A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Viii Part 35

My opinion was therefore, notwithstanding the bad tidings from Sir Henry, that we should proceed for Mokha, having with us the pa.s.s of the Grand Signior, which the former ships had not; by which means we would be able to certify to the company of what avail the pa.s.s might be, taking, care, however, to stand well on our guard, and not to trust any one ash.o.r.e without a sufficient pledge. In this way we might ride securely, and might obtain trade aboard, if not on sh.o.r.e, our force being able to defend us, or to offend, upon occasion, against any force that port could fit out. If therefore we found no means of commerce, we could then avail ourselves of his majesty's commission, in respect of the violence used against Sir Henry and his company, and so enforce the vent of our English commodities, or make spoil of their trade and custom, by not permitting the entry of the Indian ships which were expected there on the 5th of March; but, till then, I should be very unwilling to deal with them by force. I considered this to be our best plan of procedure, as by it our fleet might remain together, and go in company to Surat when the monsoon would permit, according to our instructions, our joint force being better able to resist any inimical attempts. The council agreed to my proposal, so that we concluded to keep company together, and to proceed for the Red Sea.

We accordingly weighed anchor on the 1st March, and made sail for the Red Sea. The road of Tammarin has good anchorage in four fathoms, a musket-shot from the sh.o.r.e; and farther in are three, and three and a-half fathoms all along the bay, keeping two cables length from sh.o.r.e, all fair sand, with some stones, the coast being all bold. A demi-culverin shot may reach the castle from the anchorage, and the castle is of no strength. The lat.i.tude of Tamniarin bay is 12 35'

N.[409] The king of Socotora advised us, in sailing for the Red Sea, to keep to the south of Abdal Kuria, as, if we went to the north of that island, we should be forced over to the Arabian coast, and would find great difficulty to fetch Cape Guardafui; and, indeed, by experience, we found it best to keep the Abyssinian, or African sh.o.r.e aboard. The 4th, we saw Cape Guardafui, bearing west eight or nine leagues, being in lat.

12 1' N. [12 28'.] In the evening, standing in along the land to find the bay of Feluk, [Filek or Felix] our depths were twenty-six, eighteen, and seventeen fathoms. We here resolved to go for Mokha, not Aden, because the latter is merely a garrison town, and has little trade, besides other inconvenience, such as the exaction of heavy customs, and the like, as appeared by the _sixth_ voyage under Sir Henry Middleton.

Here, off Feluk, we took good store of mullets with our sein, and other large and excellent fish with hooks and lines. At this place there are several sorts of gums, very sweet in burning, as also fine mats, much in request at Aden, Mokha, and the Indies. Ordinarily the India ships touch here both going to the Red Sea and returning, purchasing there mats and gums, as likewise provisions, such as sheep and b.u.t.ter, which are far cheaper here than at Mokha. Boats from hence go daily with provisions to sell at Mokha and Aden, but they will only barter for linen-cloth [cotton.] At Feluk there is plenty of wood and water to be had, but not in the bottom of the bay. The pa.s.sage up to the town is so large, that three ships may go up a-breast without danger. The entry is between a high hummock and a low sandy point. The masters proposed to steer from Feluk W. by N. along the African sh.o.r.e, to the island of _Demiti_ or _Mete,_ and then to shape a course for Aden.

[Footnote 409: In reality, 13 30' N. in Arrowsmith's great Chart of the World. In Astley's Collection, V.I. chart vii. it is placed only in 12 20'.--E.]

The 10th, in the morning, we had sight of two small islands off the high land of Demiti, about a league from the coast, and about four leagues distant from each other, the eastermost bearing S. by W. seven leagues, and the westermost S.W. the same distance. We now stood over for the high land of Aden, N.W. by N. and N.W. the wind at E. and E. by N. a stiff breeze, and the current easterly, lat. 11 58' N.[410] The 11th we had sight of the high land of Arabia, being that of Darsina, and having a strong easterly current in coming over, though we steered between N.N.W. and N.W. we were so carried to the eastwards, that we only made our course N. by W. But after we were shot about twelve leagues off the African sh.o.r.e, we found no current, being broken off, as we supposed, by the point, or head-land of Aden. I now sent instructions to Captain Towerson and Mr Davis for their conduct on our arrival at Mokha roads, that our ships and people might be guarded against the treachery of the Turks. The 12th we were in sight of the high land of Aden, bearing W. by S. ten leagues off. The 13th, in the evening, we were fourteen leagues eastwards of the entry of the straits, and sixteen leagues west from Aden, and came here to anchor on a fine sandy bottom. The 14th, we weighed in the morning, steering for the straits, having a small gale at W. by N. with rain, being the first we had seen for four months. In the evening, believing ourselves off the straits, we stood off and on under easy sail all night, constantly heaving the lead, being eight or nine leagues off the Arabian coast. About noon of the 15th we opened the straits, and at night anch.o.r.ed in fifteen and a half fathom, on black oose, three leagues from the Arabian, and ten from the Abyssinian sh.o.r.e, the weather being so clear that we could distinctly see both.

