, loading her with curses and threatnings. The common people universally condemn the king's conduct, saying, that he has not only delivered his son's life, but his own into the keeping of an ambitious prince and treacherous faction, and that Cuserou cannot perish without extreme scandal to his father, unless he amply revenge his death, for which cause the party will dispatch the king first, and his eldest son afterwards, that through their deaths the ambitious and unnatural Churrum may mount the throne. Every hour new rumours are spread of the deliverance of Cuserou, which are speedily contradicted; for he still remains in the tyger's den, refuses food, and requires that his father may take away his life, and not leave him to be a sport and prey to his inveterate enemies. The whole court is filled with rumours and secret whispers; the n.o.bles are sad, and the people full of turmoil and noise, without any head, having no one to direct their rage to any specific object. The issue seems involved in dangers, especially for us, as, in regard to themselves, it matters not who wins. Although the elder prince have more right, and is of a more honourable character, he is still a Mahomedan, and can hardly be a better prince than his father, whose dispositions are good, yet so facile that he allows all to govern at their will, which is even worse than if he were a tyrant, for we had better suffer injuries from one prince than from a host of ministers and subordinate agents.

The 19th of October _Mahomet Reza Beg_, the Persian amba.s.sador, made his entry into the city with a great cavalcade, partly sent out by the king to meet him. There were at least an hundred elephants, with many musicians; but no man of quality went out on this occasion beyond the ordinary official receivers of strangers. His own train consisted of about fifty horse in splendid dresses of cloth of gold, their bows, quivers, and targets being richly adorned. Together with these he had about forty musqueteers, and about 200 ordinary _peons_ and attendants on his pa.s.sage. He was conducted to a room within the outer court of the palace, to rest himself till the evening, at which time I sent my secretary to the durbar, to give me an account of the ceremonial. On coming into the presence, and reaching the first rail, he made three _tessalims_ and one _sizeda,_ which is prostrating himself and knocking his head three times against the ground. On entering within the rail he did the same, and then presented the letter of his master, _Shabas_, [Shah Abbas.] This the king took with a slight inclination of the body, saying only, _How doth my brother_? without using any t.i.tle of majesty.

After some few words, the amba.s.sador was placed in the seventh rank, close to the rail beside the door, and below many of the king's servants, which, in my opinion, was a very mean place for the amba.s.sador of Persia; but he richly merited this degradation for doing that mean reverence to the dishonour of his master which all his predecessors had refused, and by which he gave much offence to many of his nation. It is reported that he had orders from Shah Abbas to give content in all things, and hence it is conjectured that he is sent to obtain some aid in money against the Turks, in which kind the court of Persia often finds liberal succour from the Mogul government. Others pretend that his object is to mediate a peace for the princes of the Deccan, whose protection Shah Abbas is said to have much at heart, being jealous of the extension of this empire.

According to custom, the king gave him a handsome turban, a vest of cloth of gold, and a girdle, for which he again made three _tessalims_ and a _sizeda_, or ground courtesy. The present he brought consisted of three times nine Persian and Arabian horses, this being among them a ceremonious number; nine very large and handsome mules; seven camels laden with velvet; two suits of European _Arras_, or tapestry, which I suppose was Venetian; two chests of Persian hangings; one rich cabinet; four muskets; five clocks; a camel's load of cloth of gold; eight silk carpets; two bala.s.ss rubies; twenty-one camel loads of wine made of grapes; fourteen camel loads of distilled sweet waters; seven of rose-water; seven daggers and five swords adorned with precious stones; seven Venetian mirrors, all so fair and rich that I was ashamed of the relation.

These presents were not now delivered, but only a list of them in writing. His own equipage was rich, having nine led horses, their trappings all studded with gold and silver. His turban was encircled by a chain of pearls, rubies, and turquoises, having three pipes of gold, in which were three plumes of feathers. Having thus caused accurate observation to be made of his reception, and compared it with my own, I find it in nothing more gracious than my own, and in many things inferior, except only in being met without the town, which, owing to my sickness, was not demanded; neither did the king receive the letter of Shah Abbas with so much respect as that of the king, my master, whom he called the king of England, his brother, naming the Persian barely his brother, without addition. This observation was made by the jesuit, who understood the language.

--5. _Continuation of Occurrences at Court, till leaving Agimere, in November_, 1616.

The 20th of October I received the prince's letter to send to Sarat, with orders for the governor of that city to sit along with the judge of the custom-house, to take care that no wrong was done to the English.

