A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Ix Part 9

The 15th of June, 1614, we came into the river Thames, by the blessing of G.o.d, it being that day six months on which we departed from Bantam in Java.

SECTION XVIII.

_Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr Copland, Chaplain, Mr Robert b.o.n.e.r, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington, Merchant_.[92]

[Footnote 92: Purch. Pilgr. I. 466. On this occasion, only such notices as ill.u.s.trate the preceding voyage are extracted.--E.]

--1. _Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the Voyage_.

The bay of Saldhana, and all about the Cape of Good Hope, is healthful, and so fruitful that it might well be accounted a terrestrial paradise.

It agrees well with our English const.i.tutions; for, though we had ninety or an hundred sick when we got there, they were all as well in twenty days as when we left England, except one. It was then June, and we had snow on the hills, though the weather below was warmish. The country is mixed, consisting of mountains, plains, meadows, streams, and woods which seem as if artificially planted on purpose, they are so orderly; and it has abundance of free-stone for building. It has also plenty of fish and wild-fowl, as geese, ducks, and partridges, with antelopes, deer, and other animals. The people were very loving, though at first afraid of us, because the Dutch, who resort hither to make train-oil, had used them unkindly, having stolen and killed their cattle; but afterwards, and especially on our return, they were more frank and kind.

They are of middle size, well limbed, nimble and active; and are fond of dancing, which they do in just measure, but entirely naked. Their dress consists of a cloak of sheep or seals-skin to their middle, the hair side inwards, with a cap of the same, and a small skin like that of a rat hanging before their privities. Some had a sole, or kind of sandal, tied to their feet. Their necks were adorned with greasy tripes, which they would sometimes pull off and eat raw; and when we threw away the guts of beasts and sheep we bought from them, they would eat them half raw and all b.l.o.o.d.y, in a most beastly and disgusting manner. They had bracelets about their arms of copper or ivory, and were decorated with many ostrich feathers and sh.e.l.ls. The women were habited like the men, and were at first very shy; but when here on our return voyage, they became quite familiar, even lifting their rat-skins: But they are very loathsome objects, their b.r.e.a.s.t.s hanging down to their waists. The hair both of the men and women is short and frizzled. With these people copper serves as gold, and iron for silver. Their dwellings are small tents, removable, at pleasure; and their language is full of a strange _clicking_ sound, made by doubling their tongues in their throats. There is a high hill, called the _Table Mountain_, which covers all the adjoining territory for an hundred miles. The natives, who are quite black, behaved to us very peaceably, but seemed to have no religion, yet their skins were slashed or cut, like the priests of Baal; and one seemed to act as chief, as he settled the prices for the whole. Some of our people went a considerable way into the country, and discovered many bays and rivers.

When at Surat, the Guzerats took some of our sea-coal to send to their sovereign, the Great Mogul, as a curiosity. At this place there came against us a Portuguese squadron of four galleons, attended by twenty-five or twenty-six armed barks or frigates, commanded by an admiral named Nuno de Accunna, and having all red colours displayed, in token of defiance. When advised by the sabander to keep between us and the sh.o.r.e, he proudly answered, That he scorned to spend a week's provisions on his men in hindering us from trade, as he was able to force us to yield to his superior force in an hour. After three fights, they sent one of their frigates against us, manned with six or seven score of their best men, intending to set us on fire, but they were all sunk.

_Medhaphrabad_,[93] formerly a fine walled city, has been entirely ruined in the wars of the Moguls. It has still a strong castle, held by a refractory chief of the Raj.a.poots, and was besieged by the nabob, having fifty or sixty thousand men in his camp. The nabob dwelt in a magnificent tent, covered above with cloth of gold, and spread below with Turkey carpets, having declared he would not desist from the siege till he had won the castle. He sent a horse, and two vests wrought with silk and gold, to our general Captain Best, with four vests for four others. On the 23d and 24th of December, we fought again with the Portuguese, in view of the whole army of the Moguls, and forced them to cut their cables and flee from us, being better sailing vessels than ours.

[Footnote 93: Called Madafaldebar in the preceding section, and there supposed to be the place now named Jaffrabat, on the coast of Guzerat.--E.]

I rode from Swally to Surat in a coach drawn by oxen, which are ordinarily used in this country for draught, though they have plenty of excellent and handsome horses. On the way I was quite delighted to see at the same time the goodliest spring and harvest combined I had ever seen any where, often in two adjoining fields, one as green as a fine meadow, and the other waving yellow like gold, and ready to cut down; their grain being wheat and rice, of which they make excellent bread.

