A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vi Part 16

Sylveira went continually from place to place, encouraging all to do their duty manfully and supplying reinforcements where most needed. The enemy had much the better in the second a.s.sault on the bulwark commanded by Gouvea, on which several gentlemen rushed upon them. At this time, one Joam Rodrigues, a strongman of great bravery, ran forward with a barrel of powder on his shoulder, calling out to clear the way, as he carried his own death and that of many. He threw the barrel among the enemy, which exploded and blew up above an hundred of them, yet Rodriques came off unhurt, and performed other memorable deeds, so that he merited the highest honours and rewards of those that were gained in this siege. By other fireworks the four ensigns who set up the colours were burnt to death, and two others who went to succeed them were slain.

Being again driven from the bulwark, the enemy made a third a.s.sault: But their commander being slain, who was son-in-law to Khojah Zofar, his men were dismayed and took to flight. These reiterated a.s.saults lasted four hours, during which a small number of exhausted Portuguese had to withstand vast numbers of fresh enemies. At length, having 500 men slain and 1000 wounded, the enemy retired; while on the side of the Portuguese fourteen were killed, and 200 were disabled from wounds. Only forty remained who were able to wield their arms, insomuch that no hope remained of being able to withstand a fresh attack. The walls were shattered and ruined in every part: No powder remained: In fact nothing remained but the invincible courage of Sylveira, who still encouraged the remnant of his brave garrison to persist in their defence. Not knowing the desperate state to which the fort was reduced, and dismayed by the bad success of all his efforts, Solyman raised the siege and set sail with all his fleet on the 5th of November.

When Sylveira saw the Turkish fleet weigh anchor and depart he thought it was merely a feint preparatory for another a.s.sault, for which reason he posted the forty men who still remained of his garrison, determined to resist to the last man. He even made some of the wounded men be brought to the walls, on purpose to make a shew of a greater number than he really had. Many even who were so badly wounded as to be unable to rise, made themselves be carried in their beds to the walls, saying that it was best to die in an honourable place. Several even of the women armed themselves and appeared on the walls. The whole night was spent in anxiously waiting for the enemy; but the morning gave comfort to the afflicted garrison, as Solyman was seen in full sail, and had no thoughts of returning. Fear did much on this occasion, yet Zofar did more towards inducing Solyman to go away. Zofar was weary of the insupportable pride of the Turks, and had even received orders from the king of Guzerat, in case it appeared that the Turks meant to keep the city and fort of Diu, rather to endeavour that it might remain in the hands of the Portuguese. Zofar accordingly framed a letter which fell into the hands of Solyman, saying that the viceroy of India would be at Diu next day with a vast fleet; on reading which letter Solyman thought proper to hasten his departure. On the same night, Zofar set fire to the town of Diu and marched away. Thus ended the first siege of Diu, which added new l.u.s.tre to the Portuguese fame, all due to the invincible courage of the renowned Antonio de Sylveira, and those valiant gentlemen who fought under his command, whose fame will last from generation to generation.

Solyman, on his voyage back to Suez, touched at several ports in Arabia, where he took such Portuguese as happened to be there, to the number of 140, whose heads he cut off, salting their ears and noses to send to the Grand Turk as memorials of his services against the Christians. Among these was Francisco Pacheco, who had not the courage to die in his bulwark, and had surrendered with some men at Diu, as formerly related.

On his return to Turkey, Solyman was not well received, and was reduced to the necessity of killing himself, a fit end for such a tyrant.

