A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 11

_Coquo_, a hen.

_Sinzano_, a needle.

_Seiavoye_, cocoa-nuts.

_Demon_, lemons.

_Mage_, water.

_Surra_, a kind of drink.

_Soutan_, the king.

_Quename_, a pine-apple.

_Carta.s.sa_, paper.

_Tudah_, oranges.

_Arembo_, bracelets.

_Figo_, plantains.

This island of Mohelia is in lat 12 10' S.[109] and has good anchorage in its road in forty fathoms. Having watered and refreshed ourselves sufficiently, we sailed from thence on the 10th of July, directing our course for the island of Socotora. The 19th we pa.s.sed to the north of the equator; and on the 25th we had sight of land, which we supposed to have been Cape Guardafui, at the entrance into the Red Sea; and so, taking a departure for Socotora, we were unable to find it. We were therefore obliged to consider how we might shelter ourselves against the fury of the winter in these parts, and also to procure refreshments; wherefore we determined to sail for the islands of _Curia Muria_, which are in about the lat.i.tude of 18 N.[110] over against the desert of _Arabia Felix_. In our way; the weather was continually so foggy, that we were unable at any time to see half an English mile before us, such being usual in these seas in the months of July, August, and September.

In all this time both the sun and stars were so continually obscured, that we were never able to get an observation, by which to regulate or correct our dead reckoning; but, G.o.d being our guide, we at length groped out the land by means of the lead. We could now clearly perceive the colour of the water to be changed to white, with many yellow gra.s.sy weeds floating on the surface; and heaving the lead continually as we advanced, we at length struck ground in forty-three fathoms. Proceeding nearer the land, our sounding lessened to twenty-two fathoms, when we anch.o.r.ed on good ground; and though we distinctly heard the rut of the sh.o.r.e at no great distance, we could not perceive the land till next day, when the weather was somewhat clearer. We then sent our skiff in sh.o.r.e, to see if any place could be discovered of more security for our ship to ride in; but, on account of the great sea that came rolling into the bay, the surge was so violent that they could not come near the sh.o.r.e, and had to return as they went; only that they had been able to descry some fair stone-houses by the sea-side, which proved to be _Doffar_, in Arabia Felix.

[Footnote 109: Lat. 13 35' S. Long. 45 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 110: These islands are at the mouth of a bay of the same name on the oceanic coast of that portion of Arabia named Mahra, in long, 55 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

When G.o.d sent us a little clear weather, we could perceive a high cape on the western side of the bay, which we discovered from our skiff the second time it was sent, and could plainly see that it formed a very good road for all kinds of winds, except between the E. and S. by E.

points. We were thankful to G.o.d for this discovery, and warped our ship to that road, with much toil to our men, as it was six or seven leagues from the place where we had anch.o.r.ed. On the 3d of August, having brought our ship to anchor in that road, we went ash.o.r.e in the boat to a little village by the sea-side, called _Resoit_, inhabited mostly by Arabian fishermen, who entertained us kindly, and gave us all the information we desired respecting the country. The governor also of _Doffar_ came down to us, whose name was _Mir Mahommed Madoffar_, who bade us kindly welcome, and presented us with three bullocks, and some sheep, goats, hens, sugar-canes, plantains, cocoa-nuts, and the like. In return we made him a present of a fine damasked fowling-piece, double lockt, which he greatly admired. He appeared to desire our friendship as much as we did his; and he gave us licence to land at all times when we were inclined. He also gave orders to have a market established for us at the village of Resoit, that we might be supplied with every kind of provision that the country affords. Their cattle were both dear and lean, and fresh water so scarce, bad, and difficult to be had, that we were forced to hire the natives to bring it down to us in skins from a distance, paying them at the rate of twenty-four shillings for the fill of five pipes.

Before leaving this place, Mir Mahommed desired us to leave a writing of commendation in his favour, specifying the kind and good entertainment we had received. This was accordingly granted, and I wrote it upon parchment, beginning it in large letters, the purport being similar to that granted at Mohelia, and this also was signed by the captain. The governor also sent us three notes signed by himself, for the purpose of being given by us to other ships, if they should happen to come upon this part of the coast, as we had been constrained to do, by which he might know our ships from those of other nations, and give them good entertainment accordingly. Cape _Resoit_ is in lat. 16 38' N. and has good anchorage in 5-1/2 or 6 fathoms.

