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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vi Part 31

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[Footnote 418: This unusual name seems from the context to be here given to the Nizam-al-mulk or sovereign of the Decan.--E.]

SECTION XI.

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to 1612_.

In May 1597, Don Francisco de Gama, count of Vidugueyra, grandson to the discoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India, but carried himself with so much haughty state that he gained the dislike of all men. During his government the scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguese came first into India, as in the month of September news was brought to Goa that the two first ships of the _Hollanders_ that had ventured to navigate the Indian seas had been in the port of _t.i.tangone_ and were bound for the island of _Sunda_. In a grand council held upon this important event, it was ordered to fit out a squadron of two galleons, three gallies, and nine other vessels to attack the intruders, and the command was given on this occasion to Lorenzo de Brito, an ancient and experienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small damage on the coast of Malabar and other places, and when off Malacca fell in with six ships bound from that place for India, commanded by Francisco de Silva.

They immediately engaged and fought the whole of that afternoon and part of the night. Next morning the engagement was renewed, and was repeated for eight successive days; till finding themselves too weak, the Hollanders drew off and made for the port of Queda, many of their men being slain and most of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted the smallest of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwards cast away on the coast of Pegu.



In this same year 1597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron of eight ships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and provisions for three years, under the command of the admiral Jacob Cornelius van Nec. The object of this expedition, besides hostility to the king of Spain, was that they might purchase the spices and other commodities of Asia at a cheaper rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Portugal. The fleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of May 1598; arrived at Madeira on the 15th, and at the Canaries on the 17th, where they both took in wine. On the 29th they were in the lat.i.tude of 6 S. and pa.s.sed the line on the 8th of June; _a wonderful swiftness, to me incredible_! On the 24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three of the ships were separated in a violent storm and arrived at the island of _Banda_ in _April_[419]. The other four ships under the admiral discovered the island of Madagascar on the 24th of August, coming to Cape St Julian on the 30th of that month. On the 20th of September they came to the island of _Cerne_ or _Cisne_, in lat. 21 S. to which they gave the name of _Mauritius_. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude that one of them carried two men on its back, and birds which were so tame as to allow themselves to be killed with sticks, whence they concluded that the island was not inhabited. At Banda they joined the other three ships, and having laded four with spices they were sent away to Holland, while the other three went on to the Moluccas. On the 21st January 1598, they discovered the _Great Java_[420], and touched at the port of _Tuban_, after which they came to _Madura_ an island in lat. 2 30' S.

on the 27th of that month. At this place they endeavoured to ransom some of their countrymen who had been cast away in their former ships, and some others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pa.s.s false money; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom, they attempted to rescue them by force; but two boats full of armed men being sunk in the attempt, they were forced to comply with the terms demanded. They settled a trade at Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory at Banda, where they loaded with spice and returned into Holland on the 20th of April 1600. Those who were left in the remaining ship at Amboina went to Ternate in the Moluccas where they were well received by the king, and after procuring a lading of cloves returned home.

[Footnote 419: We have no means of correcting the strange chronology of this voyage, _wonderful_ even in the opinion of De Faria. He names the Dutch Admiral _Neque_; but as _qu_ in Portuguese is used to mark the sound of _k_ or hard _c_, we have ventured to give this first successful rival of the Portuguese trade in India the name of _Van Nec_.--E.]

[Footnote 420: Borneo is probably here meant, as they could not have been in Banda without seeing both Sumatra and Java.--E.]

Don Alexius de Menezes archbishop of Goa went about this time to visit the Christians of St Thomas, who lived dispersedly in the mountains of Malabar, in _Muli_, _Turubuli_, _Maota_, _Batimena_, _Diamper_, _Pimienta_, _Tetemute_, _Porca_, _Paru_, and _Cartuti_. These Christians continued stedfast at the faith till about the year 750, yet with some tincture of error. About the year 810 the second _Thomas_, formerly mentioned, came to this country, where he repaired the churches that had been erected by the apostle and restored the true doctrine; but about the year 900 this church was overrun by the _Nestorian_ heresy. In the year 890 two _Chaldeans_ came here from _Babylon_, named _Mar Xarsio_ and _Mar Prod_, who divided the district into two bishoprics, and were ever afterwards prayed to as saints, till our archbishop ordered this to be discontinued, as he much suspected they had not been legitimately canonized. After these Chaldeans came one _Mar Joanne_, who was sent by the Greek Patriarch, and resided at _Cranganor_ where he introduced the _Chaldean_ ritual. His successor was _Mar Jacob_, who died in 1500, and was succeeded by _Mar Joannato_. Thus the bishops and heresies continued among the _Thomists_ till 1536, when Pope Paul IV. appointed Juan Bermudez patriarch of _Ethiopia_, Simin Sulacca bishop of _Caheremit_ the metropolis of _Mesopotamia_, _Mar Elias_ as patriarch of _Mosul_, and _Mar Joseph_ bishop of Nineveh, whom he ordered to govern the Christians of Malabar, with the bishop _Ambrose Montecelli_ for his coadjutor. By this interference of the Pope there were two patriarchs of the East, one _orthodox_ at _Mosul_, and the other _heretical_ at Antioch. Joseph and Ambrose went over to the mountains of Malabar, to a.s.sume the pastoral charge of the Thomists; but the latter separated from the former and went to Goa, where after reading divinity for some time he died at Cochin in the year 1557. As Don George Temudo bishop of Cochin perceived that Joseph _spread the poison of Nestorius_ among his flock in Malabar, he contrived to have him apprehended and sent in chains to Portugal, were he was permitted to return to his bishopric on promise of amendment[421]. On his return he found _Mar Abraham_ officiating as bishop of the Thomists, who had chosen him in the absence of Joseph; and as Abraham found himself persecuted, or disturbed in the exercise of his functions by Joseph, he went to Rome where he got a brief from Paul IV. appointing him bishop of the Thomists, having engaged to reduce that people to the orthodox faith. Yet neither he nor Joseph adhered to their engagements, but continued in their heresies.

