A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume I Part 22

About Pa.s.sion Sunday, the khan went before with his small houses only, leaving the great ones behind, and the monk and we followed. On the journey we had to pa.s.s through a hilly country[7] where we encountered high winds, extreme cold, and much snow. About midnight the khan sent to the monk and us, requesting us to pray to G.o.d to mitigate the severity of the weather, as the beasts in his train were in great jeopardy, being mostly with young, and about to bring forth. Then the monk sent him incense, desiring him to put it on the coals, as an offering to G.o.d: Whether he did this or no, I know not, but the tempest ceased, which had lasted two days. On Palm Sunday we were near Caracarum, and at dawn of day we blessed the willow boughs, on which, as yet, there were no buds. About nine o'clock we entered the city of Caracarum, carrying the cross aloft with the banner, and pa.s.sing through the street of the Saracens, in which the market is held, we proceeded to the church, where the Nestorians met; us in procession. We found them prepared to celebrate the ma.s.s, and they all communicated; but I declined this, having already drank, and the sacrament should always be received lasting. After ma.s.s, being now evening, William Bouchier, the goldsmith, brought us to sup at his lodging. He had a wife, born in Hungary, of Mahometan parents, who spoke French, and the language of the Comanians. We found here also one Basilicus, the son of an Englishman, likewise born in Hungary, who was likewise skilled in these languages. After supper we retired to our cottage, which, with the oratory of the monk, were placed near the Nestorian church; which is of considerable size, and very handsomely built, and all the ceiling is covered with silk, wrought with gold.

I much deliberated with myself, whether I should continue in communion with the monk and the Nestorians, because I saw their actions full of idolatry and sorcery; but I feared to give offence to the khan in separating from the other Christians, as I saw that my presence pleased him, for which reason I always accompanied them to court; but when there I did not join in their mummeries, praying always in a loud voice for the church, and that G.o.d would direct the khan in the right way of salvation. On one occasion the khan promised to come to the church next day; but he departed on his journey to the northward, desiring the priests to excuse him, because he had learnt that the dead were carried thither. But we remained behind, that we might celebrate the festival of Easter. There were a vast mult.i.tude of Hungarians, Alans, Rutenians or Russians, Georgians, and Armenians, who had not received the sacrament since they were taken prisoners, as the Nestorians would not admit them into their church unless they were rebaptized; yet they offered their sacrament freely to us, and allowed me to see their manner of consecration; on the vigil of Easter I saw their ceremony of baptism. They pretend to have the ointment with which Mary Magdalen anointed the feet of Jesus, and they put in so much of that oil in kneading their sacramental bread; for all the people of the east use b.u.t.ter, or oil, or fat from a sheeps tail, in their bread, instead of leaven. They pretend also to have of the flour of which the bread was made which was consecrated by our Lord at his Last Supper, as they always keep a small piece of dough from each baking, to mix up with the new, which they consecrate with great reverence. In administering this to the people, they divide the consecrated loaf first into twelve portions, after the number of the apostles, which they afterwards break down into smaller pieces, in proportion to the number of communicants, giving the body of Christ into the hand of every one, who takes it from his own palm with much reverence, and afterwards lays his hand on the top of his head.

I was much at a loss how to act, as the Nestorians entreated me to celebrate the festival, and I had neither vestments, chalice, nor altar.

But the goldsmith furnished me with vestments, and made an oratory on a chariot, decently painted with scripture histories; he made also a silver box or pix for the host, and an image of the blessed Virgin, and caused an iron instrument to be made for us to make hosts in our way. Then I made the before mentioned Christians to confess to me, as well as I could, by means of an interpreter, explaining to them the ten commandments, the seven deadly sins, and other matters, exhorting them to confession and penitence: But all of them publickly excused themselves respecting theft, saying that they could not otherwise live, as their masters neither provided them with food or raiment; and I said they might lawfully take necessaries from their masters, especially as they had forcibly deprived them of their subsistence and liberty. Some who were soldiers excused themselves from having gone to the wars, as otherwise they would be slain; these I forbid to go against Christians, declaring, that if slain for their refusal, G.o.d would account them as martyrs. After this I gave the holy communion to these people on Easter day, and I hope, with the blessing of G.o.d to many, being a.s.sisted by the Nestorians, who lent me their chalice and paten. They baptized above threescore persons on Easter eve with great solemnity, to the great joy of all the Christians.