The clause about sending up the presents sealed and unsearched to me, was so obscure and unintelligible, that it was susceptible of various constructions, which I believed was done designedly, that they might come into the hands of the prince, so as to become his own. I sent it back therefore to his secretary to be altered; and getting it returned still more intricate than at first, I went to the prince on the 21st, and desired to have that clause of his letter explained, at which he stuck a little, and I perceived he was as hollow as I had imagined. He plainly asked, How then he should have his presents, or see such curiosities as came up? and proposed to accompany me to where they were.

I answered, that I could not do this till I had delivered my master's message and presents to the king, after which I should wait upon his highness with his presents, and that every rarity that came to me should be sent after him. He pressed me to pa.s.s my word for the performance of this, which I did, and then I had the letter for Surat made out to my content.

At this interview the prince observed a white feather in my hat, and asked if I would give it to him. I answered, that I could not presume to offer any thing I had worn; but if he were pleased to command it, that or any thing else in my power was at his service. He then asked if I had any more; to which I answered, that I had three or four others of different colours. He desired to have them all, as he was to shew his horses and servants to the king within two days, and wanted some, being rare in these parts. I therefore promised to bring all I had next day, when his highness might take what pleased him.

This day Abdalla Khan waited on the prince with a gallant equipage, himself and servants being anticly apparelled, yet soldier-like, according to their fashion. On this occasion he made a present to the prince of a handsome white horse, full of spirit and high mettled, the saddle and furniture all ornamented with enamelled gold. The prince returned him a plain sword with a leathern belt. Many other swords were brought before him, the hilts and scabbards being of silver, set with small stones, together with targets covered with gold velvets, some painted and embossed with gold and silver, all of which he distributed among his servants. Against this muster many saddles and other horse-furniture were provided, richly ornamented with gold and precious stones, intended for spare horses. His boots were embroidered, and every thing was of the highest magnificence, so that the expence is wonderful, and the wealth seen daily is inestimable. There is a report going, that, on the past night, six of the servants of Sultan Churrum went to murder Sultan Cuserou, but were refused the key by the porter who has charge of him. It is farther said that the queen mother is gone to the king to lay before him an account of this matter. But the truth of these things is hard to be found, and it is dangerous to ask questions.

In the evening I went to the durbar to wait upon the king, where I met the Persian amba.s.sador with the first muster of his presents. He seemed a jester or juggler, rather than a person of any gravity, continually skipping up and down, and acting all his words like a mimic player, so that the _Atachikanne_ was converted as it were into a stage. He delivered all his presents with his own hand, which the king received with smiles and a chearful countenance, and many gracious words. His tongue was a great advantage to the Persian in delivering his own business, which he did with so much flattery and obsequiousness, that he pleased as much that way as by his gifts, constantly calling his majesty king and commander of the world, forgetting that his own master had a share of it; and on every little occasion of favourable acceptance, he made his _tessalims_. When all was delivered for that day, he prostrated himself on the ground, making _sizeda_, and knocking his head on the floor as if he would have entered it.

The gifts this day were a handsome quiver for a bow and arrow, richly embroidered; all sorts of European fruits, artificially made, and laid on dishes; many folding purses, and other knacks, of leather, curiously wrought in coloured silks; shoes st.i.tched and embroidered: great mirrors in richly inlaid frames; one square piece of velvet, highly embroidered with gold in panes, between which were Italian pictures wrought in the stuff, which he said were the king and queen of Venice, being, as I suppose, the hanging called Venetian tapestry, of which six were given, but only one shown. There were besides, many other curiosities of small value; after which came the three times nine horses and mules, the latter being very handsome, but the horses had lost their beauty and condition, as, except one or two, they were very unfit for being sent or accepted between princes. This done, the Persian returned, with many antic tricks, to his place, which was far inferior to mine, as I stood alone, and above all the subjects, though Asaph Khan at first wanted to put me from it, but I maintained it as my right, having been appointed me by the king. This was only the first act of the play presented by the Persian amba.s.sador, which will not be finished in ten days.

The 22d I went to the prince's secretary for the promised Surat letter; but his highness had changed his mind, and, loth to let the presents pa.s.s without ransacking them, refused to seal the letter. The secretary pretended they could not be allowed to pa.s.s without search, lest the merchants, under that pretence, might defraud the customs. I was offended, and going away; but the secretary prevailed on me to go with him to the prince, to whom I delivered some feathers, being two _plurides_ and two birds of paradise, which he graciously accepted; and having made known my determination not to have the presents opened, or to be sent up by any others than my own servants, he at last yielded, and commanded his secretary to make out the dispatch in my own way.