The 28th August, we set sail from thence, directing our course for the coast of Persia, coasting along the oceanic sh.o.r.e of Arabia; it being our chiefest object to set the lord amba.s.sador on sh.o.r.e, as, by reason of the news we had received at the Cape of Good Hope, our expectations of trade at Surat, Dabul, and all other parts thereabouts, were frustrated. The 2d September, we sailed close beside an island on the coast of Arabia, called _Macyra_, in lat. 20 30' N. And on the 4th of that month we pa.s.sed the eastermost point of Arabia, called Cape _Ra.s.salgat_, in lat. 22 34' N.[111]

[Footnote 111: This Cape is in lat. 23 N. and long. 58 45'E. from Greenwich.--E.]

_Note_.--In explanation of the disappointment of trade at Surat, &c.

there is the following marginal note in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p.

490.--"These news at the Cape were, Captain Hawkins coming away in disgust, as denied leave to trade; the English being often wronged by the Mogul, in frequent breach of promise, as already shewn; for which they forced a trade in the Red Sea on the Mogul subjects. Which afterwards procured the privileges granted to Captain Best, as already related, lest the Moguls should have the sea shut up to them, and all their trade stopt. They were the more induced to grant these privileges to the English, on seeing them able to withstand the Portuguese, whose marine force had held the Guzerat people under maritime subjection, and made them afraid to trade with the English."--_Purch._

--2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches_.

Having crossed the gulf from Cape Rasalgat, on the 10th September we got sight of the coast of Persia, in the lat. of 25 10' N. When some seven leagues from the land, we sent our skiff ash.o.r.e to make enquiry concerning the country, and to seek out some convenient place in which to land his lordship, having Sir Thomas Powell, with two of the amba.s.sador's Persian attendants, and _Albertus_, our own linguist, that we might be able to converse with the natives. They came to a little village called _Tesseque_,[112] where they spoke with some camel-drivers and other country-people; from whom they learnt that the country was called _Getche Macquerona_ [Mekran], and the inhabitants _Baloches_, all living under the government of a king, named _Melik Mirza_, whose chief residence was some five or six days journey from thence, at a port named _Guadal_. They were farther informed, that all the country of _Mekran_ paid tribute yearly to the king of Persia. When informed of our purpose to land the amba.s.sador, they told us that, by means of _Melik Mirza_, his lordship might have a safe conveyance in nine days to _Kermshir_, in the province of _Kerman_; and from thence might travel in eleven days more to _Ispahan_ in Persia.

[Footnote 112: Tize is laid down upon this part of the Persian coast, in lat 25 25' N. and long. 60 80' E. from Greenwich: Perhaps the Tesseque of the text.--E.]

We then sailed along the coast, and on the 11th of the month we sent our boat ash.o.r.e with Sir Thomas Powell, accompanied as before, to make farther enquiries, and to endeavour to hire a pilot to direct our course for Guadal, as we were unacquainted with the coast. They came to a place called _Pesseque_, about a day's journey from Tesseque, where they had similar accounts with the former, all commending the port of Guadal as the best place at which the amba.s.sador could land. Wherefore, being unable to procure a pilot, we resolved, with G.o.d's blessing, to sail to that place with all the speed we could. On the 13th, while on our way, we espied coming towards us from the eastwards, two great boats, called _teradas_, which were sailing along sh.o.r.e for Ormus. Whereupon, that we might procure a pilot from them, we manned our skiff sufficiently to bring them by force to our ship, if entreaties were unavailing, yet without meaning to offer them the smallest injury, or even to send them away dissatisfied.

When our skiff came up with them, instead of answering the hails of our men, they waved our skiff to leeward with a drawn sword; on which, thinking to fear them, and make them lower their sail, our men fired a random shot towards them, which they answered by firing another directly at our skiff, followed by half a hundred arrows, to which our men answered by plying all their muskets. But our skiff was unable to hold way with them, as they were under sail, and had therefore to return to the ship, with one man very dangerously wounded by an arrow in the breast, who afterwards recovered. As we in the ship saw the skiff returning without them, we hoisted out our long-boat, and sent her after the two _teradas_, we following with the ship as near the sh.o.r.e as we could with safety; for it was now of much importance that we should speak with them, on purpose to avoid their spreading scandalous reports of us in the country, which might have frustrated our chief hopes of landing the amba.s.sador at _Guadal_, being the place we most depended upon, and being dest.i.tute of any other place for the purpose, should this fail, considering the unwelcome intelligence we had got concerning Guzerat at the Cape.