Soon after this William Bouchier was grievously sick, and when recovering, the monk Sergius visited him, and gave him so great a doze of rhubarb as had almost killed him. On this I expostulated with the monk, that he ought either to go about as an apostle, doing miracles by the virtue of prayer and the Holy Ghost, or as a physician, according to the rules of the medical aid, and not to administer strong potions to people who were not prepared. About this time the princ.i.p.al priest of the Nestorians, who was a kind of archdeacon over the rest, became sick $ and when I endeavoured, at the request of his family, to prevail upon the monk to visit him, he said, "Let him alone for he and three others intend to procure an order from Mangu-khan to expel you and I." And I learnt afterwards, that there was a dispute between them, as Mangu-khan had sent four jascots on Easter eve to the monk, to distribute among the priests; and Sergius, keeping one to himself, had given three to the priests, one being a counterfeit, and the priests thought Sergius had kept too great a share to himself. Finding the archdeacon in a dying way, I administered to him the Eucharist and extreme unction, which he received with great humility and devotion; but, by the advice of the monk, I quitted him before he died, as otherwise I could not have entered the court of Mangu-khan for a whole year. When he was dead, the monk said to me, "Never mind it: This man only, among the Nestorians, had any learning, and opposed us; henceforwards Mangu-khan and all the rest will crouch at our feet." He even pretended that he had killed him by his prayers. I afterwards learnt that the monk practised divination, with the aid of a Russian deacon, though, when I challenged him, he pretended to excuse himself, and to deny the truth of what had been reported to me: But I could not leave him, having been placed there by command of the khan, so that I dared not to remove without his special command.

Exclusive of the palace of the khan, Caracarum is not so good as the town of St Denis, and the monastery of St Dennis is worth more than ten times the value of the palace itself. It contains two princ.i.p.al streets: that of the Saracens in which the fairs are held, and to which many merchants resort, as the court is always near; the other is the street of the Kathayans, which is full of artificers. Besides these streets, there are many palaces, in which are the courts of the secretaries of the khan. There are twelve idol temples belonging to different nations, two Mahometan mosques, and one Nestorian church at the end of the town. The town itself is inclosed with a mud wall, and has four gates. On the east side, there is a market for millet and other grain, but which is ill supplied; on the west, sheep and goats are sold; on the north side, oxen and waggons; and on the south side, horses.

Mangu-khan has eight brothers, three by the mother and five by the father.

One of these on the mothers side he sent into the country of the a.s.sa.s.sines, called _Mulibet_ by the Tartars, with orders to kill them all.

Another was sent into Persia, who is supposed to have orders to send armies into Turkey, and from thence against Bagdat and Vestacius. One of his other brothers has been sent into Kathay, to reduce certain rebels. His youngest maternal brother, named Arabucha, lives with him, and keeps up his mothers court, who was a Christian.

About this time, on account of a violent quarrel between the monk and certain Mahometans, and because a rumour was propagated of four hundred a.s.sa.s.sins having gone forth in divers habits, with an intention to murder the khan, we were ordered to depart from our accustomed place before the court, and to remove to the place where other messengers dwelt. Hitherto I had always hoped for the arrival of the king of Armenia[8], and had not therefore made any application for leave to depart; but hearing no news of the king, or a certain German priest who was likewise expected, and fearing lest we should return in the winter, the severity of which I had already experienced, I sent to demand the pleasure of the khan, whether we were to remain with him or to return, and representing that it would be easier for us to return in summer than in winter. The khan sent to desire that I should not go far off, as he meant to speak with me next day; to which I answered, requesting him to send for the son of the goldsmith to interpret between us, as my interpreter was very incompetent.