After this one _Mar Simon_ came to Malabar, saying that he was sent by the patriarch of Babylon to officiate as bishop of Malabar. He was received by the queen of Pimienta and placed at _Cartuse_, where he exercised episcopal functions; till _being carried_ to Lisbon he was sent thence to Rome, where he was condemned by Pope _Sixtus Quintus_ as a mere Nestorian and not even a priest. After the death of _Mar Abraham_ his archdeacon governed the diocese, _as no Babylonian prelates dared to come to Malabar_, Don Alexius, the archbishop of Goa, using his utmost endeavours to keep out all such heretical prelates, which was the particular occasion of his present visitation.

[Footnote 421: Under this story we may presume without any lack of Christian charity, that these promises were extorted by means best known to the inquisition, that diabolical instrument of the pretended disciples of the Prince of Peace, and eternal opprobrium of the Peninsula. With regard to Joseph there was some shadow of excuse, as he seems to have accepted his appointment from the _orthodox_ pope, though secretly attached to the _heretical_ Nestorian patriarch.--E.]

This prelate found that, among other errors, the Thomists denied the virginity of our blessed lady[422]: They rejected the use of images: they believed the souls of the just did not enjoy the beatific presence of G.o.d till after the general judgment: they allowed only of three sacraments, baptism, ordination and the eucharist: instead of confession they used perfuming in their churches: the wine employed in the sacrament was made from cocoas: their host was a cake made with oil and salt: their priests were ordained at seventeen years of age, and were permitted to marry after ordination: fathers, sons, and grandsons administered the sacrament in the same church: the _Catatorias_ or _Caffaneras_, so they called the wives of priests, wore a distinguishing mark to be known by: in matrimony, they used no other formalities except the consent of parties and consummation: the women observed the time prescribed by the law of Moses in regard to churching: no sacraments were administered gratuitously: holy water was mixed with some powder of frankincense, and some of the soil on which St Thomas was supposed to have trodden: they used sorcery and witchcraft: In fine, that all was error, confusion, and heresy.

[Footnote 422: This probably refers to her supposed immaculate purity even after the birth of the Saviour.--E.]

Don Alexius with much labour and toil convinced them of their errors and converted them to the true faith, so that whole towns were baptised and reconciled to the Roman see. He even held a provincial synod at _Diamper_, all the decrees of which were confirmed by the Pope; and Francisco Rodriguez, a Jesuit who had a.s.sisted the archbishop on this important visitation, was made bishop of that diocese. On the breaking up of the synod, Don Alexius visited all the churches in these parts.

While in the country of the queen of _Changanate_, visiting the church of _Talavecare_, one of the most ancient in those parts, they shewed him three plates on which were engraven certain privileges and revenues granted by the king of Ceylon, at the time when the Babylonians _Zabro_ and _Proo_[423], were in that country. At this place likewise Don Alexius met _Topamuta Pandara_, king of _Gundara_[424] in the neighbourhood of _Changanate_, to whom he presented a letter from king Philip giving him the _t.i.tle of brother_, for having allowed liberty for the exercise of the Christian religion in his dominions[425].

[Footnote 423: Only a few pages before these men are named _Xanio_ and _Prod_; but we have no means of ascertaining which are the right names.--E.]

[Footnote 424: These petty kings of small districts in the South of India are now known by the t.i.tles of Polygars; and the hereditary female chiefs are stiled _Rana_. It is prost.i.tuting the dignity of king to give that denomination to the chiefs of small villages and trifling districts, often not so large as parishes in Europe. They are mere temporary chiefs, occasionally hereditary by sufferance; indeed such could not possibly be otherwise, when all the larger dominions and even empires have been in perpetual fluctuation from revolution and conquest for at least 3000 years.--E.]

[Footnote 425: The history of this ancient Christian church of Malabar has been lately ill.u.s.trated by the Christian Researches of Dr Buchannan, who seems to have opened a door for the propagation of the gospel in India infinitely promising, if judiciously taken advantage of.--E.]