Our long boat, having fetched up with the _teradas_, drove them into a bay whence they could not escape; on which the native mariners sailed so far into the bay, that one of the teradas was cast away on the beach, and the other had nearly shared the same fate, but was saved by our men just without the surf. Most of the _balloches_ leapt overboard, and several of them narrowly escaped drowning; while nine of them were brought by our men to our ship along with the _terada_, part of whom they had taken out of the water. There were originally twenty-six balloches in the two teradas, but all the rest escaped ash.o.r.e by swimming through the surf. When these men came aboard our ship, they were found to belong to Guadal; and when told that we were sorry for the loss of their other bark, as we meant them no harm, but only wished to speak with them, that we might learn the navigation to their port, they were glad to learn we had no evil intentions, thinking we had been as merciless as themselves, and acknowledged their loss proceeded from their own folly.

We then informed them that we were bound for Guadal, on purpose to land a Persian amba.s.sador there, and that we earnestly entreated the master of the terada, whose name was _Noradin_, to pilot us to that place, for which we would satisfy him to his contentment. Knowing that he could not chuse, he consented to go with us, on condition we would permit the terada and his men to proceed to Muscat, whither they were originally bound; but we did not think this quite safe, lest they might communicate news of our arrival among the Portuguese, and thought it better to take the bark along with us to Guadal, to manifest our own good intentions.

Noradin accordingly consented, between fear and good will, and was much made of by us to rea.s.sure his confidence. On the pa.s.sage to Guadal, we had much conference with him and his men, both respecting the state of the country, the character of their king, and the means of the amba.s.sador travelling from thence into Persia. Their answers and reports all confirmed what we had been already told on the coast, and gave us hopes of success. The terada was about fifteen tons burden, and her loading mostly consisted in the provisions of the country, as rice, wheat, dates, and the like. They had a Portuguese pa.s.s, which they shewed us, thinking at first we had been of that nation. I translated this, to show in what subjection the Portuguese keep all the natives of these countries, as without such a pa.s.s they are not suffered to navigate these seas, under penalty of losing their lives, ships, and goods.

_Antonio Pereira de la Cerda, Captain of the Castle of Muscat, &c._

"Know all to whom these presents are shewn, that I have hereby given secure licence to this _terada_, of the burden of fifty _candies_, whereof is master Noradin, a Mahomedan _baloche_, dwelling in Guadal, of the age of fifty years, who carries for his defence four swords, three bucklers, five bows, with their arrows, three calivers, two lances, and twelve oars. And that in manner following: She may pa.s.s and sail from this castle of Muscat, to Soar, Dobar, Mustmacoraon, Sinde, Cache, Naguna, Diu, Chaul, and Cor. In going she carries goods of _Conga_, as raisins, dates, and such like; but not without dispatch from the custom-house of this castle, written on the back hereof. In this voyage she shall not carry any prohibited goods, viz. steel, iron, lead, tobacco, ginger, cinnamon of Ceylon, or other goods prohibited by his majesty's regulations. And conforming thereto, the said _terada_ shall make her voyage without let or hindrance of any generals, captains, or any of the fleets or ships whatever of his majesty she may happen to meet with. This licence shall be in force for one whole year, in going and returning; and if expired, shall continue in force till the completion of her voyage.

_Given at the Castle of Muscat, this_ 16_th November_, 1611.

_Written by Antonio de Peitas, notary of the said factory, &c._

_Sealed and signed by_ ANTONIO PEREIRA."

The certificate on the back was thus: "_Registered in the book of Certificates, folio x.x.xii, et sequ._ Signed, ANT. PEITAS."

The 17th September, we sailed past some high rugged cliffs, close to which, as Noradin told us, was a good watering place, at a village named _Ivane_, fifteen leagues west from Guadal. That same evening we arrived at Guadal, and anch.o.r.ed for the night off the mouth of the port, whence about thirty boats came out next morning to fish, some of which came to speak with the _balloches_ we had aboard. What conversation pa.s.sed among them we did not understand, being in the _balloche_ language. Betimes on the 18th, we cleared our pilot and his boat, and he departed well contented. Soon after, the amba.s.sador sent Nazerbeg, one of his Persian attendants, on sh.o.r.e in our skiff, with a message to the governor concerning his landing and pa.s.sing through that country into Persia.