[1] So for as was travelled by Rubruquis, and in the route which he pursued on the north of the Alak mountains, this observation is quite correct to longitude 100 E. But what he here adds respecting Kathay, is directly contradictory to the fact; as all the rivers beyond Caracarum run in an easterly direction. The great central plain of Tangut, then traversed by the imperial horde of the Mongals, and now by the Eluts and Kalkas, must be prodigiously elevated above the level of the ocean.--E.

[2] The information here seems corrupted, or at least is quite incorrect.

Kathay or northern China is due east, or east south-east from the great plain to the south of Karak.u.m. Daouria, the original residence of the Mongols of Zingis, between the rivers Onon and Kerlon, is to the north-east.--E.

[3] The Kerkis must fee the Kirguses, a tribe of whom once dwelt to the south-west of lake Baikal. The Orangin or Orangey, inhabited on the east side of that lake. Pascatir is the country of the Bashkirs, Baschkirians, or Pascatirians in Great Bulgaria, called Great Hungary in the text, between the Volga and the Ural.--E.

[4] Rubruquis properly rejects the stories of monstrous men, related by the ancients, yet seems to swallow the absurd story of the purple dye, engrafted by the Kathayan priest on a very natural invention for catching apes. He disbelieves the last information of the priest, which must have been an enigmatical representation of the province of death, or of the tombs.--E.

[5] It is difficult to guess as to these people and their islands; which may possibly refer to j.a.pan, or even Corea, which is no island. Such tribute could not have been offered by the rude inhabitants of Saghalien or Yesso.--E.

[6] This evidently but obscurely describes the Chinese characters; the most ingenious device ever contrived for the monopoly of knowledge and office to the learned cla.s.s, and for arresting the progress of knowledge and science at a fixed boundary.--E.

[7] From this circ.u.mstance, it would appear that Rubruquis had found the court of the khan in the country of the Eluts, to the south of the Changai mountains, perhaps about lat.i.tude 44 N. and longitude 103 E, the meridian of the supposed site of Karak.u.m on the Orchon. And it may be presumed, that the imperial suite was now crossing the Changai chain towards the north.--E.

[8] Haitho, of whom some account will be found in the succeeding chapter of this work.--E.

SECTION x.x.xVII.

_Of certain disputes between Rubruquis and the Saracens and Idolaters, at the Court of Mangu-khan, respecting Religion_.

Next day I was brought to the court, and some of the chief secretaries of the khan came to me, one of whom was a Moal, who is cup-bearer to the khan, and the rest were Saracens. These men demanded on the part of the khan, wherefore I had come there? To this I answered, as I had done before, that I came to Sartach, who sent me to Baatu, and he had ordered me to the khan, to whom I had nothing to say on the part of any man, unless I should speak the words of G.o.d if he would hear them, for the khan should know best what Baatu had written. Then they demanded what words of G.o.d I would speak to the khan, thinking I meant to prophecy prosperous things as others had done. To this I answered, "If ye would that I speak the words of G.o.d unto the khan, get me an interpreter." They said they had sent for him, but urged me to speak by the present one, as they would understand me perfectly. I therefore said, "This is the word of G.o.d, to whom much is given, much will be required at his hands; and to whom much is forgiven, he ought the more to love G.o.d. To Manga I would say, that G.o.d hath given much; for the power and riches which he enjoys, come not from the idols of the Tuinians, but from the omnipotent G.o.d who hath made heaven and earth, in whose hands are all kingdoms and dominions, and who transferreth them from nation to nation for the sins of men; wherefore if he love G.o.d, it will go well with him, but if otherwise, G.o.d will require all things at his hands, even to the utmost farthing." Then they asked if I had been in Heaven, that I should know the commandments of G.o.d? I said no, but that G.o.d hath given them from Heaven to holy men, and had at length descended from Heaven to earth to teach us, and that we had those things in the Scriptures, and could judge from their works whether men kept the commandments of G.o.d or disobeyed them. They then asked if I meant to say that Mangu-khan did not keep the commandments of G.o.d? To this I answered, "When I shall have a proper interpreter and am permitted, I shall then recite the commandments of G.o.d before Mangu, and he shall be his own judge, whether he hath kept or disobeyed them." Upon this, they went and told Mangu, that I said he was an idolater and Tuinian, and kept not the commandments of G.o.d. Next day Mangu sent one of his secretaries, saying, "Ye are here Christians, Mahometans, and Tuinians, wherefore the khan desires that ye will all come together and make comparison of your opinions, that he may know the truth." To this I answered, "Blessed be G.o.d that hath put this in the heart of the khan; but our Scriptures command the servants of G.o.d not to be contentious, but meek unto all. Wherefore I am ready, without strife or contention, to render a true account of the faith and hope of the Christians to every one who may require to be informed." They wrote down my words and brought them to the khan.

