A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vii Part 24

In the employment of the same merchants, John Bird and John Newton, and with the same ship as in the former voyage, the Richard of Arundel, accompanied by a small pinnace, we set sail from Ratclif on the 3d September 1590, and came to Plymouth Sound on the 18th of that month. We put to sea again on the 22d, and on the 14th October got sight of Fuertaventura, one of the Canary islands, which appeared very rugged as we sailed past. The 16th of October, in the lat. of 24 9' N. we met a prodigious hollow sea, such as I had never seen before on this coast; and this day a monstrous great fish, which I think is called a _gobarto_[318], put up his head to the steep-tubs where the cook was shifting the victuals, whom I thought the fish would have carried away.

The 21st, being in lat. 18 N. we had a _counter-sea_ from the north, having in the same lat.i.tude, on our last voyage, encountered a similar sea from the south, both times in very calm weather. The 24th we had sight of Cape Verd, and next day had a great hollow sea from the north, a common sign that the wind will be northerly, and so it proved. The 15th November, when in lat. 6 42' N. we met three currents from west to north-west, one after the other, with the interval of an hour between each. The 18th we had two other great currents from S.W. The 20th we saw another from N.E. The 24th we had a great current from S.S.W. and at 6 P.M. we had three currents more. The 27th we reckoned to have gone 2-1/2 leagues every watch, but found that we had only made _one_ league every watch for the last 24 hours, occasioned by heavy billows and a swift current still from the south. The 5th December, on setting the watch, we cast about and lay E.N.E. and N.E. and here in lat. 5 30' our pinnace lost us wilfully. The 7th, at sunset, we saw a great black spot on the sun; and on the 8th, both at rising and setting we saw the like, the spot appearing about the size of a shilling. We were then in lat. 5 N.

and still had heavy billows from the south.

[Footnote 317: Hakluyt, II. 618. Astley, I. 203.]

[Footnote 318: In a side note, Astley conjectures this to have been a great shark.]

We sounded on the 14th December, having 15 fathoms on coa.r.s.e red sand, two leagues from sh.o.r.e, the current setting S.E. along sh.o.r.e, and still we had heavy billows from the south. The 15th we were athwart a rock, somewhat like the _Mewstone_ in England, and at the distance of 2 leagues from the rock, had ground in 27 fathoms. This rock is not above a mile from the sh.o.r.e, and a mile farther we saw another rock, the s.p.a.ce between both being broken ground. We sounded off the second rock, and had ground at 20 fathoms on black sand. We could now see plainly that the rocks were not along the sh.o.r.e, but at some distance off to sea, and about 5 leagues farther south we saw a great bay, being then in lat. 4 27' N. The 16th we met a French ship belonging to Harfleur, which robbed our pinnace: we sent a letter by him. This night we saw another spot on the sun at his going down. Towards evening we were athwart the mouth of a river, right over which was a high tuft of trees. The 17th we anch.o.r.ed in the mouth of the river, when we found the land to be Cape Palmas, there being a great ledge of rocks between us and the Cape, a league and half to sea, and an island off the point or foreland of the Cape. We then bore to the west of the Cape, and as night came on could see no more of the land, except that it trended inwards like a bay, in which there ran a stream or tide as it had been the Thames. This was on the change day of the moon.

The 19th December, a fair temperate day, with the wind S. we sailed east, leaving the land astern of us to the west, all the coast appearing low like islands to the east of Cape Palmas, and trending inwards like a great bay or sound. We went east all night, and in the morning were only three or four leagues from sh.o.r.e. The 20th we were off Rio de las Barbas. The 21st we continued along sh.o.r.e; and three or four leagues west of Cape Three Points, I found the bay to be set deeper than it is laid down by four leagues. At 4 P.M. the land began to shew high, the first part of it being covered by palm trees. The 24th, still going along sh.o.r.e, the land was very low and full of trees to the water side.

At noon we anch.o.r.ed off the Rio de Boilas, where we sent the boat towards the sh.o.r.e with our merchants, but they durst not put into the river, because of a heavy surf that broke continually on the bar. The 28th we sailed along sh.o.r.e, and anch.o.r.ed at night in seven fathoms, to avoid being put back by a current setting from E.S.E. from _Papuas_.