In the year 1596, a Moor, named _Pate Marcar_ obtained leave from the zamorin to build a fort in the peninsula of Pudepatam, 77 leagues from Goa and 33 from Cochin, where was a most convenient station for piratical paraos, to annoy the trade of the Malabar coast; and having built a square fort at this place, he went thither with all his kinsmen and followers, and did much injury to the Portuguese and their allies, even making incursions upon their maritime possessions, whence, on several occasions, he carried off much spoil. Pate Marcar soon died, and was succeeded in the sovereignty of the fort by his nephew Mahomet Cuneale Marcar, who added greatly to the strength of the fort; and foreseeing that the Portuguese might seek to be revenged for the injuries they had sustained, he fortified the town both by sea, and land, which he named _Cuneale_ after himself. On the land side he made a deep ditch with a double wall above seven feet thick, flanked at regular distances with towers called _zarames_, all of which were mounted with small cannon. Between the two creeks forming the peninsula, he built a strong wall with two towers to secure the town, and lined the sea-sh.o.r.e with strong palisades; flanked by two bastions, one of which considerably larger than the other, was mounted with heavy cannon to defend the entrance of the harbour, which was farther secured by a boom of masts strongly chained together. Having thus, as he thought, provided a secure retreat, he continued his uncle's enterprises against the Portuguese with much success, a.s.sisting all their enemies against them, even robbing the Malabar traders on the coast, and filled his residence with rich plunder. The viceroy Albuquerque had endeavoured to destroy this nest of pirates, so prejudicial to the Portuguese trade, and had even prevailed on the zamorin to concur in the destruction of Cuneale, so that a treaty had been entered into, by which the zamorin engaged to besiege Cuneale by land, while the Portuguese fleet attacked him by sea.

Both parties provided according to stipulation for this joint expedition; but it was postponed for some time, in consequence of the change in the government by the arrival of the Count of Vidigueyra as viceroy, and even by the secret concurrence of the zamorin in the piracies of Cuneale, who communicated to him a share of the plunder.

At length, however, the zamorin became incensed against Cuneale, who a.s.sumed the t.i.tle of king of the Malabar Moors, and lord of the Indian Sea; but chiefly because he had caused the tail of one of his elephants to be cut off, and had used one of his Nayres in a cruel and scandalous manner. Laying hold of this favourable opportunity, the viceroy, De Gama, probably in 1598, renewed the league with the zamorin against Cuneale, and sent some light vessels under Ferdinand de Noronha to blockade the entrance into the port of Cuneale, till a larger force could be provided to co-operate with the zamorin, who was marching to besiege it by land with 20,000 men and some cannon.

That part of the western coast of India, which is properly called the coast of Malabar, extends from Cananor to Cochin for the s.p.a.ce of 42 leagues. From Cananor it is two leagues to the small island of _Tremapatan_, within which is a good river; thence half a league to the river of _Sal_, thence one and a half to the river _Maim_; one to the town of _Comena_, a small distance beyond which are the towns of _Motangue, Curiare_, and _Baregare_: thence to the river _Pudepatan_; two leagues farther the town of _Tiracole_; other two leagues the town of _Cotulete_; one league from this the river _Capocate_; one league farther _Calicut_; two more to the river _Chale_; two to the city _Pananor_; two thence to _Tanor_; two more to _Paranora_; one more to the famous river _Paniane_; thence nine to _Paliporto_; four to the river of _Cranganor_; and five more to _Cochin_. At the mouth of the river _Pudepatan_ the fort of _Cuneale_ is seated in a square peninsula formed by several creeks, and joined to the land on the south side, the length of the four sides being about a cannon shot each. Just within the bar there is sufficient water for ships of some size, which may go about half way up the port; beyond that it is only fit for _almadias_ or boats. The river runs first towards the north-east, then turning to the south forms the peninsula in which the fort is built, the isthmus being secured by a strong wall about a musket-shot in length, reaching between the creek and the river, at the mouth of which is the small island Pinale. The fort was large, strongly built, well manned, and had abundance of cannon, ammunition, and provisions.

In this emergency, Cuneale was well provided for defence, having a force of 1500 choice Moors, well armed, whom he distributed to the different posts. The small vessels under Noronha cannonaded the fort, princ.i.p.ally on purpose to draw off the attention of the Moors, that they might not interrupt the zamorin on the land side, who was establishing his camp for the purpose of the siege. At the same time, Noronha scoured the coast, taking some of the piratical vessels belonging to Cuneale, and preventing the introduction of provisions into the fort. After some time, Don Luis de Gama, brother to the viceroy, arrived with four gallies and 35 smaller vessels, ten more being brought by private gentlemen at their own charge, and three full of men and ammunition sent by the city of Cochin. Besides these, there were two large barks mounted with heavy cannon to batter the fort.

The rajah of Cochin, being apprehensive that the great power which was now employed against Cuneale might prove his ruin, by uniting the zamorin his ancient enemy with the Portuguese, circulated a report that the zamorin had entered into a secret agreement with Cuneale to cut off the whole Portuguese when engaged in the a.s.sault on the fort. The archbishop of Goa, who was then at Cochin on his way to the Malabar mountains to visit the Thomist churches, was at first much alarmed by this report, fearing it might be true; but on mature consideration was satisfied that it was only a political contrivance of the rajah, and prudently advised the rajah to desist from the propagation of any such false reports. He then a.s.sured the princ.i.p.al persons of Cochin that their ships might safely proceed against Cuneale, yet recommended that they should conduct themselves with much caution. All the fleet being now united before the fort, it was found that Cuneale had drawn up a line of armed galliots on the edge of the water under the wall of his fort, in case of being attacked that way. It was resolved in a council of war to force an entrance into the river, after which to draw up the Portuguese vessels in a line with their bows to the sh.o.r.e, that they might cover the debarkation of the troops for the purpose of a.s.saulting the fort. This proposition was transmitted to Goa and approved by the viceroy, yet Don Luis was persuaded by some gentlemen who wished to disgrace him, to attack on the side of _Ariole_, under pretence that the pa.s.sage of the bar might prove fatal. At this time the zamorin was battering the walls of the town or _petah_, and desired that some Portuguese might be sent to his a.s.sistance. Don Luis being suspicious, demanded hostages for their safety, and accordingly six princ.i.p.al nayres were sent, among whom were the rajahs of _Tanor, Chale_, and _Carnere_, and the chief judge of Calicut. Don Luis then sent 300 Portuguese under the command of Belchior Ferreyra.