Next day, another message came from the khan, desiring again to know on what account I had come to his court; to which I answered, that this might be known from the letters of Bantu. But they said that these letters were lost, and the khan had forgotten their contents, and would know of me.

Somewhat emboldened by this, I said, "The duty and office of our religion is to preach the gospel unto all. Wherefore, having heard of the fame of, the Mongals, I desired to come to them; and hearing that Sartach had become a Christian, I directed my journey to him, and my sovereign the king of the French sent him letters containing good words of friendship, testifying what men we were, and requesting we might be permitted to remain with the people of Moal That Sartach had sent us to Baatu, and he had ordered us to Mangu-khan, whom we had entreated and still do entreat to suffer us to stay." They wrote all this, and made a report of it to the khan. On the morrow he sent again that he knew we had no message for him, but came to pray for him as other priests did, but desired to know if any of our amba.s.sadors had ever been in their country, or any of theirs in our parts.

Then I declared unto them all I knew respecting David and Friar Andrew, all of which was put down in writing and laid before Mangu. They came back, saying, "Our lord the khan thinks you have staid long here, and his pleasure is that you return into your own country; but he desires to know whether you would conduct his amba.s.sadors along with you." To this I answered, that I dared not to carry his amba.s.sadors beyond his own dominions, as a warlike nation dwelt between their country and ours, between the sea and the mountains, and being only a poor monk, I could not take upon me to be their guide. This they likewise set down in writing and carried to the khan.

The Nestorians were commanded to set down in writing all that they would speak in favour of the Christian religion; and they wrote out a chronicle from the creation of the world to the pa.s.sion of Christ; and pa.s.sing over the pa.s.sion, they spake of the resurrection of the dead, and of the day of judgment. Finding many things wrong, I pointed them out, and we wrote out the creed or symbol. Asking them how they meant to proceed in the conference, they said they meant to begin with the Saracens; but I dissuaded them from that, because, as they agreed with us in the belief of one only G.o.d, they would a.s.sist against the Tuinians. I then pointed out to them the original of idolatry in the world; and they desired me to explain these things before Mangu, and then to let them speak, because I should find it difficult and tedious to speak by an interpreter. I then proposed to try them, by taking the side of the Tuinians, while they should defend the opinions of the Christians; but they knew not how to prove any thing, except merely by quoting their Scriptures. To this I said, that these men believed not in our Scriptures, and would oppose them by advancing contrary opinions and positions from those books which they accounted holy. Then I desired that they would allow me to speak first; since if I were overcome they would be permitted to speak, whereas if they were confuted, I would be refused a hearing, and to this they consented.

All things being arranged, we convened at our oratory, and Mangu-khan sent three of his secretaries, a Christian, a Saracen, and a Tuinian, to be judges of the controversy. It was first proclaimed, "This is the order of Mangu-khan, and none dare say that the commandment of G.o.d is otherwise. Let none speak contentiously, or use injurious words to one another, or make any tumult whereby this business may be hindered, upon pain of death."

There was a great a.s.sembly, as every party had convened the wisest of their sect, and many others came flocking around to listen; but all were silent.