This famous siege was far advanced when Don Garcia de Noronha arrived as viceroy in India, to whom Nuno de Cuna immediately resigned the government. His arrival with a great reinforcement might well have enabled him immediately to relieve the deplorable situation of Diu, yet on the contrary contributed to augment its danger. For, if he had not come, Nuna had certainly relieved Diu much sooner and prevented so many miseries, and the death of so many brave men, as he had prepared a fleet of eighty sail, and was ready to have gone to Diu when Don Garcia arrived. Still fresh advices were brought of the extremity to which the besieged were reduced, yet still Don Garcia wasted time in considering of proper means for their relief, without putting any into execution, and refusing to take the advice of De Cuna for his proceedings. By these means the siege was raised before he could determine on the mode of relief, for which purpose he had gathered 160 sail of vessels of all sorts and sizes. Don Garcia did not want courage, of which he had given sufficient demonstrations while under Alfonso de Albuquerque: But he chose rather to commit an error through his own obstinacy, than rightly to follow the advice of Nuno de Cuna. It soon appeared indeed, that he was not at all disposed to take any advice from De Cuna, whom he treated so disrespectfully at Goa, that he forced him to retire to Cochin to arrange his affairs previous to his return to Portugal. When at Cochin, he even refused him a convenient ship which he had chosen for his accommodation; although he had authority from the king to continue to act as governor while he remained in India, and liberty to choose any vessel he thought proper, but Don Garcia forced him to hire a merchant vessel for himself and family. If the viceroy treated De Cuna ill in India, no less evil designs were entertained against him in Portugal; and doubtless the knowledge Don Garcia had of the evil intentions of the ministers of state, was the cause of the hard usage he gave him in India. Nuno de Cuna fell sick and died on the voyage. He protested at his death that he had nothing belonging to the king except five gold medals found among the treasure of the late king Badur, which he had selected for their beauty and meant to have presented to the king in person. Being asked by a chaplain what he would have done with his body after his death; he said, that since it had pleased G.o.d he was to die at sea, he desired that the sea might be his grave. Nuno de Cuna, who was an excellent governor of India, died at fifty-two years of age. He was of large stature and well proportioned, but wanted an eye. Though of stately manners, he was extremely courteous, not subject to pa.s.sion, easily reconciled, a strict observer of justice, loved to do good to all around him, free from covetousness, prudent in council, and affable in discourse. He governed for ten years, all but two months, and died in the beginning of the year 1539.

Don Garcia de Noronha a.s.sumed the government of India as viceroy in November 1538, having arrived from Lisbon with 3000 soldiers, many of whom were men of note. Although this great armament had been princ.i.p.ally intended for opposing the Turks who besieged the castle of Diu, yet the viceroy permitted them to continue their operations before that place, and merely sent hopes of relief to the oppressed garrison. At length however he sent a second reinforcement under Antonio de Menezes in 24 small vessels. Though this armament came late, yet Menezes contended in some measure with the great Sylveira for the honour of having occasioned the retreat of the Turks, as he valued himself much in having witnessed their flight. The viceroy had indeed made ready to sail for Diu with a fleet of 160 sail of vessels of different kinds, having 5000 soldiers and 1000 pieces of cannon, when advice came that the Turks had abandoned the siege. On this intelligence he dismissed all the trading ships from his fleet, still retaining 90 sail, with which he set out for Diu, but proceeded so slowly as if some evil omen had threatened his ruin at that place, since he not only avoided it while environed with danger, but seemed afraid to visit it in peace. Hearing that it was still infested by Lur-Khan and Khojah Zofar, he sent Martin Alfonso de Melo against them with his galley, together with the vessels that had been there before under Antonio de Menezes. Melo was too weak to be able to do any thing against the enemy, and had to seek protection under the guns of the fort.

At length the viceroy sailed for Diu on the first of January 1539; but the fleet was dispersed by a storm to different ports, two gallies and some other vessels being lost. He arrived however at Diu with 50 sail; and having given all due praise to Antonio de Sylveira for his valiant defence, he repaired the fort and confided it to the charge of Diego Lopez de Sousa, who had been nominated to the command by the king. A treaty of peace was set on foot with the king of Guzerat, which was concluded, but very little to the advantage of the Portuguese, which was attributed by common fame to the covetousness of the viceroy.

During this year 1539, the viceroy sent Ferdinand de Morales with a great galleon laden on the kings account to trade at Pegu. Morales was induced by the king of Pegu to a.s.sist him against the king of Birmah, who had invaded the kingdom of Pegu with so prodigious a power that the two armies amounted to _two millions of men_ and 10,000 elephants.