While on the way, our skiff was met by the governor's boat, coming off to our ship, and Nazerbeg was taken into that boat, which carried him to the sh.o.r.e, whence he was accompanied by many of the natives to the governor's tent. He here delivered his message in Persian, which these people understand as well as their own language, and was kindly entertained. The answer from the governor was to this effect: That, although this country of Mekran did not belong to the king of Persia, it yet owed love and duty thereto, having been long tributary to the king and his predecessors, and still was. He farther said, that the king of Mekran was the king of Persia's slave, with many other hollow compliments, and that the amba.s.sador should be made as welcome as in Persian all this only tending to allure his lordship ash.o.r.e by treachery to his ruin, as appeared by the event.

With this answer Nazerbeg returned, being accompanied on board by about a dozen of the most ancient men of the balloches, to confirm the same.

On coming aboard, these men saluted the amba.s.sador most submissively, in the name of the governor of Guadal, and on their own behalf some even offering to kiss his feet; and told his lordship that he was most fortunate in coming to their city at this time, as only the day before the viceroy had come down with a troop of men, to visit a saint, and therefore his lordship would be conducted with infinite safety through the country, and protected from the danger of rebels and thieves, who infested the country between Mekran and Persia, and might either go through Kerman or Segistan to Ispahan. They added, that the viceroy would supply his lordship with camels and horses, and every other requisite for the journey, and would gladly give him every other accommodation in his power. They said, moreover, that they were much rejoiced at having such an opportunity of shewing their unfeigned love and duty towards the king of Persia, and that the amba.s.sador should be dispatched on his journey from Guadal in two days, if he were so inclined. They told us, that our ship should be supplied with water, and every other necessary of which we were in want; and they gave us three bags of bruised dates, of about 300 pounds weight, with two boats, saying the fishing-boats were ordered to give us two fish a-piece daily, on account of their government, which they did accordingly.

By these shews of good-will, all men concurring in the same fair story, both now and formerly, we were thoroughly satisfied, and had no distrust that they meant not as well as they said. The lord amba.s.sador, especially, was much rejoiced at the prospect of being thus enabled to reach Persia in twenty days, as they said; and we not less so, in bringing our long-desired hopes to a bearing. But G.o.d, from whom no secrets of the heart can be hidden, knew their treacherous intentions towards us; and had not his mercy exceeded his justice, we had been utterly destroyed, and it had never been known what became of us, our ship, or our goods.

Being quite satisfied with these fair promises, the amba.s.sador got every thing in readiness, and in the morning of the 19th September, sent his money and all his baggage on sh.o.r.e with the _balloches_ boats, which came aboard for the purpose. They also brought a message from the viceroy and governor, saying they had provided tents for his lordship and all his followers, close to their own, where they would be happy to receive him as soon as he pleased to land. Into this tent accordingly all the amba.s.sador's goods were carried, and some of his followers were appointed by his orders to remain there in charge of them, till he should himself land, intending to have gone ash.o.r.e the same day, about four in the afternoon, of which he sent word to the viceroy. In the mean time our boat went ash.o.r.e with empty casks to bring off fresh water, and in her went the Persian followers of the amba.s.sador, and three or four more of his people, to see the careful landing of his goods, and to accompany them to the tents.

While the amba.s.sador's baggage was landing, some of the natives asked, if these were all the things the amba.s.sador had to send ash.o.r.e? To which it was answered, that these were all, except jewels and such like things, which were to come along with himself. Some other natives standing by, observed among themselves, That it was no matter, as these were enough for the soldiers. This was overheard and understood by Nazerbeg, who concealed it for the time, though it raised some suspicion in his mind, as he said afterwards: Yet so strongly was he prepossessed by the agreement of all that had pa.s.sed before, that he could not bring himself to believe their intentions were bad. He listened, however, more attentively to all that was said afterwards among them, but could hear nothing that savoured of double-dealing.

A little while afterwards, Nazerbeg met with one _Haji Comul_,[113] whom G.o.d made an instrument to disclose the devilish project of the balloches to circ.u.mvent and destroy us, and who now revealed the particulars of their b.l.o.o.d.y designs. Nazerbeg was amazed, and even chid _Comul_ for not having told this before the goods were landed. As the time appointed for the landing of the amba.s.sador was at hand, Nazerbeg was fearful he might have come ash.o.r.e before he could get to our ship to forewarn him.