At noon on the 29th we were abreast of Ardrah, and there we took a caravel, the people belonging to which had fled to the land. She had nothing in her except a small quant.i.ty of palm oil and a few roots. Next morning our captain and merchants went to meet the Portuguese, who came off in a boat to speak with them. After some communing about ransoming the caravel, the Portuguese promised to give for her some bullocks and elephants teeth, and gave us then one tooth and one bullock, engaging to bring the rest next day. Next day being the 1st January 1591, our captain went a-land to speak with the Portuguese, but finding them to dissemble, he came on board again, when presently we unrigged the caravel and set her on fire before the town. We then set sail and went along the coast, where we saw a date tree, the like of which is not on all that coast, by the water side. We also fell a little aground at one place. Thus we went on to _Villalonga_ where we anch.o.r.ed. The 3d we came to Rio de Lagoa, or Lagos Creek, where our merchants went to land, finding 3 fathoms on the bar, but being late they did not go in. There is to the eastward of this river a date tree, higher than all the other trees thereabouts. Thus we went along the coast, anchoring every night, and all the sh.o.r.e was full of trees and thick woods. The morning of the 6th was very foggy, so that we could not see the land; but it cleared up about three in the afternoon, when we found ourselves off the river Jaya; and finding the water very shallow, we bore a little out to seawards as we had done in the former voyage, and came to anchor in five fathoms. We set sail again next day, and came about noon abreast the river of Benin, where we anch.o.r.ed in four fathoms.

The 10th our captain went to land with the boat at 2 P.M. All this week it was very foggy every day till 10 o'clock A.M. and hitherto the weather had been as temperate as our summer in England. This day we anch.o.r.ed in the road in 4 fathoms, the west point bearing from us E.N.E.

The 21st, being a fair temperate day, Mr Ha.s.sald went up to the town of Gato to hear news of our captain. The 23d came the caravel[319] in which was Samuel, bringing 63 elephants teeth and three bullocks. The 28th was a fair temperate day, but towards night we had much rain with thunder and lightning. This day our boat came on board from Gato. The 24th February, we took in 298 serons or bags of pepper, and 4 elephants teeth. The 26th we put the rest of our goods on board the caravel, in which Mr Ha.s.sald went up to Gato. The 5th March the caravel came again, bringing 21 serons of pepper and 4 elephants teeth. The 9th April our caravel came again on board with water for our return voyage, and this day we lost our shallop or small boat. The 17th was a hazy and rainy day, and in the afternoon we saw three great water spouts, two to larboard and one right a-head, but by the blessing of G.o.d they came not to our ship. This day we took in the last of our water for sea store, and on the 26th we victualled our caravel to accompany us. The 27th we set sail on our voyage homewards.

[Footnote 319: It is not mentioned how they came by this caravel.--Astl.

I. 204. b. Probably the pinnace that attended them in the voyage, for the purpose of going up the shallow rivers.--E.]

The 24th May we were 37 leagues south of Cape Palmas. The 1st July we got sight of Brava, one of the Cape Verd islands, bearing east 7 leagues off. The 13th August we spoke the queens ship, of which Lord Howard was admiral and Sir Richard Grenville vice-admiral. They made us keep company till the night of the 15th, lying all the time a hull in waiting for prizes, 30 leagues S.W. from the island of Flores. That night we got leave to depart, accompanied by a fliboat laden with sugar from the island of San Thome which had been taken by the queens ship, and of which my lord admiral gave me strict charge not to part with her till safe harboured in England. The 23d the N.E. part of the island of Corvo bore from us E. by S. 6 leagues distant. The 17th September we fell in with a ship belonging to Plymouth bound from the West Indies. Next day we had sight of another sail; and this day died Mr Wood one of our company. The 23d we spoke the Dragon belonging to my Lord c.u.mberland, of which _master_ Ivie was _maister_[320]. The 2d October we met a ship belonging to Newcastle coming from Newfoundland, out of which we got 300 couple of _Newland_ fish. The 13th we put into Dartmouth, where we staid till the 12th December, when we sailed with a west wind, and by the blessing of G.o.d we anch.o.r.ed on the 18th December 1591, at Limehouse in the river Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of pepper, 150 elephants teeth, and 32 barrels of palm oil.

[Footnote 320: This distinction of master and maister often occurs in these early voyages.--Astl. I. 205. a.]