Morales went in a galliot having the command of the Pegu fleet, and made great havock among the ships of the enemy. The king of Birmah came on by land like a torrent, carrying every thing before him, and his fleet was so numerous that it covered the whole river, though as large as the Ganges. Morales met this vast fleet with that which he commanded, at the point of _Ginamarreca_; where, though infinitely inferior, he fought a desperate and b.l.o.o.d.y battle. But overpowered by the mult.i.tude of the Birmans, the Peguers deserted Morales, who was left alone in his galliot amid a throng of enemies, against whom he performed wonders and long maintained the battle, doing astonishing execution; but at last oppressed by irresistible mult.i.tudes, he and all his followers were slain: Yet the memory of his heroism was long preserved among these people.

The cause of this war and of the revolt of the king of Birmah, who was tributary to Pegu, was as follows. Above 30,000 Birmans laboured in the works of the king of Pegu, as that was one condition of their va.s.salage.

The king of Pegu used often to visit these labourers attended only by his women, who were curious to see the foreigners and the great works that were carrying on. The Birmans seized an opportunity on one of these visits to murder the king, after which they plundered the women of every thing they had of value, and fled to their own country. As many of the subjects of _Dacha Rupi_, who succeeded to, the kingdom of Pegu, rebelled against him, _Para Mandara_ king of the Birmans seized this favourable opportunity to recover his independence and to enlarge the bounds of his dominions. He accordingly reduced with astonishing rapidity the kingdoms of the _Lanjaoes, Laos, Jangomas_, and others, who like his own dominions were tributary to Pegu. By these means he possessed himself of the whole ancient kingdom of _Ava_, which extends to the length of two months of ordinary travelling, and contains 62 cities. To the north-east of this, at the distance of a months journey is _the kingdom of the Turks_, containing as many cities, which the king of Pegu had conquered from the king of _Cathay_. The kingdom of _Bimir_ is west from Ava, and is of similar extent, having 27 populous cities.

North of this is _Lanjam_, of equal size, with 38 cities and abounding in gold and silver. On the east is the kingdom of _Mamfrom_, equally large, but having only 8 cities. East again from this is _Cochin-China_; on the south is _Siam_, which was afterwards conquered by the king of Birmah; and east of Siam is the great kingdom of _Cambodia_. All the inhabitants of these kingdoms are Pagans, and the most superst.i.tious of all the east: Yet they believe in one only G.o.d, but in time of need have recourse to many idols, some of which are dedicated to the most secret acts and necessities of nature, even in the very form in which they are acted. They hold the immortality of the soul; are zealous in giving alms, and hold their priests in great veneration. These are very numerous, and live according to rules like those of the Catholics in monasteries, subsisting from day to day upon what is given them, without laying any thing up for the next. These priests and monks eat neither flesh nor fish, as they kill no creature whatever. They observe _Lent_ and _Easter_ after the manner of the Christians; whence some have inferred that they are some remnant of the disciples of St. Thomas, though mixed with many errors. They wear yellow ca.s.socks and cloaks, with hats of oiled paper. The whole natives of these countries are white, and their women very beautiful; but their bodies are all over wrought with blue figures down to the knees made with hot irons. In their manners they are very uncivilized and even brutal.

CHAPTER II.

PARTICULAR RELATION OF THE EXPEDITION OF SOLYMAN PACHA FROM SUEZ TO INDIA AGAINST THE PORTUGUESE AT DIU, WRITTEN BY A VENETIAN OFFICER WHO WAS PRESSED INTO THE TURKISH SERVICE ON THAT OCCASION [210].

INTRODUCTION.

Following the PORTUGUESE ASIA of _Manuel de Faria y Sousa_, we have given an account of the Portuguese transactions in India in the preceding chapter, from the year 1505 to 1539. We might have extended this article to a much greater length from the same source, as De Faria continues this history to the year 1640; but his work after the year 1539 is generally filled with an infinite multiplicity of uninteresting events, petty wars, arrivals and dispatch of trading ships, and such minute matters, unconnected and tending to no useful information. We now take up an original doc.u.ment of much interest, and most directly connected with the object of our collection, as an actual journal of a voyage. In a separate future division of our arrangement, we propose to give an abridged extract from De Faria of every thing his work contains worthy of notice, as tending to discovery, but leaving out all uninteresting details.

[Footnote 210: Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 88.]