All along the road there were many goodly villages, full of trees which yield a liquor called _toddy_, or palm-wine, which is sweet and pleasant, like new wine, being strengthening and fattening. They have grapes also, yet only make wine from the dried raisins. In Surat there are many fair houses built of stone and brick, having flat roofs, and goodly gardens, abounding in pomegranates, pomecitrons, lemons, melons, and figs, which are to be had at all times of the year, the gardens being continually refreshed with curious springs and fountains of fresh water. The people are tali, neat, and well-clothed in long robes of white callico or silk, and are very grave and judicious in their behaviour. The sabander a.s.sured us that we had slain 350 of the Portuguese; but we heard afterwards, that above 500 were killed or maimed. Our general sent letters for England by land, but the messenger and his Indian attendant were poisoned by two friars. A second letter was entrusted to a mariner, which reached its destination.

We anch.o.r.ed in the road of Acheen on the 12th April, 1613, where we were kindly received by the king. On the 2d of May, all the strangers then at Acheen were invited to a banquet at a place six miles from the town, and on this occasion two elephants were sent for our general. To this place all the dishes were brought by water by boys, who swam with one hand, while each carried a dish in--the other; and the drink was brought in the same manner. When the guests had satisfied themselves with tasting any of the dishes, which indeed they must of all, the remainder was thrown into the river. In this feast there were at least 500 dishes served, all well dressed. It continued from one o'clock till five; but our general, who was wearied with sitting so long in the water beside the king, was dismissed an hour before the other guests. The captain or chief merchant of the Dutch factory, either by taking too much strong drink, or from sitting too long in the cold water, caught an illness of which he died soon after.

The 2d June we were entertained by a fight of four elephants with a wild tyger, which was tied to a stake; yet did he fasten on the legs and trunks of the elephants, making them to roar and bleed extremely. This day, as we were told, one eye of a n.o.bleman was plucked out by command of the king, for having looked at one of the king's women, while bathing in the river. Another gentleman, wearing a sash, had his head cut round, because it was too large. Some he is said to throw into boiling oil, some to be sawn in pieces, others to have their legs cut off, or spitted alive, or empaled on stakes. The 25th of June, the king of Acheen sent our general a letter for the king of England, most beautifully written and painted, of which the following is a translation of the preamble.[94]

[Footnote 94: Being merely complimentary, it has not been deemed necessary to give any more of this letter than the hyperbolical t.i.tles a.s.sumed by the petty Mallay rajah.--E.]

_PEDUCKA SIRIE, Sultan, King of kings renowned in war, sole king of Sumatra, more famous than his ancestors, feared in his dominions, and honoured in all the neighbouring countries. In whom is the true image of a king, reigning by the true rules of government, formed as it were of the most pure metal, and adorned by the must splendid colours. Whose seat is most high and complete; whence floweth, as a river of fine crystal, the pure and undefiled stream of bounty and justice. Whose presence is like the most pure gold: King of Priaman, and of the mountain of gold: Lord of nine sorts of precious stones: King of two Umbrellas of beaten gold; who sitteth upon golden carpets; the furniture of whose horses, and his _own armour, are of pure gold; the teeth of his elephants being likewise of gold, and every thing belonging to them. His lances half gold half silver; his small shot of the same; a saddle also for an elephant of the same; a tent of silver; and all his seals half gold half silver. His bathing-vessels of pure gold; his sepulchre also entire gold, those of his predecessors being only half gold half silver.

All the services of his table of pure gold; &c.

This great king sendeth this letter of salutation to James, king of Great Britain, &c._

This king of Acheen is a gallant-looking warrior, of middle size, and full of spirit. His country is populous, and he is powerful both by sea and land. He has many elephants, of which we saw 150 or 180 at one time.

His gallies are well armed with bra.s.s ordnance, such as demi-cannons, culverins, sackers, minions, &c. His buildings are stately and s.p.a.cious, though not strong; and his court or palace at Acheen is very pleasant, having a goodly branch of the main river surrounding and pervading it, which he cut and brought in from the distance of six miles in twenty days, while we were there. At taking leave, he desired our general to offer his compliments to the king of England, and to entreat that two white women might be sent him: "For," said he, "if I have a son by one of them, I will make him king of Priaman, Pa.s.saman, and the whole pepper coast; so that you shall not need to come any more to me, but may apply to your own English king for that commodity."