The commodities we carried out on this my second voyage were, broad cloth, kersies, bays, linen cloth, unwrought iron, copper bracelets, coral, hawks bells, horse-tails, hats, and the like. This voyage was more comfortable to us than the former, because we had plenty of fresh water and that very sweet. For even yet, being the 7th June 1592, the water we brought out of Benin on the 1st of April 1591, is as clear and good as any fountain can yield. In this voyage we sailed 350 leagues within half a degree of the equator, where we found the weather more temperate than at our anchorage on the coast of Benin. Under the line we killed many small dolphins, and many other good fish, which were very refreshing to us; and the fish never forsook us till we were to the north of the Azores: But G.o.d be thanked we met with several ships of our own country, during the five months we were at sea, which were great comfort to us, having no consort.

SECTION XVIII.

_Voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Da.s.sel to the Rivers Senegal and Gambia adjoining to Guinea, in 1591_[321].

PREVIOUS REMARKS [322].

In virtue of her majestys most gracious charter, given in the year 1588, being the 30th of her reign, certain English merchants were privileged to trade, in and from the river of Senega or Senegal, to and in the river of Gambra or Gambia on the western coast of Africa. The chiefest places of trade on that coast, in and between these rivers are: 1.

_Senegal_ river, where the commodities are hides, gum, elephants teeth, a few grains or pepper, ostrich feathers, ambergris, and some gold. 2.

_Beseguiache_[323], a town near Cape Verd, and ---- leagues[324] from the river Senegal. The commodities here are small hides and a few teeth. 3.

_Rufisque_, or _Refisca viejo_, a town 4 leagues from Beseguiache, producing small hides and a few teeth now and then. 4. _Palmerin_, a town 2 leagues from Rufisque[325], having small hides and a few elephants teeth occasionally. 5. _Porto d'Ally_, or _Portudale_, a town 5 leagues from Palmerin, having small hides, teeth, ambergris, and a little gold; and many Portuguese are there. 6. _Candimal_, a town half a league from Portudale, having small hides and a few teeth now and then.

7. _Palmerin_[326], a town 3 leagues from Candimal, with similar commodities. 8. _Jaale_ or _Joala_, 6 leagues beyond Palmerin, its commodities being hides, wax, elephants teeth, rice, and some gold, for which it is frequented by many Spaniards and Portuguese, 9. _Gambia river_, producing rice, wax, hides, elephants teeth, and gold.

[Footnote 321: Hakluyt, III. 2. Astley, I. 242.]

[Footnote 322: In Astley, these previous remarks are stated to have been written by Richard Rainolds; but in the original collection of Hakluyt no such distinction is made, only that in the text Richard Rainolds states himself to have written the account of the voyage.--E.]

[Footnote 323: Or Barzaguiche, by which name the natives call the island of Goree; the town of that name being on the opposite sh.o.r.e of the continent.--Astl, I. 242. c.]

[Footnote 324: At this place the editor of Astley's Collection supplies 28 leagues, in the text between brackets: But Cape Verd is 39 leagues from the southern mouth of the Senegal, and Goree is 6 leagues beyond Cape Verd. Near the situation pointed out for Beseguiache, modern maps place two small towns or villages named Dakar and Ben.--E.]

[Footnote 325: A league north from Rufisque in modern maps is a place called Ambo; about 1-1/2 league farther north, one named Canne; and near 2 leagues south, another named Yenne.--E.]

[Footnote 326: We have here two towns called Palmerin within a few leagues, perhaps one of them may be wrong named in the text.--E.]

The French have traded thither above thirty years from Dieppe in New-haven[327], commonly with four or five ships every year, of which two small barks go up the river Senegal. The others are wont, until within these four years that our ships came thither, to ride with their ships in Portudale, sending small shalops of six or eight tons to some of the before-named places on the sea coast. They were generally as well beloved and as kindly treated by the negroes as if they had been natives of the country, several of the negroes going often into France and returning again, to the great increase of their mutual friendship. Since we frequented the coast, the French go with their ships to Rufisque, and leave us to anchor a Portudale. The French are not in use to go up the river Gambia, which is a river of secret trade and riches concealed by the Portuguese. Long since, one Frenchman entered the river in a small bark, which was surprised, betrayed, and taken by the Portuguese. In our second voyage in the second year of our trade[328], about forty Englishmen were cruelly slain or captured, and most or all of their goods confiscated, by the vile treachery of the Portuguese, with the consent of the negro kings in Portudale and Joala. On this occasion only two got back, who were the merchants or factors. Likewise, by the procurement of Pedro Gonzalves, a person in the service of Don Antonio one of the officers of the king of Portugal, Thomas Da.s.sel and others had been betrayed, if it had not pleased the Almighty to reveal and prevent the same.