[Footnote 410: The island or islands of Demiti or Mete, are in lat. 11 45' N.--E.]

The 16th we weighed in the morning, and stood for Mokha, where we came to anchor in five and a half fathoms. Not long after anchoring, the governor sent off a poor old slave in a small canoe, to know the cause of our coming. I used this man kindly, who told me the English had been lately here, and were ill used by _Regib aga_, then governor, who was therefore cashiered, and the government was now in the hands of _Ider_ [Hayder] _aga_, a Greek by birth, who was the friend of strangers and merchants. Giving him a present of two dollars, I sent him back to his master to tell him we were Englishmen, and friends to the Grand Signior, and, upon sending us a worthy person, we should acquaint him farther of the cause of our coming. Soon afterwards there came off an Italian renegado, well dressed, with a similar message, and to know if we had the Grand Signior's pa.s.s. I told him we had not only such a pa.s.s, but letters from the king of Great Britain to the pacha, which the Italian desired to see; but, holding him a base fellow for changing from the Christian religion, I refused,[411] and desired him to acquaint the governor with these things, and that we were appointed, in honour of the said pa.s.s, to fire fifty-one pieces of artillery on our arrival in these roads, which we meant presently to do. The Italian requested he might be allowed in the first place to inform his master of our intended salute, which was granted, and the purser directed to give him five dollars, and one to his boat's crew. His name was _Mustafa Trudgeman_.[412] We shot off nineteen pieces from the Clove, seventeen from the Hector, and fifteen from the Thomas, which the town answered with five pieces of excellent ordnance, and three each from two gallies. These were stout vessels, having twenty-five oars of a side, and were well fitted, having their yards up. The name of the captain of these gallies was Mami, and that of the captain of the town was Mahomet Bey.

[Footnote 411: He might have overthrown his affairs by this preposterous proceeding, which was the effect of religious malice, not zeal.--Astl.

I. 459. a.]

[Footnote 412: Astley corrects this name to _Tarjiman_; but that word, variously written, is merely what is usually called _Dragoman_, linguist, or interpreter.--E.]

The 17th, I received a present from Hayder Aga of three bullocks, twenty hens, two baskets of plantains, and two of lemons, with many compliments, together with an invitation to come on sh.o.r.e. I sent back a handsome fowling-piece, desiring the messenger to say that I would come ash.o.r.e to visit the governor if a sufficient pledge were given for my safe return, and that my reasons for this caution could not be unknown.

The governor at this time sent his secretary aboard with a letter to me, desiring to know what message I had formerly sent by Mustafa Tarjiman, for he having, by much entreaty, procured a bottle of wine, had got so drunk before his return, that he could not speak. On the 18th, Mr c.o.c.kes, our chief merchant, and Bolton, our linguist, went ash.o.r.e to inform the governor that the purpose of our coming was to enter into trade; and whenever the governor thought proper to send a person of equal rank to remain as a pledge in the ship for my security and safe return, I was willing to visit him in person, and to say farther, that I was not ignorant of the wrongs formerly done by Regib Aga to Sir Henry Middleton and his people; yet, if we might now have quiet trade, all past matters should be overlooked, and we would treat with him of such business as the Grand Signior had permitted by his pa.s.s or licence, which we had, which we hoped might extend to the sale of all our goods.

The secretary remained on board as pledge for Mr c.o.c.kes and Mr Bolton, and eat freely of our victuals, which, however, he had cooked for him by his own people. They returned at night, having been feasted and kindly used, being carried through the town dressed in silver tissue robes, with music before them, by way of giving the people to know that we were made welcome; but, on coming away, they were divested of their robes.

The secretary was now dismissed, with a present of half a piece of violet-coloured kersey. He was very desirous to learn if I were related to Sir Henry Middleton, which question was likewise put to Mr c.o.c.kes when ash.o.r.e.