Wherefore, hastening to the sh.o.r.e, where, as G.o.d would have it, our skiff was still filling water, he told our men there was treachery plotting against us on sh.o.r.e, and entreated them to row him to the ship with all possible speed. He was therefore brought off immediately, yet hardly a moment too soon, as the amba.s.sador and all his suite, together with our captain and all the princ.i.p.al officers among us, willing to grace the amba.s.sador as far as we could for the honour of our country, were already in the waste, and ready to go on sh.o.r.e. When Nazerbeg had communicated his news, we were as ready to change our purpose as we had been before to go ash.o.r.e. The purport of what he had learnt from _Haji Comul_ was as follows:--

The viceroy and governor had agreed together to entice as many of us as they possibly could ash.o.r.e, on purpose to cut all our throats; which done, they meant to have set upon the ship, and having taken her, to seize every thing she contained. They had made minute enquiry into our numbers, and had got a particular enumeration of the state and condition of every person in the ship, all of whom they intended to put to death without mercy, except the surgeon, the musicians, the women, and the boys. Their reverence for the king of Persia, of which they had so boasted, was all a mere pretence to deceive; for they were all rebels, and it was death to talk of the king of Persia in Guadal. Though we now understood their intended plot, for which G.o.d be praised, and were sufficiently put upon our guard to prevent its execution by arming ourselves, knowing that we were able to defend ourselves from injury on board, although they had great numbers of boats, and above 1500 men armed with muskets, besides others; yet were we at a loss how we might recover his lordship's goods, and his three men who were ash.o.r.e along with them. But G.o.d, who had thus miraculously delivered us from their cruel treachery, opened likewise our understandings, so that we recovered all according to our wish, in the following manner:--

As the viceroy and his fellows expected the immediate landing of the amba.s.sador and followers, together with the captain and others of us, we sent Nazerbeg again ash.o.r.e, with instructions what to do. He was to inform the viceroy that the amba.s.sador was not very well, and had therefore deferred his landing till next morning, which was Monday the 20th September. He was also directed to request the viceroy and governor, to send two or three of their boats for him very early, to bring the women and others of his company ash.o.r.e, as the ship's boats were too small; and to say, that the amba.s.sador expected to be attended by some men of condition from the viceroy, to come in the boats, out of respect to the king of Persia, whose person he represented. This message, being well delivered, took the desired effect, and the viceroy readily promised to comply with every thing required. Having finished this part of his introductions, Nazerbeg was to repair to the tent where the baggage was lodged, and to fetch from one of the trunks, two bags of money containing 200 sterling, and some other things of value, if he could so contrive without being noticed, as it was wished to conceal the knowledge we had of the villainous intentions of these barbarians.

Nazerbeg was also desired to use dispatch, and to desire the three servants of the amba.s.sador to remain all night at the tents, with promise of being relieved next morning. All was done as directed, and not only was the money brought away, but a trunk also containing Lady Shirley's apparel. When the balloches enquired the reason of taking that trunk back to the ship, they were told it contained the lady's night-clothes, and that it was to be brought ash.o.r.e again next day.

[Footnote 113: In Purchas this person is named _Hoge_ Comul; but we suspect it ought to be _Haji_, intimating that he had made the pilgrimage of Mecca and Medina.--E.]

The amba.s.sador having thus recovered his money, wished much to get back one other large trunk, containing things of value, and the three men which were ash.o.r.e with his baggage, even if all the rest were lost. For this purpose, we filled, over night, a large chest and a night-stool, with billets of wood, rubbish, stones, and other useless matters, to make them heavy, binding them up carefully with mats and ropes to give them an air of importance. Nazerbeg was instructed to take these on sh.o.r.e, to be left in place of the large trunk which he was to bring away, under pretence that it belonged to one of the merchants, and had been landed by mistake. The three men at the tent were to accompany him back to the ship, with their musical instruments, and the _balloches_ were to be told they were wanted by the lord amba.s.sador to accompany him with their music on his landing.

Every thing being thus properly arranged, we saw next morning early, the three boats coming off for the purpose of bringing his lordship on sh.o.r.e, according to promise. We then manned our skiff, and sent her ash.o.r.e to put our plan into execution, by which we hoped to entrap the _balloches_ in the snare they had laid for us. In the mean time, we received the people from the three boats into our ship, consisting of seven or eight persons of some condition, among whom was our friend _Haji Comul_; all the rest being slaves and fishermen. We kept them in discourse on various matters, to pa.s.s away time till our skiff could get back. During this conversation, one of them said that the viceroy earnestly desired we might bring our _slurbow_[114] ash.o.r.e with us, as he wished much to see it, which we readily promised, to satisfy them. We soon after had the pleasure to see our skiff returning, having been completely successful, as it not only brought away the trunk and the three men, but also one of the chief men among the _balloches_, whom Nazerbeg enticed along with him. As soon as he came on board, he and the rest desired to see our gun-rooms, in which they had been told we had all our fire-works, of which they were in great dread, particularly of our _slurbow_ and fire-arrows; and this answered exactly to our wishes, as we meant to have enticed them below, that we might disarm them of their long knives or daggers. When all these princ.i.p.al persons were down below in the gun-room, all our people being armed and in readiness, and dispersed in different parts of the ship, some on deck, some between decks, and others in the gunroom, to arrest and disarm the traitors; and when the concerted signal was given, this was instantly accomplished, to their great astonishment, yet without resistance.