[Footnote 327: Havre de Grace is probably here meant--E.]

[Footnote 328: Hence it appears that the relation in the text was the third voyage of the English exclusive company, in the third year of their patent, but we find no account of the other two beyond what is now mentioned. It appears, however from Kelly's ship being at the same time upon the coast, that others as well as the patentees carried on this trade.--Astl. I. 242. d.]

From the south side of the river Senegal, all along the sea coast to Palmerin is one kingdom of the Negroes, the king of which is named Melick Zamba[329], who dwells about two days journey inland from Rufisque.

[Footnote 329: Melick; or Malek, in Arabic signifies king.--Astl. I.

242. e.]

_The Voyage._

On the 12th of November 1591, I, Richard Rainolds and Thomas Da.s.sel, being factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London, of 125 tons, accompanied by a pinnace of 40 tons called the Messenger, arrived near Cape Verd at a small island called the _Isle of Liberty_. At this island we set up a small pinnace in which we are in use to carry our goods to land in the course of our traffic; and in the mean time Thomas Da.s.sel went in the large pinnace to traffic with the Spaniards or Portuguese in Portudale or Joale. Over against this island of Liberty [_Goree_] there is a village of the negroes called Beseguiache, the alcaide or governor of which came on board, with a great train in a number of canoes, to receive the kings duties for anchorage and permission to set up our pinnace. He was much pleased that we had no Portuguese in our ships, saying that we should be always better thought of by the king and people of that country if we never brought any Portuguese, but came of ourselves as the French do always. To secure his favour, I gave him and his company very courteous entertainment, and upon his entreaty, having sufficient hostages left on board, I and several others went to the land along with him. At this time a war subsisted between this governor and the governor of a neighbouring province; but upon our arrival a truce was entered into for some time, and I with my companions were conducted through among the contending parties belonging to both provinces, to the house of the governor of Beseguiache, where we were hospitably entertained after their manner, and having received some presents returned safely on board. Next day the alcaide came again on board, desiring me to send some iron and other commodities in the boat to barter with the negroes, and also requested me to remove with the ship to Rufisque, which I did accordingly. I observed one thing, that a number of negroes, armed with bows and poisoned arrows, poisoned darts, and swords, attended the landing of the governor in warlike array, because the hostile tribe had come there to view our ship, taking advantage of the truce. These his armed attendants for the most part approached him in a kneeling posture, and kissed the back of his hand.

On the 17th of November, finding no French ship had yet come out, I left the anchorage at the island [_Goree_], and went to the road of Rufisque, where the interpreters of the alcaide came on board and received from me the kings duties for free trade with the negroes, with whom I every day exchanged my iron and other wares for hides and some elephants teeth, finding the people very friendly and tractable. Next day I went about three miles inland to the town of Rufisque, where I was handsomely received and treated by the alcaide, and especially so by a young n.o.ble named _Conde Amar Pattay_[330], who presented me with an ox, and some goats and kids, for my company, a.s.suring me that the king would be glad to hear of the arrival of a Christian ship, calling us _blancos_ or white men, and more especially that we were English. Every day the young _conde_ came to the sea-side with a small company of hors.e.m.e.n, feasting me with much courtesy and kindness. On the 5th of December, he and his train came on board to view the ship, which to them seemed wonderful, as a thing they had seldom seen the like of. He then told me that a messenger sent to the king to notify our arrival was returned, and that the king was much rejoiced that the English had brought a ship to trade in his ports; and as I was the first Englishman who had brought a ship there, he promised that I and any Englishman hereafter might be sure of being well treated, and of receiving good dealings in his country. The _conde_ farther requested, in the kings name and his own, that before my final departure from the coast, I might return to the road of Rufisque, to confer with him for our better acquaintance, and for the establishment of stable friendship between them and the English, which I agreed to. Having shewn him and his train every civility in my power, he went on sh.o.r.e, on which I proposed to have given him a salute, but he desired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the guns, which they greatly admired.

[Footnote 330: In the name or t.i.tle of this negro chief or n.o.ble may be recognized the Portuguese or Spanish _conde_, and the Arabic _amir_ or _emir_.--E.]