There are two published copies of the voyage which const.i.tutes the essence of our present chapter. The earliest of these was published by _Aldus_ at Venice in 1540, along with other tracts of a similar nature, under the name of _A Voyage from Alexandria to India_[211]. The other was given by _Ramusio_ in the first Volume of his Collection, under the t.i.tle of _A Voyage written by a Venetian officer_[212] of the _Gallies, who was carried prisoner from Alexandria to Diu in India, &c_. These copies differ in several respects besides the t.i.tle. That by Ramusio is altered in several places both in the substance and diction, which in many parts of that edited by Aldus is obscure. Yet that edition is of use to correct some errors of the press in Ramusio. Our translation is from the text of Aldus, but we have marked the variations in that of Ramusio, and have likewise divided the journal into sections, as done by Ramusio.

[Footnote 211: The t.i.tle of the book published by Aldus in which this voyage is contained is Viaggi alla Tana, Persia, India, &c.--Astley, I.

88. a.]

[Footnote 212: The word designating the rank of this officer in Ramusio is _Comito_, signifying Boatswain, or the officer who superintended the galley-slaves.--Ast. I. 88. b.]

Though not made by the Portuguese, this voyage certainly claims to be inserted in this place, as having a near connection with their affairs; besides which, it serves to complete the information contained in the article next succeeding; as the present voyage was made along the eastern side of the Red Sea, while the other was along its western side: So that the two together give a tolerable account of the whole of that sea; and they are in fact the more valuable, as being the only minute journals or relations extant of voyages performed along the whole length of the Arabian Gulf; except that by Mr Daniel in 1700, which is very superficial. Yet geographers, with the exception of M. de Lisle, and one or two since, seem to have made no use of these helps. It is however very surprising that neither of these two journals take the smallest notice of that great bay or arm at the head of the Red Sea, anciently called the _Elanitic_, a little to the east of _Tor_ or _Al Tur_, which pa.s.sing by the foot of Mount Sinai, penetrates a great way into Arabia.

This has been described by the Arabian geographers, and confirmed by two eminent travellers of our own country, Dr Shaw and Dr Poc.o.c.ke, both of whom have delineated it in their maps[213].

[Footnote 213: The topography of the Red Sea has been much improved by Bruce, in his Travels in Abyssinia, and since him by Lord Valentia in his Travels in India.--E.]

"The present voyage shews the way of sailing in these eastern seas by the Turks, with whom we may join the Arabs and Indians; and it mentions several particulars respecting the siege of Diu, and particularly respecting the conduct of the Pacha, which could not be so well known to the Portuguese; serving to rectify some things and elucidate others. It must be observed that the soundings or depths of water, though expressed in fathoms, which are reckoned at _six_ feet in the British marine service, are here to be understood as paces of _five_ feet each. The _time_ is expressed according to the Italian mode of reckoning; which begins the day at sunset, and counts the hours successively round from _one_ to _twenty-four_; instead of dividing the entire day into twice twelve hours, as is customary with the English and other European nations."[214]--_Astl_.

[Footnote 214: The Editor of Astleys Collection does not seem aware that in the British marine, the day begins at noon, instead of the civil day which begins at midnight.--E.]

SECTION I.

_The Venetian Merchants and Mariners at Alexandria are pressed into the Turkish service, and sent to Suez. Description of that place. Two thousand men desert from the Gallies. Tor. Island of Soridan. Port of Kor_.

This voyage was performed by compulsion, having been forced to accompany the eunuch Solyman Pacha, who was sent by Solyman Shah emperor of the Turks on an expedition against the Portuguese in India. At the time when the war broke out in 1537, between the republic of Venice and the Turks, a fleet of trading gallies happened to be at Alexandria in Egypt, commanded by Antonio Barbarigo, and remained there without opportunity of trading or taking in goods till the 7th of September; on that day Almaro Barbaro the Venetian consul, the captain Antonio Barbarigo, and all the merchants and seamen, with every thing belonging to them, were seized and lodged in the _tower of Lances_. After this, all of them that belonged to the sea, and the author of this voyage among the rest, were taken from the tower and sent by fifty at a time to Cairo; whence Solyman Pacha, having selected the gunners, rowers, carpenters, caulkers, and officers, sent them by companies to Suez to a.s.sist in fitting out the fleet in that port against his own arrival.