Mr c.o.c.kes brought off a letter from the governor, stating how handsomely he had treated the messengers; inviting Mr Saris on sh.o.r.e, with promises of good entertainment, without guile or deceit, offering to send his secretary, or any other person required, to remain in pledge; informing him that he had written to Jaffar Pacha, from whom he expected an answer in fourteen or fifteen days; and that, in the meantime, any of the English should be made welcome a-sh.o.r.e to buy fresh provisions, or any thing else the place could afford for their use; as also to sell any thing they pleased without molestation. This letter, dated at Mokha, the 25th of Moharem, _ann_. 1021 of the Hejeira, has the following singular subscription:

_Dus como bono amco_, Haydar Aga, aga de Mokha.

"This letter seems to have been inserted by Parchas, who informs us likewise, that he possessed divers letters from Mami, captain of the gallies at Mokha, to Captain Saris, which he omits, as he says, to avoid prolixity, being similar to that of Haydar aga. In the Pilgrims he has inserted figures of three of their seals, by way of novelty, stating that these seals were stamps in ink, not on wax. He likewise adds a piece of a letter in the _Banian_ language and character, commonly used in a great part of India, written to Captain Saris by the sabandar of Mokha. He likewise gives a facsimile of the Grand Signior's seal, or superscription rather, together with two lines and a half of the pa.s.s, or licence, in the Turkish language and character, stating that, in the original, all the larger strokes are gold, the rest being azure, intermixed here and there with red, the whole very beautifully executed.

After which follows the letters patent, pa.s.s, or licence, rendered into English, of which the following is the substance:"

"You, who are my most laudable, fortunate, wealthy, and great beglerbeys or viceroys, both by sea and land, under the authority of my most happy and imperial throne, &c. Hereby you shall understand, that the amba.s.sador of the king of Great Britain, residing at our most high _port_, hath informed us by his supplications, that some of the subjects of his master have discovered, with great cost and labour, a trade in the East Indies, &c. We do therefore command and charge you all and each of you, our before-mentioned officers and subjects, kindly to receive and entertain the said merchants and subjects of the king of Great Britain, coming to, or pa.s.sing through, any of our dominions, intending to trade, especially in our dominions of Yaman, Aden, and Mokha, and the parts adjoining; a.s.sisting and relieving them, their men and ships, in all things needful; and also freely to permit them, by land or sea, to go or sail outwards or inwards, as their occasions may require, without let, hindrance, injury, or molestation. And if, contrary to the capitulations and league of amity between us and the king of Great Britain, you offer them the least wrong, or any way molest and trouble the said merchants in their traffic or otherwise in any respect, you shall not only incur our high displeasure, but shall be punished for example to others. Therefore, take care you carry yourselves conformably to this our imperial command, and give entire credit to this our imperial ensign. Given at our mansion in Constantinople, this 15th of Zulhajjeh, in the year of the Hejirah, 1019."[413]

[Footnote 413: The abbreviated pa.s.sages, marked in the text by inverted commas, were too long for insertion in a note; and the circ.u.mstances they detail appeared too long and uninteresting in the original for being given at full length.--E.]

The 20th of March, according to agreement made the day before, the governor sent aboard Mahomet aga, admiral of the sh.o.r.e and commander of the roads, for receiving the Turkish customs and anchorage,[414]

together with a grave old man, named Nasuf and two attendants, to remain as pledges of my safety. I went accordingly on sh.o.r.e, with all the merchants, in three skiffs, or boats, well fitted, and had a salute of fifty-one pieces of cannon fired off at our departure. We were received at the landing-place by the captain of the gallies and other princ.i.p.al persons, with music, drums, and trumpets, which played before us, while the inhabitants followed in such crowds that we could hardly pa.s.s; at the same time several cannon were fired as a salute from the castle. After pa.s.sing two guards of very proper men, well clothed, we were conducted into the governor's house, all built of freestone, having large handsome stairs, by which we were led to a room spread with rich carpets, having a bow-window at the upper end, where a silken quilt was laid on the floor, with two cushions of cloth of silver, on which I was desired to sit down. Presently the governor entered from another chamber, himself dressed in a gown of cloth of silver, faced with rich fur, and accompanied by five or six persons richly apparelled. After taking me by the hand, he kissed his own hand, and put it to his head, in token of respect. He then led me to the bow-window, where we sat down, and, after some compliments, I delivered to him our king's letter, which was read by Mr c.o.c.kes, and interpreted by our linguist, Mr Bolton, to the captain of the gallies; who repeated it to the aga, such being their custom by way of state or ceremony. I then gave him the pa.s.s, or licence of the Grand Signior, which was read aloud by the secretary, after which he kissed it, and laid it on his head, giving it to his secretary to take a copy of it, after which, it was returned.