The Christians set me in the middle, willing that I should contend with the Tuinians; who murmured against Mangu, as no khan had ever thus endeavoured to search into their secrets. Yet they opposed one from Kathay to me, who had his interpreter, while I had the son of the goldsmith to interpret my words. The Kathayan said to me, "Friend! if you be put to a nonplus, who must seek a wiser than thou art?" To this I made no reply. Then he demanded whether I would dispute as to how the world was made, or as to what became of the souls after death? For they were desirous to begin with these questions, as they held them for the strongest in their doctrines, all the Tuinians following the heresy of the Manicheans, believing in a good and a bad principle, and they all believe that souls pa.s.s from body to body. In confirmation of this, the goldsmith told me they had brought a person from Kathay, who, by the size of his body, appeared to be only three years old, yet was capable of reasoning, and knew how to write, and who affirmed that he had pa.s.sed through three several bodies. Even one of the wisest of the Nestorians demanded of me whether the souls of brutes could fly to any place after death where they should not be compelled to labour.

To the before-mentioned question of the Kathayan, I answered: "Friend, this ought hot to be the commencement of our conference. All things are of G.o.d, who is the fountain and head of us all; and therefore we ought first to speak concerning G.o.d, of whom you think otherwise than you ought, and Mangu desires to know which of us hath the better belief." The arbitrators allowed this to be reasonable, and I proceeded: "We firmly believe that there is but one G.o.d in perfect unity; what believe you?" He said, "Fools say there is but one G.o.d, but wise men say there are many. There are great lords in your country, and here is still a greater, even Mangu-khan. So it is of the G.o.ds, as in divers countries there are divers G.o.ds." To this I answered: "You make a bad comparison between G.o.d and men; for in this way every mighty man might be called a G.o.d in his own country." And when I meant to have dissolved the similitude, he prevented me, by asking, "What manner of G.o.d is yours, who you say is but one?" I answered: "Our G.o.d, beside whom there is no other, is omnipotent, and therefore needeth not the help of any other; whereas all have need of his help. It is not so with men, as no man can do all things; wherefore there must be many lords on earthy as no one can support all. G.o.d is omniscient, or knoweth all things; and therefore hath no need of any counsellor, for all wisdom is from him.

G.o.d is perfectly good; and needs not therefore any good from us. In G.o.d we live and move and have our being. Such is our G.o.d, and you must not hold that there is any other." "It is not so," said he; "for there is one highest in heaven, whose origin or generation we know not, and there are ten under him, and on earth they are infinite in number." To this he would have added other fables. I asked him respecting the highest G.o.d, of whom he had spoken, whether he were omnipotent, or if any of the inferior G.o.ds were so? And fearing to answer this, he demanded, "Why, since our G.o.d was perfectly good, he had made the half of all things evil?" To this I answered, that this was false; for whosoever maketh any evil is no G.o.d, and all things whatsoever are good. At this all the Tuiuians were astonished, and set it down in writing as false or impossible. He then asked me, "Whence cometh evil?" "You ask amiss," said I, "for you ought first to inquire what evil is, before you ask whence it comes: But let us return to the first question, whether do you believe that any G.o.d is omnipotent? and when that is discussed, I will answer whatever you may demand." On this he sat a long time without speaking, and the judges appointed by the khan commanded him to make answer. At length he said, that no G.o.d was omnipotent; on which all the Saracens broke out into great laughter. When silence was restored, I said, "None of your G.o.ds, therefore, can save you in all dangers, since chances may happen in which they have no power.

Besides, no man can serve two masters; how, therefore, can you serve so many G.o.ds in heaven and in earth?" The auditory decreed that he should make answer to this, but he held his peace.

When I was about to have propounded reasons to prove the truth of the divine essence, and to have explained the doctrine of the Trinity, the Nestorians alleged that I had said quite enough, and that now they meant to speak; so I gave place to them. When, therefore, they would have disputed with the Saracens, these men said that they agreed to the truth of the law and the gospel of the Christian, and would not dispute with them in any thing, and even confessed that they beg from G.o.d in their prayers that they may die the death of the Christians. There was among the idolaters a priest of the sect of the Jugurs, who believe in one G.o.d, and yet make idols. With this man the Nestorians talked much, shewing all things till the coming of Christ to judgment, and explaining the Trinity to him and the Saracens by similitudes. All of them hearkened to their harangue without attempting to make any contradiction; yet none of them said that they believed and would become Christians. The conference was now broken up. The Nestorians and Saracens sang together with a loud voice, and the Tuinians held their peace; and afterwards they all drank together most plentifully.

SECTION x.x.xVIII.