--2. _Notes concerning the Voyage, extracted from the Journal of Mr Robert b.o.n.e.r, who was Master of the Dragon_.

The regular trade-wind is seldom met with till two or three degrees south of the equator. Tornados are sure to be encountered in two or three degrees north of the line, and sometimes even four degrees. It is necessary to use the utmost diligence in getting well to the south, as in that consists the difference between a good and bad voyage, and the health of the men depend greatly on that circ.u.mstance. In pa.s.sing the line, it is proper so to direct the course from the island of Mayo as to cross between the longitudes of _seven_ and _nine_ degrees _west_ of the Lizard, if possible. At all events be careful not to come within _six_ degrees, for fear of the calms on the coast of Guinea, and not beyond _ten_ degrees west from the Lizard if possible, to avoid the W.N.W.

stream which sets along the coast of Brazil to the West Indies; and in crossing the line, in 7, 8, or 9 west of the Lizard, you shall not fear the flats of Brazil: For the general wind in these longitudes is at E.S.E. or S.E. so that you may commonly make a S.S.W. course, so as to keep the ship full that she may go speedily through; for there is much loss of time in hauling the ship too close by the wind, and it is far better therefore to give her a fathom of the sheet.

In making for the bay of Saldanha [_Table bay,_] keep between the lat.i.tudes of 33 50' and 34 20' of S. lat. so as to be sure of coming not much wide of the bay. If, on seeing the land, it appear high, you are then to the S.W. of the bay: if low sand-hills, you are then to the northward of the bay. In falling in with, the high land to the southward, which is between the Cape of Good Hope and the bay, the land trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. seven leagues from the Cape, and then trends away N.E. and S.W. towards the point of the Sugar-loaf, some four leagues. From this point of the _Sugar-loaf_ lieth _Penguin_ island; but keep fair by the point, as two miles from Penguin island there are two shoals. From the point to the island there are some seven or eight miles N. and S. and so, borrowing on that point, in eight or nine fathoms, steer a course S.E. and E.S.E. till you bring the _Table_ S.S.W. and the _Sugar-loaf_ S.W. by W. when you may anchor in 6 or 6 1/2 fathoms as you please; and then will the point of land by the _Sugar-loaf_ bear W.N.W.

some two leagues off, and _Penguin_ island N.N.W. some three leagues distant. The lat.i.tude of the point going into the bay of Saldanha [_Table bay,_] is 34 5' S.[95] On coming in there is nothing to fear, though the air be thick, as the land is bold within a cable's length of the sh.o.r.e.

[Footnote 95: Only 33 54'--E.]

In my opinion, the current near Cape _Aguillas_ sets to the southward not above fifty or sixty leagues from the land: Wherefore, in going to the eastwards, it is right to have sixty leagues from land, so that you may miss that current. For 90 or 100 leagues beyond Cape _Aguillas_, the land trends E. by N. and not E.N.E. as in the charts.

In my opinion the gulf of Cambaya is the worst place in all India for worms; wherefore ships going to Surat ought to use every precaution against injury from them. At Acheen our general was denominated _Arancaya Pattee_ by the king, who showed him extraordinary favour, sending for him to be present at all sports and pastimes; and all our men were very kindly used by the people at this place, more so than any strangers who had ever been there before.

--3. _Extracts from a Treatise, written by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who was left as Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some of his Travels and Adventures_.

The sheep at the Cape of Good Hope are covered with hair instead of wool. The beeves are large, but mostly lean. The natives of that southern extremity of Africa are negroes, having woolly heads, flat noses, and straight well-made bodies. The men have only one t.e.s.t.i.c.l.e, the other being cut out when very young.[96] Their apparel consists of a skin hung from their shoulders, reaching to their waist, and two small rat-skins, one before and the other behind, and all the rest of their body naked, except a kind of skin or leather-cap on their heads, and soles tied to their feet, considerably longer and broader than the foot.

Their arms are very scanty, consisting of bows and arrows of very little force, and lances or darts very artificially made, in the use of which they are very expert, and even with them kill many fish. They are in use to wear the guts of sheep and oxen hanging from their necks, smelling most abominably, which they eat when hungry, and would scramble for our garbage like so many dogs, devouring it quite raw and foul.