By previous concert, a combined a.s.sault was to be made on the night of the 3d of May, the troops of the zamorin attacking on the land side, and the Portuguese on the sea front, at the same time, the signal for both to commence at once being by means of a flaming lance. But Belchior Calaca, who was appointed to give the signal, mistook the hour, and gave it too soon, so that every thing fell into confusion. Immediately on seeing the signal, Ferreyra, who commanded the Portuguese troops along with the zamorin, fell on with his men and 5000 Nayres, but lost 28 of his men at the first onset. Luis de Silva, who was appointed to lead the van of the Portuguese sea attack with 600 men, though ready and observing the concerted signal, did not move till past midnight, which was the appointed hour, by which the enemy were left free to resist the land attack with their forces undivided. At length when it was towards morning, de Silva pa.s.sed the creek of _Balyzupe_ with 500 men in 60 almadias or native boats. But immediately on landing de Silva was slain, and his ensign Antonio Diaz concealed his death by covering his body with the colours, which he stripped for that purpose from the staff.

Thus landing without commander or colours, the Portuguese fell into contusion, and the two next in command were both slain. Don Luis de Gama, leaving his fleet under the next officer, had landed with a reserve on the other side of the river opposite the fort, but for want of boats was unable either to cross to a.s.sume the command, or to send a.s.sistance. The Portuguese troops were forced to retreat disgracefully with the loss of 300 men, most of whom were drowned; though even in this confusion a part of them forced their way into the fort and burnt the mosque and part of the town, where, they slew 500 Moors and Malabars, above 20 of whom were men of note. After this discomfiture, Don Luis de Gamu retired to Cochin with the greater part of the fleet, leaving Francisco de Sousa to continue the blockade, who persuaded the zamorin to a.s.sault the town, as he believed the defenders had been so much weakened by the late slaughter that it might be easily carried. But though the zamorin gave the a.s.sault with 2000 men, he was repulsed.

On the receipt of these bad tidings at Goa, Don Luis de Gama was ordered back to Cuneale, to settle a treaty with the zamorin, and to continue the siege during the winter, till the Portuguese fleet could return at the commencement of the next fine season. A treaty to this effect was accordingly concluded, by one of the articles of which the zamorin consented that the Christian religion might be preached in his dominions, and churches erected. After this Don Luis returned to Goa, whence he went to command at Ormuz, and Ferdinand de Noronha remained before Cuneale with twelve ships to prevent the introduction of provisions or other supplies.

Cuneale was so much elated by his success in repelling the Portuguese, that, in addition to his former t.i.tle, he stiled himself _Defender of the Mahometan Faith and Conqueror of the Portuguese_; but when the season returned for maritime operations on the coast, the viceroy sent Andrew Furtado against him with three gallies, 54 other vessels, and a powerful military force. In the mean time Antonio de Noronha continued to blockade the port all winter, taking several vessels laden with provisions, and on different occasions slew above 100 Moors who opposed him in taking fresh water for his ships. While on his way from Goa, Furtado dissuaded the rajah of _Banguel_ and the queen or _rana_ of _Olala_ from sending aid to Cuneale as they intended, and cut off five ships from Mecca that were going with relief to the enemy. When Furtado came to anchor in the port of Cuneale, he sent to treat with the zamorin, who had continued the siege on the land side all winter according to his engagement, and an interview took place between them on the sh.o.r.e where the zamorin came to meet him. The zamorin was naked from the waist upwards. Round his middle a piece of cloth of gold was wrapped, hanging to his knees and fastened by a girdle of inestimable value, about the breadth of a hand. His arms were covered from the elbows to the wrists with golden bracelets adorned with rich jewels, and so heavily laden that two men supported his arms. He wore an extraordinarily rich chain about his neck, and so many diamonds and rubies hung from his ears that they were stretched down almost to his shoulders by their weight. He seemed about 30 years of age, and had a majestic presence. A little on one side stood the prince, carrying a naked sword. Behind him were many of his n.o.bles; among whom was father Francisco Rodriquez, the new bishop of the Thomists in Malabar. The zamorin and Furtado embraced in token of friendship, on which all the cannon in the fleet fired a salvo. After this friendly meeting they retired into the tent of the zamorin, where they had a long conference about their future operations; and on taking leave, Furtado put a rich collar about the neck of the zamorin, and they parted in a most amicable manner.

The rajah of Tanor and other great men were sent by the zamorin on board the admiral ship, having full powers from their sovereign to treat and conclude on all things concerning the joint interests of both parties, and every thing was settled to mutual satisfaction. There now arrived from Goa and other places, a galley and galleon, with 11 ships and 21 smaller vessels, bringing ammunition and 790 soldiers, upon which Furtado commenced the active operations of the siege, raising entrenchments and batteries, and taking absolute possession of every avenue leading to the fort and peninsula by water. He likewise caused some advanced works belonging to the enemy to be a.s.saulted, on which Cuneale came in person to a.s.sist in their defence, and for a time repulsed the a.s.sailants, till Furtado landed with a reinforcement, on which the Portuguese remained victorious, slaying 600 of the Moors, with the loss of two officers and nine privates on their side. Fort _Blanco_ or the white tower was next a.s.saulted, but with more bravery than success. Yet Cuneale seeing that he could not much longer hold out, offered rich presents to the zamarin to admit him to surrender upon security of his own life and the safety of his garrison. But on this secret negociation coming to the knowledge of Furtado, he made a furious a.s.sault on the works, which were at the same time a.s.sailed on the land side by 6000 Nayres, by which joint attack the lower town or petah was taken, plundered, and burnt. Batteries were immediately erected against the upper town and fort, and as their fire soon ruined the defences, Cuneale was constrained to surrender at discretion, merely bargaining that his life should be saved. He accordingly marched out having a black veil on his head, and carrying his sword with the point downwards, which he surrendered to the zamorin, who immediately delivered it to Furtado.