_The last audience of Rubruquis with Mangu-khan, and the letter he received for the King of France._

On Whitsunday I was called into the presence of the khan, and before I went in, the goldsmiths son, who was my interpreter, informed me that it was determined I was to return to my own country, and advised me to say nothing against it. When I came before the khan I kneeled, and he asked me whether I said to his secretaries that he was a Tuinian. To this I answered, "My lord, I said not so; but if it please your highness I will repeat what I then said;" and I recited what I had spoken, as mentioned before, and he answered: "I thought well you said not so, for it was a word you ought not to have spoken; but your interpreter hath ill rendered your words." Then, reaching forth the staff on which, he leaned towards me, he said, "be not afraid." To which I answered smiling, that if I had feared I should not have come hither. He then said, as if confessing his faith: "We Moals believe that there is but one G.o.d, and we have an upright heart towards him." "Then," said I, "may G.o.d grant you this mind, for without his gift it cannot be." He then added, "G.o.d hath given to the hand divers fingers, and hath given many ways to man. He hath given the Scriptures to you, yet you keep them not. You certainly find not in the Scriptures that one of you should dispraise another?" "No," said I; "and I signified unto your highness from the beginning, that I would not contend with any one." "I speak not," said he, "respecting you. In like manner, you find not in your Scriptures, that a man ought to swerve from justice for the sake of money?"

To this I answered, "That our Scriptures taught no such evil doctrine, neither had I come into, these parts to get money, having even refused that which was freely offered to me." And one of the secretaries, then present, certified, that I had refused a jascot and a piece of silk. "I speak not of that," said the khan; "G.o.d hath given you the Scriptures and you keep them not; but he hath given to us soothsayers, and we do what they bid us, and live in peace." He drank four times, as I think, before he disclosed these things; and, while I waited attentively in expectation that he might disclose any thing farther respecting his faith, he began another subject, saying: "You have stayed a long time here, and it is my pleasure that you return. You have said that you dared not to carry my amba.s.sadors with you; will you carry my messenger, or my letters?" To this I answered, "If he would make me understand his words, and that they were put in writing, I would willingly carry them, to the best of my power." He then asked if I would have gold or silver, or costly garments? I answered, that we received no such things; but not having wherewith to bear our expences, we could not get out of his country without his help. He then said, that he would provide us in all necessaries through his country, and demanded how far we would be brought. I said it were sufficient if he gave us a pa.s.s into Armenia. To this he answered: "I will cause you to be carried thither, after which look to yourself. There are two eyes in one head, yet they both look to one object. You came here from Baatu, and therefore you must return by him." Having requested and obtained leave to speak, I addressed him thus: "Sir! we are not men of war, and desire that they who would most justly govern according to the will of G.o.d may have dominion in the world.

Our office is to teach men to live according to the law of G.o.d: For this, purpose we came into these parts, and would willingly have remained here if it had been your pleasure; but since you are pleased that we should return, I shall carry your letters according to my power, in obedience to your commands. I request of your magnificence, that, when I have delivered your letters, it may be lawful for me to come back into your dominions; chiefly because you have servants of our nation at Balac, who want a priest to teach them and their children the law of our religion, and I would willingly stay with them." He then asked whether I knew that our lords would send me back to him? To this. I answered, "I know not what may be the purpose of my sovereign; but I have licence to go wherever I will, where it is needful to preach the word of G.o.d, and it seems to me necessary in these parts; wherefore, whether my lords send amba.s.sadors or not, if it is your pleasure, I will return." Then, after a long pause, as if musing, he said, "You have a lone way to go, make yourself strong with food, that you may be enabled to endure the journey." So he ordered them to give me drink, and I departed from his presence, and returned not again. From that time I could have no time nor place to expound to him the catholic faith; for a man must not speak before him, unless what he pleaseth to order or allow, except he were an amba.s.sador, who may speak what he will, and they always demand of such whether he has any thing more to say.