The 13th of December I weighed anchor from before Rufisque, and went to Porto d'Ally, which is in another kingdom, the king of which is called Amar Malek, being son to Malek Zamba the other king, and has his residence a days journey and a half inland from Porto d'Ally. When we had anch.o.r.ed, the governors of the town, who were the kings kinsmen, and all the other officers, came on board to receive the kings duty for anchorage and liberty to trade, all of whom seemed much pleased that we had no Portuguese on board, saying that it was the kings pleasure we should bring none of that nation, whom they considered as a people devoid of truth[331]. They complained of one Francisco de Costa, a servant of Don Antonio, who had often, and particularly the former year, abused their king Amar Malek, promising to bring him certain things out of England which he had never done, and supposed that might be his reason for not coming this voyage. They said likewise that neither the Portuguese nor Spaniards could abide us, but always spoke to the great defamation and dishonour of England. They also affirmed that on the arrival of a ship called the Command, belonging to Richard Kelley of Dartmouth, one Pedro Gonzalves, a Portuguese, who came in that ship from Don Antonio, reported to them that we were fled from England, and had come to rob and commit great spoil on the coast, and that Thomas Da.s.sel had murdered Francisco de Acosta since we left England, who was coming in our ship with great presents for their king from Don Antonio, desiring on our arrival that they should seize our goods and ourselves secretly. They a.s.sured us however that they had refused to do this, as they disbelieved the report of Gonzalves, having often before been abused and deceived by such false and slanderous stories by the Portuguese. Their king, they said, was extremely sorry for the former murder of our people, and would never consent to any such thing in future, holding the Portuguese and Spaniards in utter abhorrence ever since, and having a much better opinion of us and our nation than these our enemies wished them to entertain. I gave them hearty thanks for their good opinion, a.s.suring them that they should always find a great difference between our honour, and the dishonourable words and actions of our enemies, and then paid them the customary duties. As this was a chief place for trade, I told them that I intended to wait upon their king that I might give him certain presents which I had brought out of England, on purpose to strengthen the friendship between their nation and ours.

[Footnote 331: From this and other pa.s.sages of the present journal, it appears that the English used to carry a Portuguese along with them in their first voyages to the coast of Africa, whether from choice or by agreement with the government of Portugal does not clearly appear: and that, finding the inconvenience of this custom, they began now to lay it aside. This seems to have provoked the king of Portugal, who proposed to ruin the English trade by means of these agents or spies.--_Astl_. I.

214. b.]

All this time, Thomas Da.s.sel was with our large pinnace at the town of Joala, in the dominions of king Jocoel Lamiockeric, trading with the Spaniards and Portuguese at that place. The before-mentioned Pedro Gonzalves, who had come out of England, was there also along with some English merchants, employed in the service of Richard Kelley. As Gonzalves had not been able to accomplish his treacherous purposes against Da.s.sel at Porto d'Ally, where I remained, he attempted, along with other Portuguese who were made privy to his design, to betray Da.s.sel at this town of Joala, and had seduced the chiefs among the negroes, by means of bribes, to concur in his wicked and most treacherous intentions. These, by the good providence of G.o.d, were revealed to Thomas Da.s.sel by Richard Cape, an Englishman, in the service of Richard Kelley; on which Thomas Da.s.sel went on board a small English bark called the Cherubim of Lyme, where a Portuguese named Joam Payva, a servant of Don Antonio, declared that Thomas Da.s.sel would have been betrayed long before, if he and one Garcia, a Portuguese, who lived at Joala, would have concurred with Pedro Gonzalves. Upon this warning, Thomas Da.s.sel contrived next day to get three Portuguese on board the pinnace, two of whom he sent on sh.o.r.e, and detained the third named Villanova as an hostage, sending a message that if they would bring Gonzalves on board next day by eight o'clock, he would release Villanova; but they did not. Da.s.sel likewise got intelligence, that certain Portuguese and negroes were gone post by land from Joala to Porto d'Ally, with the view of having me, Richard Rainolds, and my company detained on sh.o.r.e; and, being doubtful of the negro friendship, who were often wavering, especially when overcome by wine, he came with his pinnace and the Portuguese hostage to Porto d'Ally on the 24th December, for our greater security, and to prevent any treacherous plan that might have been attempted against us in the roads by the Portuguese. He was no sooner arrived beside our large ship the Nightingale in the road of Porto d'Ally, than news was brought him from John Baily, servant to Anthony Da.s.sel, that he and our goods were detained on sh.o.r.e, and that twenty Portuguese and Spaniards were come there from Joala along with Pedro Gonzalves, for the purpose of getting Villanova released. After a conference of two or three days, held with the negro chiefs and the Spaniards and Portuguese, the negroes were in the end convinced how vilely Pedro Gonzalves had behaved; and as he was in their power, they said he ought to suffer death or torture for his villany, as an example to others; but we, in recompence of his cruel treachery, pitied him and shewed mercy, desiring the negroes to use him well though undeserving; upon which the negro chiefs brought him on board the pinnace to Thomas Da.s.sel, to do with him as he thought proper.