[Footnote 96: Captain Saris told me that some have two; but these are of the baser sort and slaves, as he was told by one of these marked by this note of gentility.--_Purch._]

At Surat, although Sir Henry Middleton had taken their ships in the Red Sea, they promised to deal fairly with us, considering that otherwise they might burn their ships and give over all trade by sea, as _Mill Jaffed_, one of the chief merchants of Surat, acknowledged to us. While at Surat, every one of us that remained any time ash.o.r.e was afflicted with the flux, of which Mr Aldworth was ill for forty days. The custom here is, that all strangers make presents on visiting any persons of condition, and they give other presents in return.

Finding it impossible to have any trade at Surat, as the Portuguese craft infested the mouth of the river, our general removed with the ships to Swally roads, whence we might go and come by land without danger, between that place and Surat. Mr Canning had been made prisoner by the Portuguese, but the viceroy ordered him to be set ash.o.r.e at Surat, saying, "Let him go and help his countrymen to fight, for we shall take their ships and all of them together." He was accordingly liberated, and came to us at Swally. The purser had likewise been nearly taken; but he escaped and got on board. The 3d October, _Seikh Shuffe_, governor of _Amadavar_, [Ahmedabad], the chief city of Guzerat, came to Surat and thence to Swally, where he entered into articles of agreement for trade and friendship.

The 29th of October, four Portuguese galleons and a whole fleet of frigates, or armed grabs, hove in sight. Our general went immediately to meet them in the Dragon, and fired not one shot till he came between their admiral and vice-admiral, when he gave each of them a broadside and a volley of small arms, which made them come no nearer for that day.

The other two galleons were not as yet come up, and our consort the Hosiander could not get clear of her anchors, so that she did not fire a shot that day. In the evening both sides came to anchor in the sight of each other. Next morning the fight was renewed, and this day the Hosiander bravely redeemed her yesterday's inactivity. The Dragon drove three of them aground, and the Hosiander so _danced the hay_ about them, that they durst never show a man above hatches. They got afloat in the afternoon with the tide of flood, and renewed the fight till evening, and then anch.o.r.ed till next day. Next day, as the Dragon drew much water, and the bay was shallow, we removed to the other side of the bay at _Mendafrobay_, [Jaffrabat], where _Sardar Khan_, a great n.o.bleman of the Moguls, was then besieging a castle of the _Raj.a.puts_, who, before the Mogul conquest, were the n.o.bles of that country, and were now subsisting by robbery. He presented our general with a horse and furniture, which he afterwards gave to the governor of Gogo, a poor town to the west of Surat.

After ten days stay, the Portuguese having refreshed, came hither to attack us. Sardar Khan advised our general to flee; but in four hours we drove them out of sight, in presence of thousands of the country people.

After the razing of this castle, Sardar Khan reported this gallant action to the Great Mogul, who much admired it, as he thought none were like the Portuguese at sea. We returned to Swally on the 27th December, having only lost three men in action, and one had his arm shot off: while the Portuguese acknowledged to have lost 160, though report said their loss exceeded 300 men.

The 13th January, 1613, I was appointed factor for the worshipful company, and bound under a penalty of four hundred pounds. Our ships departed on the 18th, the galleons not offering to disturb them: and at this time Anthony Starkey was ordered for England. Mr Canning was seventy days in going from Surat to Agra, during which journey he encountered many troubles, having been attacked by the way, and shot in the belly with an arrow, while another Englishman in his company was shot through the arm, and many of his peons were killed and wounded. Two of his English attendants quitted him, and returned to Surat, leaving only two musicians to attend upon him. He arrived at Agra on the 9th April, when he presented our king's letter to the Great Mogul, together with a present of little value; and being asked if this present came from our king, he answered that it only came from the merchants. The Mogul honoured him with a cup of wine from his own hand, and then referred him, on the business of his emba.s.sy, to Morak Khan. One of his musicians died, and was buried in the church-yard belonging to the Portuguese, who took up the body, and buried it in the highway; but on this being complained of to the king, they were commanded to bury him again, on penalty of being all banished the country, and of having all the bodies of their own dead thrown out from the church-yard. After this, Mr Canning wrote that he was in fear of being poisoned by the jesuits, and requested to have some one sent up to his a.s.sistance, which was accordingly agreed to by us at Surat. But Mr Canning; died on the 29th of May, and Mr Kerridge went up on the 22d of June.

At this time I was to have been sent by the way of Mokha to England; but the master of the ship said it was impossible, except I were circ.u.mcised, to go so near Mecca. The 13th October, 1613, the ship returned, and our messenger made prisoner at the bar of Surat by the Portuguese armed frigates, [grabs] worth an hundred thousand pounds, and seven hundred persons going to Goa.[97] This is likely to be of great injury here, for no Portuguese is now permitted to pa.s.s either in or out without a surety; and the Surat merchants are so impoverished, that our goods are left on our hands, so that we had to send them to Ahmedabad.