The soothsayers are the priests of the Mongals, and whatever they command to be done is performed without delay. I shall describe their office, as I learnt it from the goldsmith and others. Of these soothsayers there are great numbers, under the direction of a chief priest, whose house is always about a stone's throw in front of the great house of Mangu-khan, and under his charge are all the chariots which carry idols. The other soothsayers dwell behind the court, in places appointed for them; and such as have confidence in their art come to consult them from various distant parts.

Some of them are skilful in astronomy, especially their chief, and they foretel eclipses of the sun and moon. When these are to happen, all the people prepare their food, that they may not be under the necessity of going out of doors, and during the eclipse they play on various instruments of music, and set up loud shouts: when it is over, they indulge in feasting and carousing, to express their joy.

These soothsayers pretend to foretell lucky and unlucky days for all affairs; and the Tartars never levy an army, or undertake a war without their approbation. They had long since resumed their attack on Hungary, but that the soothsayers have always opposed it. They make every thing which is sent to court pa.s.s between two fires, as a purification, likewise, all the household stuff belonging to a dead person must be purged in the same manner; and, if any living creature drop down, or any thing whatever fall to the ground during the ceremony, it becomes the property of the soothsayers, who, besides, have a certain proportion of every thing which they purify as their due. There was, therefore, a twofold reason why Friar Andrew Carpini was made to pa.s.s between the fires; both because he brought presents, and because Con-khan, for whom these had been brought, was dead: But as I brought nothing, this was not required of me.

Once on a time, some very costly furs were presented at the court of the Christian lady, whom Pascha, the good woman of Metz served, and the soothsayers, in pa.s.sing them between the fires, took more than was their due. Another woman, who had the custody of the treasures belonging to that lady, accused them of the fraud to her mistress, who reproved them severely for their conduct. Sometime afterwards the lady fell sick, and the soothsayers accused the servant, who had detected their fraud, of having bewitched her. She received the bastinado for seven days successively, and other tortures, to make her confess; and on hearing of her mistress's death, begged to be killed that she might follow her, for that, in truth, she had never done her the smallest injury. But, as she confessed nothing, Mangu-khan commanded that she should live. After this the soothsayers accused the daughters nurse of the deceased lady, which nurse was a Christian, and wife to the chief of the Nestorian priests. She and her servant-maid were tortured to make a confession, and the maid answered, that the nurse had sent her to receive responses from a certain horse. The nurse also confessed that she had used some spells to procure the love of her lady, but had never done any thing to hurt her. On being demanded to say whether her husband knew of her incantations, she excused him, saying that he had burnt the characters which she had made. Then she was put to death, and the husband was sent to be judged by his bishop in Kathay.

It happened that the princ.i.p.al wife of Mangu brought forth a son, and the soothsayers were brought to foretell the destiny of the infant, when they prophesied that he should live long and prosperously, and become a great lord; but he died in a few days. On being reproached for their falsehood, they said that the nurse of Cerina, who had been lately put to death, had killed the boy, and pretended to have seen her carrying him away. There were then in the camp a son and daughter of the nurse, whom the lady immediately sent for in a rage, and ordered them to be put to death. Some time afterwards this came to the ears of Mangu-khan, who was much enraged at the conduct of his wife. He caused the man to be beheaded who had slain the nurses son, and made his head to be hung round the neck of the woman who had killed her daughter, ordering her to be cudgelled with burning fire-brands, through among all the tents, and then put to death. He would also have put his wife to death if it had not been for the sake of the children he had by her; but he commanded her to be shut up for seven days without food, and went out from his court for a whole, moon.

After the feast of Pentecost, they began to prepare their letters for your Majesty, and, in the mean time, the khan returned to Caracarum, and held a great feast on the 15th of June, at which all the amba.s.sadors were desired to be present, but I went to church to baptize the three children of a poor German. William the goldsmith was chief butler at this feast, as he had the charge of the silver tree which poured out the drink. On this occasion the khan gave, during four successive days, a complete suit of apparel each day to all his courtiers, every day a new colour; and he made them a speech, saying, "I have sent my brothers afar into dangers among foreign nations; it shall be seen how you will conduct yourselves when I send you to extend the boundaries of our empire."