According to one of the articles of agreement the spoil was to have been equally divided; but Furtado dealt generously by the zamorin, alleging that this was to be understood only in respect to the artillery, and appeased his own soldiers who expected that reward of their labour. The fort and all other works were levelled with the ground, and Furtado returned with the fleet and army to Goa.

Cuneale was about 50 years of age, of a low stature, but strong and well made. He and his nephew _Cinale_, with other forty Moors of note, were sent as prisoners on board the fleet, where they well treated; but as soon as some of them were set on sh.o.r.e at Goa, they were torn in pieces by the rabble; and Cuneale and his nephew were both publicly beheaded by order of the viceroy, so that the government and the mob went hand and hand to commit murder and a flagrant breach of faith. How can those who are guilty of such enormities give the name of barbarians to the much more honourable Indians!

In the year 1600, Ayres de Saldanna arrived at Goa as viceroy to supersede the Count de Vidugueira, who was universally disliked by the Portuguese inhabitants. The marble statue of the great Vasco de Gama, his grandfather, stood over the princ.i.p.al gate of the city, fastened to the wall by a strong bar of iron. At the instigation of some enemies to the count, a _French_ engineer named Sebastian Tibao applied to the iron bar during the night _a certain herb_ that has the quality of eating iron, so that the statue fell down next night, and its quarters were hung up in different parts of the city. On the day when the count was to embark for his return to Portugal, a party of armed men went on board before him, and hung up his effigy at the yard arm, made exactly like him both in face and habit. Just as he was going on board they returned; and on seeing the effigy he asked what it was, when someone answered, "It is your lordship, whom these men have hung up." He made no reply, but ordered the figure to be thrown into the sea and immediately set sail; but two days afterwards had to return to port for a new stock of fowls, as all these he took with him were poisoned. He was better beloved by the elements than by those whom he had governed; for he went all the way from India to Lisbon without once needing to furl a sail. By the constant chafing of the yards on the masts, it was found impossible to lower the yards in the usual way when the ship arrived at Lisbon, insomuch that they had to be cut down. Sailing from Goa on the 25th December 1600, he arrived at Lisbon on the 27th May 1601, having spent only five months on the voyage.

During the administration of Ayres de Saldana, _Xilimixa_ king of Aracan, who had possessed himself of the kingdom of Pegu, gave the port of _Siriam_ to the Portuguese in grateful acknowledgment of their services. That town and port is at the mouth of the river Siriam which flows within a league of the city of _Bagou_, the capital of Pegu. This grant was obtained by Philip Brito de Nicote, who proved false and ungrateful to the king of Aracan, who had raised him from the lowest rank to his favour and esteem. By his persuasion, Xilimixa erected a custom-house at the entry to the river Siriam to increase his revenues; which Brito meant afterwards to seize, and to build a fort there, on purpose to give a footing for the Portuguese to conquer the kingdom.

Xilimixa accordingly built the custom-house, which he gave in charge to one _Bannadala_ who fortified himself and suffered no Portugeuse to enter there, except a Dominican named Belchior de Luz. Nicote, seeing his purposes likely to be defeated by Bannadala, determined to gain possession by force before the works were completed. He had along with him at this time three Portuguese officers and fifty men, whom he ordered to surprize the fort and turn out Bannadala, trusting to his great credit with Xilimixa to bear him out in this procedure. The Portuguese officers accordingly executed their orders so effectually, that they used to be called the Founders of the Portuguese dominion in Pegu, and Salvador Ribeyro their commander was like to have got the whole credit of the exploit, as some even affirmed that he was its author, though in reality all was due to Nicote. Bannadala being expelled from his fort, fortified himself with 1000 men in a neighbouring island of the river Siriam, and seized the treasures of the paG.o.da of Digan to maintain his troops. Xilimixa was much offended by the conduct of the Portuguese in this affair, and resolved to support Bannadala, but was dissuaded by the contrivances of Nicote, who represented that he was about to favour a sacrilegious robber, and offered to arrange matters with the Portuguese to his entire satisfaction. He accordingly went to Siriam, where he ordered every thing to his own mind; and when the fort was nearly finished, he went to Goa, where he offered to deliver up the fort to the viceroy, whence the Portuguese might easily conquer the kingdom of his master, to whom he represented his voyage to Goa as intended to procure an auxiliary force which would enable him to make a conquest of Bengal. At the same time Nicote negociated with all the princes in the provinces adjoining the dominions of Xilimixa, persuading them to confederate with the Portuguese viceroy, by which means they might easily conquer the kingdom of Pegu; and several of them sent amba.s.sadors along with him to Goa for this purpose.