John Alkin, who deserted from Sir Henry Middleton to the Portuguese, came to us at this time, and told us that several of their towns were besieged by the Decaners, and other neighbouring Moors, so that they had to send away many hundred Banians and others, that dwelt among them, owing to want of provisions; and indeed three barks came now with these people to Surat, and others of them went to Cambaya. Their weak behaviour in the sea-fight with us was the cause of all this.

[Footnote 97: Probably owing to careless abridgement by Purchas, this pa.s.sage is quite unintelligible. The meaning seems to be, That the ship in which was the English messenger, having a cargo worth 100,000_l_.

sterling, and 700 persons aboard, bound on the pilgrimage to Mecca, was taken and carried into Goa.--E.]

About this time also, Robert Claxon of the Dragon, who had deserted to the Portuguese for fear of punishment, came to us accompanied by a German who had been a slave among the Turks. One Robert Johnson, who was with the Portuguese, and meant to have come to us, was persuaded by another Englishman, while pa.s.sing through the Decan, to turn mussulman, and remain in that country, where he got an allowance of seven shillings and sixpence a-day from the king, and his diet from the king's table.

But he died eight days after being circ.u.mcised. Robert Trully, the musician, fell out with Mr Kerridge at Agra, and went to the king of Decan, carrying a German with him as interpreter. They both offered to turn Mahometans, and Trully, getting a new name at his circ.u.mcision, received a great allowance from the king, in whose service he continues; but the German, who had been, formerly circ.u.mcised in Persia, and now thought to have deceived the king, was not entertained; whereupon he returned to Agra, where he serves a Frenchman, and now goes to ma.s.s.

Robert Claxon, above mentioned, had also turned Mahometan in the Decan, with a good allowance at court; but, not being contented, he came to Surat, where he was pitied by us for his seeming penitence; but being entrusted with upwards of forty pounds, under pretence of making purchases, he gave us the slip and returned to the Decan. Thus there are at present four English renegadoes in the Decan, besides many Portuguese. The 27th October, 1613, we received letters sent by Mr Gurney of Masulipatam, written by Captain Marlow of the ship Ja.n.u.s, informing us of his arrival and trade at that place.

From Surat I went to _Periano_? three _coss_; thence to Cossumba, a small village, ten _coss_; and thence to Broach, ten _coss_. This is a very pretty city on a high hill, encompa.s.sed by a strong wall, and having a river running by as large as the Thames, in which were several ships of two hundred tons and upwards. Here are the best calicoes in the kingdom of Guzerat, and great store of cotton. From thence I went to _Saninga_ [Sarang], ten coss; to _Carrou_? ten c. and then fourteen c.

to _Boldia_ [Brodrah], a smaller city than Broach, but well built, having a strong wall, and garrisoned by 3000 horse under _Mussuff Khan_.

I went thence ten c. to a river named, the _Wussach_, [the Mahy?] where Mussuff was about to engage with the raj.a.puts who lay on the opposite side of the river, the chief of whom was of the race of the former kings of Surat. Thence other fourteen coss to _Niriand_,[Nariad] a large town where they make indigo; and thence, ten c. more to _Amadabar_, or Ahmedabad, the chief city of Guzerat, nearly as large as London, surrounded by a strong wall, and seated in a plain by the side of the river Mehindry. There are here many merchants, Mahometans, Pagans, and Christians; with great abundance of merchandize, which chiefly are indigo, cloth of gold, silver tissue, velvets, but nothing comparable to ours, taffeties, _gumbucks_, coloured _baffaties_, drugs, &c. _Abdalla Khan_ is governor of this place, who has the rank and pay of a commander of 5000 horse. From, thence, on my way to Cambay, I went seven c. to _Barengeo_, [Baregia] where every Tuesday a _cafilla_ or caravan of merchants and travellers meet to go to Cambay, keeping together in a large company to protect themselves from robbers. From thence sixteen c.

we came to Soquatera, a fine town with a strong garrison; whence we departed about midnight, and got to Cambay about eight next morning, the distance being ten _coss_.