At this time there was an amba.s.sador at the court from the khans of Bagdat, of whom it was reported, when Mangu declared he would not grant them peace unless they would destroy all their warlike ammunition, that he answered, "We will do this when you pluck off all the hoofs from your horses." I saw there, also, the amba.s.sadors from a soldan of India, who brought with him eight leopards and ten hare-hounds who were taught to sit on a horses croup in hunting, like the leopards. When I asked of them, the way to India, they pointed to the west, and they travelled with me, on our return, always westwards, for nearly three weeks. I also saw there the amba.s.sador of the sultan of Turkey, who brought rich presents to the khan. At length the letters being ready for your majesty, they called for me and explained them, and the following is their substance, so far as I could understand them by my interpreter:

"The commandment of the Eternal G.o.d is this: As there is but one Eternal G.o.d in heaven, so upon earth let there be but one Lord, Zingis-khan, son of G.o.d, and Mangu-tinij[1]. This is the word which is spoken to you; whether Moals, Namans, Markets, or Musselmen; wherever man may hear or horse may go, cause it to be heard and understood, that such as have heard my commands and do not obey, or would levy an army against me, shall be as having eyes and not seeing, as having hands and unable to hold any thing, and as having feet, yet unable to walk.

"This is the commandment of the Eternal G.o.d, and by the virtue of the Eternal G.o.d, the commandment of Mangu-khan, the great emperor of the Moals, is given to Lodowick the French King, and to all other lords and priests, and to the great world of the Franks, that they understand my words and the commandments of the Eternal G.o.d, made to Zingis-khan; neither but from Zingis-khan ever came this commandment unto you[2].

"A certain man, named David, came unto you as an amba.s.sador from the Moals, but he was a liar; and with him you sent your amba.s.sador to Khen-khan.

After Khen-khan was dead, your amba.s.sador came to this court, and Charmis his wife sent you a na.s.sick cloth. But how could that wicked woman, more vile than a dog, know matters appertaining to war and peace, and to settle the great world in quiet?

"Those two monks who came from you to Sartach, were sent by Sartach to Baatu; but as Mangu-khan is the greatest over the world of the Moals, Baatu sent them unto us. And now that the great world of the Franks, and the priests, and monks, may live in peace and enjoy their goods, and that the commandment of G.o.d might be heard among you, we would have sent certain Moals as our amba.s.sadors to you by your priests; but your messenger answered, that betwixt us and you there was a warlike nation, with many bad men and troublesome ways, so that they were afraid they could not bring our amba.s.sadors in safety to you; but if we would deliver them our letters, containing our commandments to King Lodowick, they engaged to carry them.

For this cause we have not sent our amba.s.sadors along with them; but we have sent you this, the commandment of the Eternal G.o.d, by your priests.

And this is the commandment of the Eternal G.o.d, which we have given you to understand, and when you shall hear and believe it, if you will obey, send your amba.s.sadors unto us, so that we may be satisfied whether you will have peace or war. When, by the power of the Eternal G.o.d, the whole world shall be in unity, peace, and joy, from the rising of the sun to where it sets, then shall it appear what we will do. But if ye shall see and hear the commandment of the Eternal G.o.d, and will not hearken to or believe it, saying, our country is far off, our hills are strong, our sea is great; and in this confidence shall lead an army against us to know what we can do; he that made what is hard easy, and that which is far off near, the Eternal G.o.d himself knows that alone."

While these things were going forwards, my companion heard that we were to return by the wilderness to Baatu, under the guidance of a Moal, on which he ran to Bulgai, the chief secretary, signifying to him, by signs, that he should certainly die if he went that way. On the day when we were to receive our pa.s.s, which was a fortnight after the feast of St John, 8th July, the secretary said to him; it is the pleasure of Mangu, that your companion shall return by Baatu, and as you are sick, you may remain and shall be provided in necessaries till some amba.s.sador come, with whom you may return more easily by a way where there are villages. The friar answered "G.o.d grant the khan a long and prosperous life, I will remain."

Then they brought us three garments, saying, that as we refused gold or silver, and had stayed long here, praying for the khan, he entreats that each would accept a single garment, that you may not depart empty handed.

[1] Explained as signifying the sound of iron, probably in allusion to his martial power.--E.