[Footnote 414: Probably the person called formerly Mahomet bey, captain of the town-E. This person seems to have been the person styled Lord of the Sea, or Amir al Bahr, in the voyage of Sir Henry Middleton, a different officer from the Shah bandar.--Astl. 1.460. a.]

The governor now bid us heartily welcome, desiring that what had formerly taken place with Sir Henry Middleton might be forgotten for that quarrel had originated between two drunken men, and had been improperly followed up by the former aga, for which he had now been five months displaced. In regard to trade, he could not permit any great matter till he received directions from his master, Jaffar Pacha, to whom he had written, and expected an answer in ten or twelve days; desiring me to allow my people in the meantime to come ash.o.r.e freely, to buy what they wanted, and to sell small matters, that the inhabitants might see we were in peace and amity, and that the past was forgotten.

These speeches made good what I had formerly suspected, concerning the doubts the India ships might entertain of our being here, unless they understood we were friends; and their staying away would prove a great injury to every officer of the port. Besides, we were purposely so placed at anchor, that no laden ship could come into the port but must ride under our guns; by which I reckoned we were sure of trade, either ash.o.r.e or aboard, and by thus holding the town in awe, I might venture our boats and people the more freely on sh.o.r.e, to procure any thing our ships might need.

We were royally feasted by the governor, the dinner consisting of all sorts of wild fowl, poultry, goat's-flesh, mutton, cream, custards, various made dishes, and sundry confections, all served in vessels of tin, different from our pewter, made goblet-fashion, with feet, and so placed in piles, one above the other, that they reached a yard high, yet each dish could be served from without removing the others. All these meats were served up at once, before we sat down. Our drink was simple water, or boiled with an herb called _Cauhaw_,[415] giving it a somewhat bitter taste. Dinner being over, the governor led me into an inner room, where he was attended by four little boys, who were his catamites. Being here seated on a crimson velvet carpet, all the rest of the room covered with rich carpets, one of these boys, having in his hand a linen napkin, ushered in two other boys, one of whom carried a silver chaffing-dish, with burning coals, and the other a dish with sundry rich perfumes, as ambergris, lignum aloes, and others. The governor desired me to permit the boy to cover my head close with the napkin, after which the other boy held the chaffing-dish with perfumes under my head, that I might receive the perfume, which was very pleasant. The governor, and two princ.i.p.al persons who were with him, then did the like, which seemed a ceremony much used among them.

[Footnote 415: It ought to be called _Kahwah_, that is, coffee, which every one knows is a berry; but perhaps it was made of the husk, which the French say is most delicious, and never exported. See _Voy. de l'Arabie Heureuse_, p. 243, et seq.--Astl. I.461. d.]

After conversing for some time, three of the boys came in again, one carrying a vest, or gown, of cloth of gold, wrapped in a covering of taffety, which was dyed with saffron to preserve the colour of the gold; another had a sash, or turban, twenty-two yards long, all striped with gold; and the third bore a _damaskeen_, or Turkish sword, richly mounted in silver gilt, both hilt and scabbard. The governor himself put the vest, or gown, upon me, and girt the sword to my side, telling me that they were not presents from himself, but ordered by the Grand Signior, whose gifts they were. He then entreated me to ride about the town, along with the cadi, or chief justice, and the captain of the gallies, that the people might see the amity there was between us. A horse was brought for this purpose, very richly caparisoned, all the metal of the bridle being of silver; but I chose rather to go on foot, that I might the better see the town, which was agreed to. So, having walked with these officers all about the town, and having viewed the house proposed for our factory, I was conducted to the house of the captain of the gallies, where another costly banquet was prepared. From thence I returned to the house of the governor, who met me on the stairs, and who again earnestly entreated, that all the injuries done to Sir Henry Middleton might be forgotten, and that our perfect amity might be apparent by my frequent coming or sending ash.o.r.e. Then taking leave, I was accompanied to the sea-side by a large train of the princ.i.p.al people of the town, and I returned on board under a salute of fifteen guns. The Turks who had remained as pledges were now gratified with sundry presents, and sent ash.o.r.e in a friendly manner, giving them likewise a salute of fifteen guns.