Hardly had Nicote set sail for Goa, when Xilimixa became sensible of his error in confiding in him, and sent a fleet of war boats down the river Siriam with 6000 men under Bannadala to expell the Portuguese from their fort. Salvador Ribeyra met this great armament with only three small vessels and thirty men, and, without the loss of one man, took forty vessels of the enemy and put the rest to flight. Then calling in the aid of the king of _Pram_, Xilimixa beset the fort with 1200 vessels by water, while 40,000 men surrounded it by land; but as Ribeyra learnt that the enemy observed no order or discipline, he boldly fell upon them with his handful of men, and having slain their general put that army to flight. Bannadala rallied 8000 of the fugitives, with which be again besieged the fort, lodging his men in good order, and having battered the place for some days, he ventured to make a fierce a.s.sault in the dead of night; but he was bravely repelled by the Portuguese, and above 1000 of his men were found dead next morning in the ditch. The enemy continued the siege however for eight months, and though some of the garrison deserted, Ribeyra defended the place with great resolution; and to take away all hopes of escape from his men, burnt all the vessels that were in the port. Hearing of these proceedings, Ayres de Saldanna the viceroy, sent a considerable reinforcement, along with which came so many volunteers, ambitions either of honour or profit, that Ribeyra found himself at the head of 800 men. With these he attacked the enemy, whom he drove from their works with great slaughter, and Bannadala had the mortification to see the works which he had been constructing for almost a year destroyed in a day. After this success, the Portuguese volunteers withdrew, only 200 that had been sent by the viceroy remaining in the fort with Ribeyra.

The enemy returned a fourth time against the fort, which they now a.s.sailed with many moving castles and various kinds of fire works, and soon reduced the fort to great extremity; but were so terrified by a fiery meteor, that they fled leaving their castles behind, which were soon reduced to ashes by the garrison. Soon afterwards the Portuguese obtained a great victory over king _Ma.s.singa_ in the province of _Camelan_; after which the natives flocked to their standard to the number of above 20,000 men, and proclaimed Nicote king of Pegu, calling him _Changa_, which signifies good man. Nicote was at this time absent, but Ribeyra accepted the proffered crown in his name, on which account it was reported in Spain that Ribeyra had been proclaimed king. Nicote afterwards, as a loyal subject, received the kingdom in the name of his sovereign, and was the first of the Portuguese that rose to such high fortune in Asia. Rodrigo Alvarez de Sequeyra succeeded Ribeyra in command of the fort of Siriam, and defended it bravely till it took fire by accident, only the bare walls being left standing.

In the mean time Nicote solicited succours at Goa, where the viceroy married him to a niece he had born in Goa of a woman of Java; after which he gave him powerful succours, and sent him to Siriam with six ships, with the t.i.tle of Commander of Siriam, and General for the conquest of Pegu. On his arrival at Siriam, Nicote repaired the fort, built a church, and sent a splendid present to the king of Aracan who had sent a complimentary message on his arrival. At Siriam Nicote regulated the custom-house pursuant to the instructions of the viceroy, obliging all vessels that traded on the coast of Pegu to make entry at Siriam, and pay certain duties. As some of the Coromandel traders refused obedience to these orders, Nicote sent Francisco de Moura against them with six vessels, who took two ships of Acheen on the coast of Tanacerim richly laden. As the king of Aracan was desirous of recovering possession of the fort and custom-house of Siriam, he sent an amba.s.sador to the king of _Tangu_ with twenty _jalias_ or small ships, to prevail upon him to join in that enterprize. But Nicote sent Bartholomew Ferreyra, who command the small craft, who put them to flight, and they were forced to take refuge in the dominions of the king of Jangona. Upon this, the enemy collected 700 small vessels and 40,000 men, under the command of the son of the king of Aracan, accompanied by Ximicalia and Marquetam, sons to the reigning emperor of Pegu. Paul del Rego went against them with seven ships and a number of war boats, and defeated the prince with great loss, taking all his vessels, and obliging him to make his escape by land. After this Paul took the fort of _Chinim_ with a great number of prisoners, among whom was the wife of Bannadala.

At this time Nicote was abroad with fourteen small vessels, in which were 60 Portuguese, and 200 Peguers; and learning that the prince was on sh.o.r.e with 4000 men, 900 of whom were armed with firelocks, he landed and attacked him, gaining a complete victory, and even taking the prince. When the Peguers saw their prince carried off, they were all eager to have accompanied him into captivity, and entreated to be received into the Portuguese vessels, such as were refused bewailing that they could not follow, as prisoners, him whom they had served faithfully while at liberty. On this occasion Nicote gave a notable example how brave men ought to use their victories. Remembering that he had formerly been slave to the prince who was now his prisoner, he served him with as much respect as he had done formerly; watching him while asleep, and holding his baskins in his hands with his arms across, as is done by the meanest servants of princes in that country, and continually attended him on all occasions.

While these transactions were going on in Pegu, Don Martin Alfonzo de Castro came to Goa as viceroy, to replace Ayres de Saldanna, in 1604.

Ximilixa, king of Aracan, sent to treat with Nicote for the ransom of the prince, his son, and accordingly paid 50,000 crowns on that account, although Nicote was ordered by the viceroy to set the prince free without any ransom. Ximilixa afterwards besieged Siriam in conjunction with the king of Tangu, who brought a great army against the town by land, while Ximilixa shut it up by sea with 800 sail, in which he had 10,000 men. Paul del Rego went against him with 80 small vessels; and failing of his former success, set fire to the powder and blew up his ship, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. The siege continued so long, that the garrison was reduced to extremity, and on the point of surrendering, when the king of Tangu retired one night with his army upon some sudden suspicion, on which Ximilixa was likewise obliged to draw off with his fleet. Several of the neighbouring princes were now so much alarmed by the success of Nicote, that they solicited his friendship, and to be admitted into alliance with the king of Portugal.