At night I went to the durbar to observe the Persian amba.s.sador, whom I found standing in his place, but often removed and set lower, as the great men came in. The king once spoke to him, on which he played off his monkey tricks, but gave no present; only the king gave command that he should be feasted by the n.o.bles. Most of the time was spent in seeing saddles and furniture, against the removal of the court, some of which the king presented to his followers, as the court was daily expected to move; the king's tents having been pitched four days. I sent that night to the secretary for my firmaun, but was put off with excuses.

The 24th the king removed to Havar Gemal, and called for the Persian amba.s.sador, who at night eat and drank before the king along with the n.o.bles, as I had done on the birth-day. On this occasion the king gave him 20,000 rupees for his expences, for which he made innumerable _tessalims_ and _sizedas_, which greatly pleased the king, being base yet profitable idolatry. As the prince was in attendance on the king, I could not get my business dispatched.

The king returned to the city in the evening of the 25th, having been far gone in wine the night before. Some person, either by chance or from malice, spoke of the last merry night, when many of the n.o.bles had drank wine, which none may do without leave. Having forgot his own order, the king demanded to know who gave? It was answered that it had been given by the _buxy_, as no one dared to say it was the king, seeing he doubted it. The custom is that the king drinks alone, though sometimes he will give command that the n.o.bles shall drink also, which to refuse is likewise an offence, so every one who takes the cup of wine from the officer has his name written down, and makes _tessalim_, though perhaps the king's eyes are misty. The king called for the _buxy_, and asked if he gave the order, which he falsely denied; though he actually gave it as ordered, calling by name such as were to drink with the amba.s.sador.

The king then called for the list, and fined the delinquents, some 1000, some 2000, and others 3000 rupees. Some that were near his person, he caused to be whipped in his presence, receiving 130 stripes with a most terrible instrument of torture, having at the ends of four cords irons like spur-rowels, so that every stroke made four wounds. When they lay for dead, he commanded the standers-by to spurn them with their feet, and the door-keepers to break their staves upon them. Thus cruelly mangled and bruised, they were carried away, one of them dying on the spot. Some would have excused themselves, by blaming the amba.s.sador; but the king said he had only ordered a cup or two to be given to him.

Though drunkenness be a common and frequent vice in the king, it is yet strictly forbidden; and no one can enter the _guzelkhan_ where the king sits, till the porters have smelt his breath, and if he have only tasted wine he is refused admittance; and if this reason of his absence be known, he shall scarcely escape the whip. When the king has taken offence at any one, even a father dares not speak for his son. Thus the king made all the company pay for the Persian amba.s.sador's reward.

The 26th, I went to _Sorocolla_, the prince's secretary, to get the promised firmaun; when he sent me a copy as fraudulent and ambiguous as the former, which I refused to accept. I drew up the clause I so much disliked myself, which I sent back, and was promised to have it sealed next day.

The day of the king's removal being at hand, I sent on the 28th to Asaph Khan, to have a warrant for carriages, as our merchants had sought all over the town for carriages to convey their goods to Agra, and could not procure any. As I was enrolled by the king, I received an order for twenty camels, four carts, and two coaches, to be paid for at the king's price; of which I appointed for the use of the factors as many as they needed.

At this time the following incident took place, being either a wonderful instance of baseness in this great monarch, or a trial of my disposition. The king had condemned several thieves to death, among whom were some boys, and there was no way to save their lives, except by selling them as slaves. On this occasion, the king commanded Asaph Khan to offer two of them to me for money, which he directed to be done by the _cutwall_, or marshal. He came accordingly and made the offer to my interpreter, who answered without my knowledge, that the Christians kept no slaves, and, as I had already set free those the king had given me, it was in vain to propose the matter to me. I afterwards suspected this were done to try me whether I would give a little money to save the lives of two children, or, if it even were in earnest, I thought there was no great loss in doing a good deed. So, to try the scope of this affair, I directed my interpreter to inform Asaph Khan, that being made acquainted with the offer, and the answer my interpreter had given, I had reprehended him for presuming in any case to answer for me; and that, if any money were to be given to save the lives of the children, either to those whom they had robbed, or to redeem them from the law, I was ready to give it, both out of respect for the king's command, and for charity; but I would not buy them as slaves, only meaning to pay their ransom, and set them free; and, if he would let me know the king's pleasure, that I might give them their lives and liberties without offence, I was very willing to do it.