Suez stands in a desert place, where grows no herb of any kind. At this place the ships are built which are designed for India. All the timber of which they are built, with the iron work, and every kind of tackle, are brought from Satalia and Constantinople to Alexandria; whence they are carried on the Nile in jerbs or barks to Cairo, and thence on the backs of camels to Suez, where Pharaoh was drowned. On the road from Cairo to Suez, which is eighty miles, there is not a single habitation, and no water or any thing whatever for eating is to be found, so that the caravans before setting out must supply themselves with water from the Nile. In former times, Suez was a great city well supplied with cisterns for holding water, and had a _Kalij_ or ca.n.a.l cut all the way from the Nile, by which these cisterns were annually filled at the overflow of the river, which served them with water all the rest of the year. Being afterwards destroyed by the Mahometans, the ca.n.a.l was filled up, and all the water that is drank at Suez is brought upon camels from certain ponds or wells six miles distant; which water, though very brackish, they are obliged to drink; every fifty men being allowed as much water as a camel can carry. All the timber, iron, rigging, ammunition, and provisions for the fleet were brought from Cairo. Suez stands on a bay of the Red Sea, and has a small fort with mud walls, thirty paces square, which is guarded by twenty Turks. The fleet destined for India consisted of seventy-six sail; of which six were _Maons_, seventeen gallies, twenty-seven _foists_, two galleons, four ships, and the rest small craft.

On the 9th of March 1538, about 2000 men landed from the gallies with their arms and marched off for the mountains, meaning to desert; but when about six miles from the sh.o.r.e they were met by a Sanjiak, accompanied by 27 horse[215], designed for the garrison of Suez. The deserters were immediately surrounded by the horse, who killed about 200 of them, and all the rest were stripped and carried on board the gallies, where they were chained to the oars. On the 15th of June Solyman Pacha arrived at Suez, where he pitched his tents and rested eight days. In the mean time the fleet was got in readiness, and the soldiers received their pay, being five gold ducats to each and ten _maydins_, or 215 maydins in all. Part of the men belonging to the large Venetian galley, in which the author of this journal served, were distributed on board the fleet; seventy in one half galley, seventy in another, and eighteen in the galley of the _Kiahya_, who likewise had along with him the Venetian consul. The rest of these men were distributed in two galleons which carried the powder, saltpetre, brimstone, ball, meal, biscuit, and other necessaries for the fleet.

The Pacha likewise sent his treasure on board the gallies, which was contained in forty-two chests, covered with ox hides and oil-cloth. On the 20th, he issued orders for every one to embark in two days. On the 22d the Pacha embarked, and dropt down four miles below Suez to the point of Pharaoh, where he anch.o.r.ed in four fathoms water on a good bottom. This place is seven miles from the pits of Moses. Seven men died here.

[Footnote 215: This is surely some mistake, it being next to impossible that so few men should surround and overpower so great a number of armed soldiers.--Astl. I. 89. d.]

On the 27th of June the whole fleet left Suez with the wind at N.W. and before night cast anchor at a place called _Korondol_, 60 miles from Suez; at which place Moses divided the sea by stretching out his rod, and Pharaoh was drowned with all his host. At this place, which may be considered the commencement of the Red Sea, we had 12 fathoms water, and lay at anchor all night. Leaving Korondol on the 28th, we sailed 33 leagues to the S.E. and cast anchor two hours before night at a place called _Tor_, where there are many Fransciscan friars who supplied the fleet with water. This place is a days journey and a half from Mount _Sinai_, where is the church and monastery of St Catharine, in which the body of that saint is reposited. We remained five days at Tor, in five fathoms water. We departed from Tor on the 3d of July, and came behind a dry sand bank about a mile from the sh.o.r.e and 40 miles from Tor, where we cast anchor in 12 fathoms water at a place named _Kharas_, where we remained two days to inspect the two ships which carried the stores.