In November, we rode to _Sarkess_, three coss from Ahmedabad, where are the sepulchres of the Guzerat kings, the church and handsome tombs being kept in fine order, and many persons resort to see them from all parts of the kingdom. At the distance of a coss, there is a pleasant house with a large garden, a mile round, on the banks of the river, which _Chon-Chin-Naw_,[98] the greatest of the Mogul n.o.bles, built in memory of the great victory he gained at this place over the last king of Guzerat, in which he took the king prisoner, and subjugated the kingdom.

No person inhabits this house, and its orchard is kept by a few poor men. We lodged here one night, and sent for six fishermen, who in half an hour caught more fish for us than all our company could eat.

[Footnote 98: This name seems strangely corrupted, more resembling the name of a Chinese leader than of a Mogul Khan or Amir. Perhaps it ought to have been Khan-Khanna.--E.]

The 28th November, we received intelligence at Ahmedabad, that three English ships had arrived at _Larry Bunder_, the port town of _Guta-Negar-Tutla_, [Tatta] the chief city of _Sindy_. I was sent thither, and came on the 13th December to _Ca.s.sumparo_, where I overtook a cafilla or caravan travelling to _Rahdunpoor_, six days journey on my way. We went thence to _Callitalouny_, a fair castle; thence seven c. to _Callwalla_, a pretty village, given by the emperor Akbar to a company of women and their posterity for ever, to bring up their children in dancing and music. They exhibited their talents to our caravan, and every man made them some present, and then they openly asked if any of us wanted bedfellows. On the 16th we went eight _coss_ to _Cartya_, where is a well-garrisoned fortress. We remained here till the 18th, waiting for another caravan for fear of thieves, and then went to _Deccanaura_,[99] on which day our camel was stolen and one of our men was slain. The 19th we travelled ten c. to _Bollodo_, a fort held by _Newlock Abram Cabrate_ for the Mogul, and who that day brought in 169 heads of the Coolies, a plundering tribe. The 20th in thirteen c. we came to a fort named _Sariandgo_, and the 21st in ten c. we arrived at _Rhadunpoor_, a large town with a fort. We remained here till the 23d, to provide water and other necessaries for our journey through the desert.

[Footnote 99: It singularly happens, in the excellent map of Hindoostan by Arrowsmith, that none of the stages between Ahmedabad and Rahdunpoor are laid down, unless possibly _Decabarah_ of the map may be _Decanauru_ of the text; while Mr Arrowsmith actually inserts on his map the route of Whittington across the sandy desert of Cutch, between Rahdunpoor and the eastern branch of the Indus, or _Nulla Sunkra_, and thence through the Delta to Tatta.--E.]

The 23d, leaving Rhadunpoor, we travelled seven coss, and lay all night in the fields, having that day met a caravan coming from Tatta that had been plundered of every thing. On the 24th I sent off one of my peons with a letter to Larry Bunder, who promised to be there in ten days, but I think he was slain by the way; we went twelve c. that day. The 25th we travelled fourteen c. and lodged by a well, the water of which was so salt that our cattle would not drink it. The 26th ten c. to such another well, where our camels took water, not having had any for three days. The 27th after fourteen c. we lodged on the ground; and the 28th, in ten c. we came to a village called _Negar Parkar_. In this desert we saw great numbers, of wild a.s.ses, red deer, foxes, and other wild animals. We stopt all the 29th, and met another caravan, that had been robbed within two days journey of Tatta. _Parkar_ pays tribute yearly to the Mogul; but all the people from thence to _Inno_, half a day's journey from Tatta, acknowledge no king, but rob and spare at their pleasure. When any of the Moguls come among them, they set their own houses on fire, and flee into the mountains; and as their houses are only built of straw and mortar, they are soon rebuilt. They exact customs at their pleasure, and even guard pa.s.sengers through the desert, not willing they should be robbed by any but themselves. The 30th we left Parkar, and after travelling six coss, we lay at a tank or pond of fresh water. The 31st we travelled eight c. and lay in the fields beside a brackish well. The 1st January, 1614, we went ten c. to _Burdiano_, and though many were sick of this water, we had to provide ourselves with a supply for four days. The 2d we travelled all night eighteen c.

The 3d, from afternoon till midnight, we went ten c. The 4th twelve c.

This day I fell sick and vomited, owing to the bad water. The 5th, after seven c. we came to three wells, two of them salt and one sweetish. The 6th, having travelled ten c. we came to _Nuraquimire_, a pretty town, where our company from Rhadunpoor left us. We who remained were two merchants and myself with five of their servants, four of mine, ten camels, and five camel-drivers.