Asaph Khan agreed to accept the money, making many commendations of my extraordinary goodness, and said I might dispose of the boys as I thought fit, desiring me to send the money to the _cutwall_, yet made no offer of informing the king, which was one chief purpose of my liberality. I had no inclination to be cheated, yet resolved to pay the money in such a way that the king should learn I had more mercy than he, and that a Christian valued the life of a Mahomedan beyond money. I sent therefore a factor and my interpreter to the _cutwall_, to acquaint him with my communication to Asaph Khan, and that, if he informed the king of my offer to redeem the prisoners for charity, and his majesty consented to give them their pardon and liberty, I was ready to send the money; but that I would not buy them as slaves, even for an hour.

Thus I put them to the test as to their base offer. This sum did not exceed ten pounds, a poor affair for which to impose upon a stranger, or to be gained by so great a king. The _cutwall_ answered that he would enquire the king's pleasure, and let me know the result. Some would have me believe, that this was, a signal favour of the king, chusing out any great man to do this good and honourable work of redeeming prisoners, as the money is given in satisfaction to the person robbed, and that those who are thus appointed to ransom them, make _sizeda_ to the king, as for a mighty benefit. But I see no honour in a king thus to impose upon a stranger, to whom he gives neither maintenance nor liberality. I went to the durbar, to see if the king would himself speak to me, that I might declare my own offer. The _cutwall_ made many motions, and brought in his executioner, who received some commands, but I understood them not.

I this day sent my secretary with a message to the Persian amba.s.sador, to say I would visit him, if he gave his word to return my visit. He sent me for answer, with much respect, that it was not the custom of the country for amba.s.sadors to visit each, other without leave of the king, which he would ask; and which given, he would thankfully accept my visit, and repay it with all manner of pleasure.

On the 1st November, Sultan Churrum took his leave and went to his tents. On this occasion the king sat in his durbar at noon, when the prince pa.s.sed his establishment in review before his father, consisting of about 600 elephants richly caparisoned, and about 10,000 horse, all splendidly arrayed, many of his followers being clad in cloth of gold, and their turbans adorned with herons plumes. The prince himself was in a dress of cloth of silver, all over embroidered, and splendidly decorated with pearls and diamonds, shining like the firmament in a clear night. The king embraced and kissed him with much affection, presenting him with a rich sword, the hilt and scabbard all of gold set with precious stones, valued at 100,000 rupees, a dagger valued at 40,000, together with an elephant, and a horse, the furniture of both magnificently adorned with gold and jewels. At his departure, he gave him a coach, made in imitation of that sent by the king my master to the emperor, and commanded the English coachman to drive the prince to the tents. Churrum went accordingly into the coach, sitting in the middle thereof, all the sides being open; and was attended by all his chief n.o.bles a-foot, all the way to the camp, which was about four miles.

Being followed by a vast concourse of people, he scattered all the way among them handfuls of quarter rupees. At one time he reached his hand to the coachman, and put about 100 rupees into his hat.

On the 2d, the king removed, with his women and all the court, to the tents, about three miles from town. I went that morning to attend upon him at the _Jarruco_ window of the palace, and went up to the scaffold under the window, being desirous to see this exhibition. Two eunuchs stood upon tressels, having long poles headed with feathers, with which they fanned him. On this occasion, he dispensed many favours, and received many presents. What he gave was let down by a silk cord, rolled on a turning instrument; and what he received was drawn up in the same manner, by a venerable, fat, and deformed old matron, all hung round with _gymbals_ like an image. Two of his princ.i.p.al wives were at a window on one side, whose curiosity led them to break holes in a lattice of roods that hung before the window, to gaze on me. At first I only saw their fingers; and afterwards, applying their faces to the holes, I could at times see an eye, and at length could discern their entire countenances. They were indifferently fair, having their black hair smoothed up from their foreheads; and they were so adorned with pearls and diamonds, that I might have seen them without the help of any other light. On my looking at them, they retired very merry, and, as I supposed, laughing at me.