The 21st, I sent Mr c.o.c.kes and others ash.o.r.e, with a present to the aga of a case of bottles of _rosa solis_, which he had earnestly desired, and that it should be so wrapped up as not to be known. They were also directed to make enquiry into the amount of the customs, both inwards and outwards; the weights, measures, value of coins, and prices of indigos, calicos, cotton-yarn, and other commodities fit for us to lade with; also to endeavour to get the Jew to come aboard who was in the Ascension when cast away near the bar of Surat, who could give us certain intelligence respecting Sir Henry Middleton. It is to be noted, that this road of Mokha is very open and dangerous, with very shoal water a mile off, the town being built on low land, almost even with the sea. At this time the wind blew strong from the S.S.W. causing so high a sea that we did not _send_ less than seven feet with every billow, riding in five fathoms. When the wind is at west there is no shelter; but the people told us, that when that wind prevails, which begins in the end of May, the heat is so extreme as to dull the wind, at which season there is much sickness.

The 31st, I understood from the captain of the town, that letters had come the night before from the pacha to the governor, ordering him to allow us free trade, both on sh.o.r.e and with the India ships, and to furnish us with all we might need, as he should answer at his peril to the contrary. I was very doubtful of the truth of these good news, as Mr c.o.c.kes had been with the governor only half an hour before, and had not heard a word of the matter. The captain said, that the reason why the governor had not mentioned it was, that there was a _jelba_ in the port bound for Mecca, and ready to depart, and that the governor was unwilling it should be known the pacha had granted us free trade, lest on its coming to the ears of the sharif of Mecca, he might write to the Grand Signior and have the grant revoked. But our opinion rather is, that the pacha has returned a harsh answer, with directions for the aga to do with us what he cannot yet effect, by reason of our being so watchful over him, and therefore conceals his having an answer from Zenan till a more favourable opportunity. At this time, one _Ashraf_, who had secretly sent a letter of Mr Femell's, testifying their treacherous conduct here, gave notice to our linguist, that I ought to beware of coming on sh.o.r.e myself unless with good pledges, when I might come boldly, otherwise to put no trust in them, even though the governor should swear upon the Alcoran; for all the Turks here were soldiers, who cared little for oaths, and he had heard that the news from the pacha did not tend to our benefit, as the copy of the Grand Signior's pa.s.s had not yet reached him: After which, it would be seen fully what was meant to be done, and that would now be in other six days.

The 2d April, the caravan from Grand Cairo in Egypt arrived at Mokha, and on the 3d two ships arrived from India, one of Chaul and the other of Cananor, laden with indigo, calicos, chintzes, ambergris, and cotton-yarn, and at the least 400 pa.s.sengers, who had much wealth along with them. We saluted them with nine pieces of cannon from our fleet, which they returned with three _chambers_ each, being all they had. I sent my skiff aboard one of them to enquire what were the news on the coast of Surat, and got back word that three English ships were trading there; but they knew nothing more. This day the captain of the town came aboard with five chiefs of the janisaries, being sent by the governor to inform me that the pacha had sent orders to use us kindly, and give us a free trade; and desiring me therefore to come ash.o.r.e next morning, when I should learn the particulars: But, remembering the caution given by Ashraf, I begged to be excused. Yet, as Captain Towerson wished to go on sh.o.r.e, I requested Mahomet Bey to tell the aga, that I would send my brother on sh.o.r.e next morning, on good pledge for his safety. Mahomet took this well, and being feasted with his retinue, besides giving them several presents, I saluted him when he went ash.o.r.e with twenty pieces of cannon; on which he sent me word that he was so much gratified by my attention, I might rely on his best a.s.sistance at all times.