[Footnote 114: From circ.u.mstances mentioned in the sequel, this seems to have been a species of cross-bow for discharging fire-arrows.--E.]

We then laid open to them our knowledge of their murderous intentions, saying their lives were now in our hands, as they had themselves fallen into the pit they had dug for us; and, if we served them right, we should now cut them in pieces, as they meant to have done by us. Yet they stoutly denied the whole alleged plot. We detained six of the chiefest men among them, and two of their boats, sending all the rest a-sh.o.r.e, being all naked rascals, except one, by whom we sent a message to the viceroy and governor, That, unless he sent us back all the goods and baggage we had ash.o.r.e, without abstracting even the smallest portion, we would carry off those we had now in our custody. When this message was delivered to the viceroy and governor, they sent back word by the same messenger, that, if we would release the _balloches_, all our goods should be sent to us, and at the same time making many hollow declarations that no evil had ever been intended against us. On receiving this message, and in sight of the messenger, all our prisoners were immediately put in irons; and two letters were wrote to the viceroy in Persian, one by us and the other by the prisoners, intimating in the most determined terms, that the prisoners would be all put to death, if the goods were not safely returned without delay, giving only two hours respite at the most, the sand-gla.s.s being set before them as the messenger left the ship, that he might be induced to make haste. By these sharp means, we constrained them to restore every thing in the most ample manner; and this being done, we released the men and boats, according to promise, and sent them away. One man named _Malim Simsadim_, whom we had learnt, from _Haji Comul_, was an experienced pilot for _Sinde_ and _Cambay_, we detained for that purpose, promising to reward him according to his merits.

Thus, by G.o.d's a.s.sistance, to whom be endless praise for our deliverance, we happily extricated ourselves from this dangerous and intricate affair, which was entirely concluded by six p.m. of the 20th September. We set sail that same night with our new pilot and _Haji Comul_, which last remained along with us, as his life would have been in danger among that accursed crew, for revealing their diabolical plot.

We now bent out course for Sinde, as willing to avoid all subsequent dangers which these blood-thirsty balloches might attempt to plot against us. In our way, we had much conversation with Comul, whom we much esteemed and respected for the excellent service he had done towards us. _Comul_ was a native of Dabul in India, his father being a Persian of the sect of Ali, in which _Comul_ was a churchman, or priest, having likewise some skill in medicine and surgery, in which capacity he had resided in the tent of the governor of Guadal, and owing to which circ.u.mstance he had overheard their infernal plot. He had obtained leave to come aboard our ship, under pretence of procuring certain ointments or balsams, which he alleged had been promised him by our surgeons. He said that, on hearing their murderous intentions, his heart yearned within him, to think we should be led like sheep to the slaughter by such b.l.o.o.d.y butchers, and that G.o.d willed him to reveal their plot to us. He farther told us, that to his knowledge, they had already betrayed three ships in the same manner; that they were all rebels against the King of Persia, refusing to pay the tribute which they and their ancestors had been accustomed to; and that the king of Persia had levied an army, which waited not for from Guadal, with the purpose to invade the country next winter.

This country of _Macquerona_, or Mekran, is on the main land of Asia, bordering upon the kingdom of Persia. The port of _Guadal_ is nearly in the lat. of 25 N, the variation being 17 15' [lat. 24 40' N. long.

61 50' E.]. It has good anchorage in four or five fathoms. At night of the 21st September, the day after leaving Guadal, our _balloche_ pilot brought our ship in danger of running on a shoal, where we had to come suddenly to anchor till next morning. The 24th at night, while laying to, because not far from Cape Camelo, a Portuguese frigate, or bark, pa.s.sed close beside us, which at first we suspected to have been an armed galley, for which cause we prepared for defence in case of need.

3. _Arrival at Diul-ginde,[115] and landing of the Amba.s.sador: Seeking Trade there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and Bantam; and thence Home to England_.

[Footnote 115: This singular name ought perhaps to have been Diul-Sinde, or Diul on the Indus, or Sinde river, to distinguish it from Diu in Guzerat.--E.]