The first of these was the king of Tangu, and afterwards the king of Martavan, who gave one of his daughters as a wife to Simon the son of Nicote. Soon after, the king of Tangu being overcome in battle by the king of _Ova_, and rendered tributary, Nicote united with the king of Martavan, and invaded the dominions of Tangu, though in alliance with that prince, took him prisoner and plundered him of above a million in gold, although he protested that he was a faithful va.s.sal to the king of Portugal.

About this time another low adventurer, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, raised himself by similar arts to great power in Aracan. In the year 1605, Gonzalez embarked from Portugal for India, and going to Bengal, listed as a soldier. By dealing in salt, which is an important article of trade in that country, he soon gained a sufficient sum to purchase a _Jalia_, or small vessel, in which he went with salt to Dianga, a great port in Aracan. At this period, Nicote, who had possessed himself of Siriam, as before related, wishing to acquire Dianga likewise, sent his son with several small vessels thither on an emba.s.sy to the king of Aracan, to endeavour to procure a grant of that port. Some Portuguese who then resided at the court of Aracan, persuaded the king that the object of Nicote in this demand; was to enable him to usurp the kingdom; upon which insinuation the son of Nicote; and all his attendants were slain, after which the same was done with the crews of his vessels, and all the Portuguese inhabitants at Dianga, to the number of about 600 were put to death, except a few who escaped on board nine or ten small vessels and put out to sea. Among these was the vessel belonging to Sebastian Gonzalez, who a.s.sumed the command; and as the fugitives were reduced to great distress, they subsisted by plunder on the coasts of Aracan, carrying their booty to the ports of the king of Bacala, who was in friendship with the Portuguese.

Not long before this had died Emanuel de Mattos, who had been commander of _Bandel_ of _Dianga_, and lord of _Sundiva_[426], an island about 70 leagues in compa.s.s, the subordinate command of which he had confided to a valiant Moor named Fate Khan. On learning the death of Mattos, Fatecan murdered all the Portuguese on the island of Sundiva, with their wives and children, and all the Christian natives; and gathering a considerable force of Moors and Patans, fitted out a fleet of 40 small vessels, which he maintained by means of the ample revenue of the island he had now usurped. Understanding that Sebastian Gonzalez and his small squadron was cruizing near Sundiva, Fatecan went out to seek them with such a.s.surance of success, that he inscribed upon his colours, "Fate Khan, by the grace of G.o.d, Lord of Sundiva, Shedder of Christian Blood, and Destroyer of the Portuguese Nation." Sebastian and his companions had put, into a river called _Xavaspur_, where they quarrelled about the division of their spoil, and one Pinto sailed away from the rest in disquiet; but meeting the fleet of Fatecan, who had hoped to surprize the Christians he returned and gave his companions notice of their danger. After a severe conflict, the 10 small vessels in which were only 80 Portuguese, proved victorious over the 40 vessels belonging to Fatecan, though manned with 600 Moors, not a single vessel or man escaping. After this great victory, the Portuguese agreed to appoint Sebastian Gonzalez to command over the rest. Sebastian entered into a treaty with the king of Bacala for his a.s.sistance to reduce the island of Sundiva, engaging to pay him half the revenues of that island, and accordingly procured from him some vessels, and 200 auxiliary horse.

Having likewise gathered a number of Portuguese from Bengal and other parts, he saw himself, in March 1609, at the head of 400 Portuguese troops, and had mustered a fleet of 40 small ships. In consequence of the delay necessary for making these preparations, the island of Sundiva was provided for defence, under a brother of the late Fatecan, who had raised a respectable force of Moors. Sebastian, however, attempted its conquest, and had nearly been forced to desist for want of provisions and ammunition, when he was reinforced by a Spaniard named Gaspar de Pina, who brought 50 men to his aid, after which they carried the fort by a.s.sault, and put all its garrison to the sword. Having formerly been subject to the Portuguese under de Mattos, the islanders immediately submitted to Gonzalez, to whom they delivered upwards of 1000 Moors who were scattered about the country, all of whom he put to death. Thus Gonzalez became absolute master of the island, and was obeyed by the natives and Portuguese like an independent prince.

[Footnote 426: It is highly probable, though not mentioned by De Faria, that this Portuguese was in the service of the king of Aracan, under whom he had held these offices. Sundiva or Sundeep is a considerable island to the south-east of the mouth of the Burrampooter, near the coast of Chittagong, and to the east of the Sunderbunds or Delta of the Ganges.--E.]

Gonzalez having now a considerable revenue at his command, raised a respectable military force of 1000 Portuguese, 2000 well armed natives, and 200 horse, with above 80 sail of small vessels well provided with cannon. He erected a custom-house, and encouraged the resort of merchants to his dominions, and became so formidable that the neighbouring princes courted his alliance. Insolent and ungrateful in the progress of his power, he not only refused to give half the revenue of the island to the king of Bacala according to agreement, but made war upon his benefactor, from whom he conquered the islands of _Xavaspur_[427] and _Patelabanga_, and other lands from other neighbouring princes; so that he became suddenly possessed of vast riches and great power, and acted as an independent sovereign, having many brave men at his command. But such monsters are like comets that threaten extensive ruin, yet last only for a short time, or like the lightning, which no sooner expends its flash but it is gone for ever.