Though the pledges did not come off next morning, the 4th of April, yet Captain Towerson was so desirous of learning the orders of the pacha that he went ash.o.r.e, considering that the two India ships, being absolutely in our power, were sufficient pledges if any injury should be offered. The governor used him kindly, and presented him with a handsome vesture; but nothing was effected in the business on which he went, the Turks not performing their promise. The governor however sent word, that it would be proper to send two of our men of consequence to wait upon the pacha at Zenan, with the king's letter and a present; after which we might depend upon speedy dispatch to our entire satisfaction. I approved of this, and even intended next day to have looked out a proper present; but next day, being the 5th April, the captain of the gallies sent aboard three letters, which the governor had received the night before, written by Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Sharpey, who were then at anchor at Bab-al-Mondub. The purport of these was, that Sir Henry had come from Surat, where he had little or no trade: That Captain Hawkins, disgusted with Agra, was aboard with his wife; and that Sir Henry had brought all the English away, except one man who had gone for England by land: And, finally, that Sir Henry was come back to be revenged of the Turk, and wished me to get off my people and goods in all haste. I therefore altered my determination of last night, and immediately sent off one of my merchants with a letter to Sir Henry, giving an account of the proceedings of my voyage, and of our entertainment here; and if he had not come thus to the Red Sea, I meant to have sent two of my princ.i.p.al men up to Zenan.

It may be proper to note, that the two India ships, formerly mentioned, discharged the following goods at Mokha. Lignum aloes, 60 quintals: Indigo, 600 _churles,_ out of both ships: Sashes of all sorts, or Jong narrow cloths for turbans, a great quant.i.ty: Cinnamon of Ceylon, 150 _bahars_, each bahar being three churles and a half: _Osfar_, which is a red dye, a large quant.i.ty: A great store of cloves: A great quant.i.ty of _bastas,_ or white calicos, from 20 to 40 dollars the _corge_, a corge being twenty pieces. The price of indigo was from as low as 30, to 35, 40, and 50 dollars the _churle._

I wrote on the 7th to the captain of the town, Mahomet Bey, desiring him to induce the India merchants to barter with me at reasonable rates, for such commodities as suited us, so as to load one of our ships; by which Sir Henry Middleton would be satisfied they now meant to deal in a friendly manner with us, and would be induced to forbear hostilities. At this time there was a report in the town, that Sir Henry had taken a _jelba_ or two, coming over with provisions from the Abyssinian side, so that we durst hardly venture our skiff and gang on sh.o.r.e. This day I had a letter from the _Mami_, or captain of the gallies, saying that the answer from the pacha to the governor was in these words: "Haydar Aga, You write me that three English ships are come to Mokha for trade, having the pa.s.s of the Grand Signior. Give them from me a faithful promise to come on sh.o.r.e, to take a house, and to buy and sell till the monsoon be past. You likewise write, that they mean to send up two men to me: Give them all things fit for their journey, &c." The Captain _Mami_ said farther, that whatever I chose to propose, the aga and he would underwrite; and that as for traffic and bartering, they would do much for love, but nothing for force, and were as willing to load all our three ships as one of them.

We were informed that the weight in use at Mokha is called _Incu_, which is two _rotulas_. Ten _incus_, or twenty rotulas, make 23 pounds English _haberepoize_, sometimes 24, as the weigher chuses to befriend you. A _churle_ of indigo is 150 _rotulas_, and of our weight between 166 and 170 pounds. Cotton-wool is sold by the _bahar_, which is 300 rotulas, or between 332 and 334 English pounds averdupois, and is sold very good and clean at 18 dollars the _bahar_. Their measure of length is called a pike, containing 27 inches, or 3/4 of our yard. According to the report made by the governor to Mr c.o.c.kes, the custom of this port of Mokha is worth yearly to the Grand Signior, 150,000 chekins; which, at five shillings each, amount to 37,500 sterling.[416]

[Footnote 416: It is proper to mention, that in Purchas it is said, _The customs are worth fifteen hundred thousand chicqueens yearly, which, at five shillings each, are thirty-seven thousand five hundred pounds sterling_.--In our correction we have used the most moderate rate, by reducing the 1,500,000 chequins to 150,000, to correspond with the rated sterling money; which otherwise must have been increased to L.375,000 sterling; a.s.suredly immensely too much.--E.]

On the 9th the governor sent off a canoe, entreating me to send ash.o.r.e next morning, when I should both have the pacha's answer, and a warrant to detain all such junks as might pa.s.s Sir Henry, or be forced to Mokha, and to trade with them for such goods as we desired, &c.; and entreating that I would allow my people to come ash.o.r.e, as the merchants were become fearful in consequence of Sir Henry having detained some of the ships. The 10th, Mr c.o.c.kes went ash.o.r.e, and had a conference with the governor and Captain _Mami_, who said they could not now perform what they had formerly promised, as the cadi said their lives would be in danger by so doing. They said likewise, that neither merchant nor broker would come aboard our ships, as I had requested, they were all so disconcerted by the conduct of Sir Henry: That the merchants of Cairo had their factors resident in Mokha, who purposely lay by to engross indigos and other Indian commodities, which they refused to purchase till they saw what quant.i.ties might come to market this season; and that the _Banians_, or Indian residents, who held all the indigos, and other commodities, refused to sell, under the impression of a scarcity in the market this season. He also brought word that those ash.o.r.e were resolved not to buy any of our goods, unless we landed them in the first place.