After some time, the king departed from the window, and we all went to the durbar, to wait his coming out of the inner apartments. He came not long after, and remained in the durbar for about half an hour, till his ladies had mounted their elephants, which were in all about fifty, all richly caparisoned, especially three, which had turrets or _howders_ of gold, with grates of gold wire for the ladies to see through, and rich canopies over head of cloth of silver. The king then descended the stairs, amid such acclamations of _health to the king_, as would have drowned the noise of cannon. At the foot of the stairs, where I contrived to be near him, a person brought to him a large carp, and another presented a dish of some white stuff like starch, into which the king dipped his finger, with which he touched the fish, and then rubbed it on his forehead. This ceremony was said to presage good fortune. Then came another officer, who buckled on his sword and buckler, all set with large diamonds and rubies. Another hung on his quiver with thirty arrows, and his bow-case, being that which had been presented by the Persian amba.s.sador. On his head, the king wore a rich turban, with a plume of heron's crests, not many but long: On one side hung a rich unset ruby as large as a walnut; on the other side a diamond of equal size; and in the middle an emerald much larger, shaped like a heart. His sash was wreathed about with a chain of great pearls, rubies, and diamonds, drilled. A triple chain of excellent pearls, the largest I had ever seen, hung round his neck. He had armlets above his elbows, richly set with diamonds; and three rows of diamonds round each wrist. His hands were bare, having a rich ring on almost every finger; and a pair of English gloves were stuck into his girdle. His coat, without sleeves, was of cloth of gold, over a fine robe as thin as lawn. On his feet he wore buskins embroidered with pearls, the toes being sharp and turned up.

Thus richly accoutred, he went into the coach, which waited for him under the care of his new English servant, who was dressed as gaudily as any player, and more so, and had trained four horses for the draught, which were trapped and harnessed all in velvet and gold. This was the first coach he had ever been in, made in imitation of that sent from England, and so like it that I only knew the difference by the cover, which was of gold velvet of Persia. Having seated himself at one end, two eunuchs attended at each side, carrying small golden maces set all over with rubies, to which horse-tails were fastened, for driving away flies. Before him went drums, bad trumpets, and loud music; with many canopies, parasols, and other strange ensigns of majesty, all of cloth of gold, and adorned with rubies. Nine spare horses were led before him, some having their furniture garnished with rubies, some with pearls, and others with diamonds, while some had only plain gold studs. Next behind the coach came three palanquins, the carriages and feet of one being plated with gold, set with pearls, and a fringe of great pearls in strings a foot long, the border being set all round with rubies and emeralds. Beside this, a man on foot carried a stool of gold, set with precious stones. The other two palanquins were covered and lined with cloth of gold.

Next followed the English coach, newly covered and richly trimmed, which he had given to his favourite queen, Nourmahal, who sat in the inside.

After this came a coach, made after the fashion of the country, which I thought seemed out of countenance, in which were his younger sons. This was followed by about twenty spare royal elephants, all for the king's own use, all so splendidly adorned with precious stones and rich furniture, that they outshone the sun. Each elephant had several flags and streamers of cloth of silver, gilded sattin, or rich silk. His n.o.blemen accompanied him on foot, which I did likewise to the gate, and then left him. His women, who accompanied him on elephants, as before mentioned, seemed like so many parroquitos in cages, and followed about half a mile in the rear of his coach. On coming to the door of the house in which his eldest son was kept prisoner, he caused the coach to stop, and sent for prince Cuserou; who immediately came and made reverence, having a sword and buckler in his hands, and his beard grown to his middle, in sign of disfavour. The king now commanded his son to mount one of the spare elephants in the royal train, so that he rode next his father, to the great joy and applause of the mult.i.tude, who were now filled with new hopes; and on this occasion, the king gave him 1000 rupees to throw among the people; his gaoler, Asaph Khan, and all the ministers, being still attendant on foot.

To avoid the press and other inconveniences, I took horse and crossed out of the _leskar_, getting before the king, and then waited for him till he came near his tents, to which he pa.s.sed all the way from the town between a guard of turreted elephants, having each on the four corners of their howdars a banner of yellow taffety, and a _sling_[208]

mounted in front, carrying a bullet as big as a tennis-ball. There were about three hundred elephants armed in this manner, each having a gunner; besides about six hundred other elephants of honour, that preceded or followed the king, all covered with velvet or cloth of gold, and all carrying two or three gilded banners. Many men afoot ran before the king, carrying skins of water with which to sprinkle the road to prevent dust from annoying him; and no one was allowed to approach the coach on horseback by two furlongs.