[Footnote 427: Shabapour is an island to the west of Sundeep, at the princ.i.p.al mouth of the Barrampooter.--E.]

Soon after the elevation of Gonzalez to the sovereignty of Sundiva, a civil war broke out between the king of Aracan and his brother Anaporam, because the latter refused to resign a remarkable elephant, to which all the other elephants of the country were said to allow a kind of superiority. Being unsuccessful in the contest, Anaporam fled to Gonzalez for a.s.sistance and protection, who demanded his sister as an hostage. Gonzalez and Anaporam endeavoured, in conjunction, to fight the king of Aracan, who had an army of 80,000 men, and 700 war elephants; but being unsuccessful, were obliged to retreat to Sundiva, into which Anaporam brought his wife and family, with all his treasure, and became a subject of Gonzalez, who soon afterwards had the sister of Anaporam baptized, and took her to wife. Anaporam soon died, not without suspicion of poison; and Gonzalez immediately seized all his treasures and effects, though he had left a wife and son. To stop the mouths of the people on this violent and unjust procedure, he wished to have married the widow of Anaporam to his brother Antonio Tibao, who was admiral of his fleet, but she refused to become a Christian. Sebastian continued the war against the king of Aracan with considerable success; insomuch that on one occasion his brother Antonio, with only five sail, defeated and captured 100 sail belonging to Aracan. At length the king of Aracan concluded peace, and procured the restoration of his brother's widow, whom he married to the rajah of Chittigong.

At this time, the Moguls undertook the conquest of the kingdom of _Balua_[428], and as Gonzalez considered this conquest might prove dangerous to his ill-got power, Balua being adjoining to his own territories, he entered into a league with the king of Aracan for the defence of that country. Accordingly, the king of Aracan took the field with an immense army, having 80,000 of his own native subjects, mostly armed with firelocks, 10,000 Peguers who fought with sword and bucklers, and 700 elephants with castles carrying armed men. Besides these, he sent 200 sail of vessels to sea, carrying 4000 men, ordering this fleet to join that of Gonzalez, and to be under his command. According to the treaty, Gonzalez, with the combined fleet, was to prevent the Moguls from pa.s.sing to the kingdom of Balua, till the king of Aracan could march there with his army for its protection; besides which it was agreed, when the Moguls were expelled from Balua, that half the kingdom was to be given up to Gonzalez; who, on this occasion, gave as hostages, for the safety of the Aracan fleet, and the faithful performance of his part of the treaty, a nephew of his own, and the sons of some of the Portuguese inhabitants of Sundiva.

[Footnote 428: There still is a town named _Bulloah_, to the east of the Barrampooter and directly north of Sundeep, which may then have given name to a province or small princ.i.p.ality, of which Comillah is now the chief town.--E.]

According to treaty, the king of Aracan entered the kingdom of Balua with his army, and expelled the Moguls; but Gonzalez did not perform his part of the agreement in preventing the Moguls from penetrating into that kingdom, some alleging that he had been bribed by the Moguls to allow them a free pa.s.sage, while, according to others, he did so from revenge against the king of Aracan, for the Portuguese who had been slain by that king in _Bangael_ of _Dianga_[429]. However this may have been, Gonzalez was guilty of a most execrable treachery, as, by leaving open the mouth of the river _Dangatiar_, he left a free pa.s.sage to the Moguls. After this he went with his fleet into a creek of the island _Desierta_[430], and a.s.sembling all the captains of the Aracan vessels on board his ship, he murdered them all, seized all their vessels, and killed or made slaves of all their men, after which he returned to Sundiva. Soon afterwards the Moguls returned in great force to the kingdom of Balua, where they reduced the king of Aracan to such straits that he made his escape with great difficulty on an elephant, and came almost alone to Chittigong. Immediately upon this discomfiture of the Aracan army, which was utterly destroyed by the Moguls in Balua, Gonzalez plundered and destroyed all the forts on the coast of Aracan, which were then unprovided for defence, as depending on the peace and alliance between their king and Gonzalez; he even went against the city of Aracan, where he burnt many merchant vessels, and acquired great plunder, and destroyed a vessel of great size, richly adorned, and containing several splendid apartments like a palace, all covered with gold and ivory, which the king kept as a pleasure-yacht for his own use.

Exasperated against Gonzalez for his treachery, the king ordered the nephew of that lawless ruffian, who was in his power as a hostage, to be be impaled. But Gonzalez, being a person utterly devoid of honour, cared not at whose cost he advanced his own interests; yet the guilt of so many villanies began to prey upon his conscience, and he became apprehensive of some heavy punishment falling upon him, which he had little means to avert, as all men considered him a traitor unworthy of favour; those of Aracan, because he had betrayed them to the Moguls; and the Moguls, because he had been false to those that trusted him. He afterwards met his just reward under the government of Don Jerom de Azevedo[431].

[Footnote 429: Perhaps the island now called Balonga on the coast of Aracan.--E.]

[Footnote 430: Probably a desert or uninhabited island among the Sunderbunds, in the Delta of the Ganges. Indeed the whole geography of this singular story is obscure, owing to the prodigious change in dominion and names that have since taken place in this part of India.--E.]

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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vi Part 31 summary

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