-- 3. _Adventures along with Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, and other Observations in those Parts, with our Arrival at Bantam_.[417]

The 13th May, 1612, understanding that Sir Henry Middleton was very desirous to confer with me, I resolved to go to him at the Bab, for which place I desired the master to sail with the first fair wind; and wishing to keep still on friendly terms with the Turks at Mokha, I gave information of this intention to the aga, from whom I took a letter for Sir Henry. The 14th, in the morning, we arrived at the Bab, where we found the Trades-increase riding, with four ships, or junks, of India, which she had detained. I went that day on board Sir Henry's ship, and remained with him till night, but no agreement could be formed between us that day. The 15th Sir Henry spent with me aboard the Clove. Seeing Sir Henry determined to proceed in a hostile manner with the Turks, I called a meeting of our commercial council on the 16th, and informed them, that owing to these disputes between Sir Henry and the Turks and Cambayans, our hopes of trade at Surat was now as small as what we had hitherto experienced at Mokha, for which reason our best plan would be to join Sir Henry in his intentions of forcing trade with the India ships. Wherefore I proposed that the Hector and Thomas should ply between Aden and the Bab, while the Clove kept the Abyssinian channel to take care that no vessels should pa.s.s that way in the night, by which means we might intercept as many India ships as possible, to which we might put off our broad-cloth, lead, tin, iron, and elephants teeth, the commodities we had provided for those parts, receiving in barter such articles as we knew would answer for those countries where we intended afterwards to proceed; besides, if we should procure indigo, that would answer towards our home investment. I informed the council that I had intelligence of two great ships expected daily, called the _Rhemi_ and the _Ha.s.sam_; the smallest of which, by report, was able to load the Hector with suitable commodities.

[Footnote 417: As the adventures with Sir Henry Middleton have been already narrated with sufficient amplitude, these are here only slightly mentioned, to avoid prolixity and unnecessary repet.i.tion.--E.]

My proposals being agreed to, I went aboard the Trades-increase, where I agreed with Sir Henry that our two fleets should unite in trading with as many of the India ships as we could intercept, making exchange of our English commodities for such as they had suitable for us; Sir Henry to dispose of two-thirds of all the goods that should be bartered from this day forwards, and I to have the other third, paying, however, the customs to the Grand Signior. Accordingly, the Hector and Thomas were directed to ply between the north end of the island of Bab-al-Mondub and the Habesh sh.o.r.e, to intercept all ships that came that way, but with strict charges that no one should take from them the value of a penny, or offer them the slightest violence or injury.

The 18th I set sail for Mokha, where we arrived in five hours. The 20th the governor desired a list of our commodities, which Mr c.o.c.kes carried him. He picked several colours of our broad-cloth, promising to purchase to the extent of 1000 dollars, besides some quant.i.ty of lead and tin.

Many others desired to have lead and iron, wherefore the governor requested some quant.i.ty might be brought ash.o.r.e next morning, saying, that when he once began to trade with us, the merchants would certainly follow. He sent three samples of indigo, but none of the Lah.o.r.e kind, which is round, and the best. The price asked was 100 dollars the _churle_, or 127 _rotulas_ of Mokha, or about 150 pounds English. This price was quite unreasonable, as we estimated the three sorts to be only worth respectively thirty, forty, and forty-five dollars the _churle_.

The 21st, we sent ash.o.r.e eight pieces of cloth, one ton of iron, a ton of lead, and two chests of tin, of six cwt. For four of the best cloths they offered one and a half dollar the _pike_, which ought to be twenty-seven inches, but proposed to measure by a pike of thirty-one inches. They likewise offered 120 dollars for the _bahar_ of tin, twelve for the bahar of iron, and fifteen for the lead, prices which we could not accept, and therefore our merchants returned aboard with their commodities at night.