Owing to some improper language he had used of certain princes, Gonzalves was well buffetted by a Spaniard at his coming off from the sh.o.r.e, and had been slain if the natives had not rescued him for our sakes.

When I went on sh.o.r.e to release Villanova, Pedro Gonzalves confessed to Thomas Da.s.sel, that he had concerted with some negroes and Portuguese about detaining Da.s.sel and the goods on sh.o.r.e; but that he had acted nothing on this subject without authority from his king, contained in certain letters he had received at Dartmouth from London, after our departure from the Thames, occasioned by our presuming to trade to Guinea without a servant of the king of Portugal; and declared likewise that he had power or authority from Francisco de Costa, a Portuguese, remaining in England, to detain the goods of Anthony Da.s.sel in Guinea.

By consent of Francis Tucker, John Browbeare, and the other factors of Richard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonzalves came from England, it was agreed that we should detain Gonzalves in our ships until their departure, to avoid any other mischief that he might contrive.

Therefore, on 9th January 1592, he was delivered to go for England in the same ship that brought him, being all the time he remained in our ship, well and courteously treated by me, though much against the will of our mariners, who were much disgusted at seeing one who had been nourished and relieved in our country, seeking, by villanous means, to procure the destruction of us all.

Although the Spaniards and Portuguese are dissemblers and not to be trusted, yet when they saw how the subjects of Amar Malek befriended and favoured us, and that it would be prejudicial to their trade if we were any way injured, they renounced their evil intentions against us, shewing detestation of him who had been the cause of it, and promised to defend us and our affairs in all faithfulness for the future; desiring us, as the negro king had done already, to bring no more Portuguese with us from England, for they esteemed one bar of iron as more valuable than twenty Portuguese, and more serviceable towards the profitable trade which had been of late carried on by us and the French; whereas the Portuguese, whom we were in use to bring with us, endeavoured all they could to do us injury, and even to hurt all parties concerned in the trade.

At the beginning of these broils, Amar Malek had sent his chief secretary with three horses for me, Richard Rainolds; but I refused going, on account of the disturbances, though I might have had negroes of condition left as hostages for my safety; yet I transmitted the customary presents for the king. When he understood the reason of my not coming to his residence, he was very sorry and much offended at the cause, and immediately issued a proclamation, commanding that no injury should be done to us in his dominions by his own people, neither suffered to be done by the Spaniards or Portuguese; and declaring, if any of the neighbouring negro tribes should confederate with the Spaniards and Portuguese to molest us, that he and his subjects should be ready to aid and defend us. Thus there appeared more kindness and good will towards us in these ignorant negroes, than in the Spaniards and Portuguese.

None of the Spaniards or Portuguese are in use to trade up the river Senegal, except one Portuguese named _Ganigogo_ who dwells far up that river, where he has married the daughter of one of the kings. In the towns of Porto d'Ally and Joala, which are the places of chief trade on this coast, and at Cauton and Ca.s.san in the river Gambia, there are many Spaniards and Portuguese who have become resident by permission of the negroes, and carry on a valuable trade all along the coast, especially to the Rio San Dominica and Rio Grande, which are not far distant from the Gambia, to which places they transport the iron which they purchase from us and the French, exchanging it for _negro slaves_, which are transported to the West Indies in ships that come hither from Spain. By order of the governor and renters of the castle of Mina, and of all those places on the coast of Guinea where gold is to be had, these residents have a place limited for them in the river Gambia, beyond which they must not go under pain of death and confiscation of their goods; as the renters themselves send their own barks at certain times up the river, to those places where gold is to be had. In all those places hereabout, where we are in use to trade, the Spaniards and Portuguese have no castle or other place of strength, merely trading under the licence and safe conduct of the negroes. Most of the Spaniards and Portuguese who reside in those parts are banished men or fugitives, who have committed heinous crimes; and their life and conversation is conformable to their conditions, as they are the basest and most villainously behaved persons of their nation that are to be met with in any part of the world.

CHAPTER VIII.

SOME MISCELLANEOUS EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH.

INTRODUCTION.