The 25th we went for a.s.sab, where, on the 27th, we found the Trades-increase and the Hector, with eleven sail of junks, or India ships, from various parts. On coming into the road, or harbour of a.s.sab, it is proper to keep the northern sh.o.r.e aboard, leaving a little rock or hummock on the starboard side, when we have twelve, eleven, ten, nine, eight, and seven fathoms, on a sandy bottom. We anch.o.r.ed in seven fathoms, about half a mile from the sh.o.r.e. The 30th, the _nakhadas_, or Indian ship-masters, requested that such of their goods as we wanted might be sorted immediately, that they might not lose the monsoon for returning to India, offering to bring aboard our ships any packages we pleased, to be there examined, and to carry back what we refused. The 9th May, I caused two large India ships to be measured, which were of the following scantlings:--The _Rhemi_ from stem to stern-port, was 153 feet long, her rake aft from the post being seventeen feet, the top of her sides in breadth forty-two, and her depth thirty-one feet. The Mahamudi was 136 feet long, her rake aft twenty, her breadth forty-one, her depth twenty-nine and a half, and her main-yard 132 feet.

The 15th May, the king of Rahayta, a petty prince on the African coast of the Red Sea, came to a.s.sab to visit Sir Henry and me, riding upon a cow. He had a turban on his head, from which a piece of periwinkle sh.e.l.l hung down on his forehead instead of a jewel. He was entirely naked, except a piece of painted cloth about his loins, and was attended by 150 men, armed with darts, bows and arrows, swords and targets. Sir Henry and I went ash.o.r.e, taking with us a guard of 100 men, shot and pikes, to prevent treachery, lest the Turks might have planned any trick through his means, under cover of courtesy, and we were loth to let him go back without an interview, lest we might lose his friendship, and the refreshments we procured at the port of a.s.sab, which is in his dominions. We gave him several presents, and, at his particular entreaty, gave him his fill of aquavitae, so that he could hardly stand.

These people are Mahometans, being black and hard-favoured, with crisp hair. The king presented us with five bullocks, and promised every a.s.sistance in his power.

This day I got a note of the prices of commodities, as lately bought and sold at Surat, of the following tenor:--Broad-cloth of twenty pounds each piece, of several colours, twenty _mahmudies_ the _conido_, of thirty-five inches; five _mahmudies_ being equal to one rial of eight, or Spanish dollar. Kersies, eighty-four mahmudies the piece, being less than ours cost in England. Lead; the _great maund_, of thirty-three pounds, seven one-third _mahmudies_. Tin, the _small maund_, of twenty-five pounds, five and a half dollars. At Dabul, iron sold for twenty-one dollars the _bahar_, of 360 pounds. Damasked pieces,[418]

from twelve to eighteen dollars each. Elephants teeth, sixty-five mahmudies the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Indigo _cirkesa_,[419] three sorts, the best at fourteen rupees, each worth half a dollar; the second sort, twelve rupees, and the third, eight rupees for the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Three sorts of Lah.o.r.e indigo, being the best of all, the best, thirty-six, the second, thirty, and the third, twenty-four rupees for a maund weighing fifty-five pounds. Charges of bringing it to the water-side, ten in the 100 for the _cirkesa_, and twenty in the 100 custom for the _lah.o.r.e_ indigo.

[Footnote 418: Perhaps these were damasked gun-barrels.--E.]

[Footnote 419: Cirkesa, by others named Serkes and Sherkes, is a village near Ahmedabab, the capital of Cambaya, or Guzerat, where indigo is made.--Astl. 466. d.]

The 23d May, the Thomas, having forty-nine men all in health, set sail for Socotora for aloes, and to go thence for Priaman and Tekoo in Sumatra, for pepper. The 8th August the Hector sailed for Priaman and Tekoo, having eighty-eight Englishmen aboard in perfect health, the monsoon being now favourable. The 10th and 11th all reckonings were cleared between us and the junks Ha.s.sani, Caderi, Mahmudi, Rehemi, and Salameti. Our whole cargo, including commodities and dollars, bartered for at this place, did not exceed 46,174 dollars. The two following acquittances on this occasion will enable the reader the better to understand the nature of the dealings at this place, in this forced trade with the India ships.[420]

[Footnote 420: These appear to have been translated by or for Purchas, the former from Arabic, and the latter from Malabar, as the one has a subscription and seal in Arabic, and the other a subscription in some Indian character, yet considerably different from that formerly inserted in Purchas under the name of Banian.--E.]

_In Mokha Roads, in the Red Sea, 10th August, 1612._