Leaving Kharas on the 5th, we came to an island named _Soridan_ 40 miles from the coast, the whole days course from sunrise to sunset being 100 miles. Continuing our voyage all night to the S.E. we found ourselves at sunrise of the 6th to windward of a mountain on the right hand sh.o.r.e, named _Marzoan_, 100 miles beyond Soridan. Proceeding forward on the 6th, and still sailing S.E. we advanced 100 miles by sunrise, and saw land on the right towards _Kabisa_[216]. We sailed 90 miles on the 7th S.E. by E. Proceeding on the 8th at the rate of 8 miles an hour, we sailed 100 miles by sunrise; and in the night, the wind being south-westerly, we advanced 20 miles to the S.E. On the 9th the winds were variable and rather calm. To the S.E. we found a shoal under water 50 miles from land. Our course during the day was only 10 miles to the N.W. and in the ensuing night 20 miles S. by W. On the 10th we sailed 70 miles S.E. and came to a port named _Kor_ in eight fathoms water, in a very desert country.

[Footnote 216: In Ramusio this is called the land of the _Abissini_. So that instead of Kabisa or Kabisia, we should read in the text Habash or Habashia, commonly called Aba.s.sia, Abissina, or Abyssinia.--Astl. I. 90.

a.]

SECTION II.

_Arrival at Jiddah, the Port of Mecca. The islands of Alfas, Kamaran, and Tuiche. The Straits of Bab-al-Mandub._

Leaving Kor on the 11th of July, we sailed along sh.o.r.e till noon 30 miles, when we came to a city named _Zidem_[217], which is the emporium or landing place of all the spices from Calicut and other parts of India. This place is a stage and a half from Mecca; and though there are several shoals both above and under water, the port is good, and the town has abundance of provisions: but no water is to be met with, except from a few cisterns which are filled with rain water. This place abounds in merchandize, and the country round produces dates, ginger of Mecca[218], and other sorts. In a mosque on the outside of the town is a tomb, which according to the Mahometans is the burial-place of Eve. The inhabitants go almost naked, and are meagre and swarthy. The sea produces abundance of fish. The natives tie three or four pieces of timber together about six feet long, on one of which slight rafts a man rows himself with a board, and ventures out to sea eight or nine miles to fish in all weathers. At this place the fleet remained four days and took in a supply of water.

[Footnote 217: Otherwise Jiddah or Joddah, the port of Mecca. In his map of Egypt, Nubia, and Abyssinia, De L'Isle makes Zidem, which he also names _Gidde_, doubtless a corruption of Jiddah, a distinct place a little to the south from Jiddah. This must be a mistake; as Jiddah has for many ages been the port of Mecca, as Zidem is said to be in the text. This is farther confirmed by the mention of _Eves tomb_ in the text, which Pitts saw at Jiddah. Thevenot says her tomb is at _Gidde_, which De L'Isle supposed to have been a different place from Gidda, Joddah, or Jiddah, whence arose his mistake.--Astl. I.90. b.]

[Footnote 218: Perhaps we ought to read _Balsam_ of Mecca.--E.]

At our departure on the 15th of July, five small vessels were missing by chance, which we learnt from a man who had escaped from a foist. This day we sailed 80 miles S.W. by S. The 16th our course was S.E. with very little wind, making only 30 miles till night; and before sunrise 50 miles farther. The 17th we sailed S.E. till night 100 miles; and from thence till sunrise 16 miles, S.E. by S. On the 18th we steered S.E.

140[219] miles during the day, which was dusky; and in the night 50 miles S.E. by E. The 19th sailing E. by S. with a brisk wind till nine in the morning, we came among certain islands called _Atfas_, almost entirely desert, and only inhabited by people who come from other islands to fish and seek for pearls, which they get by diving to the bottom of the sea in four fathom water. They drink rain water, which is preserved in cisterns and ponds. We remained here all night, having ran 100 miles. On the 20th we came to an island 20 miles from the land named _Khamaran_, where we got provisions and good water. In this island there was a ruinous castle, altogether unoccupied, and about fifty houses built of boughs of trees, besides a few other huts scattered over the island. The inhabitants were barefooted and quite naked, of a small size, and having no head-dresses but their hair, and merely conceal their parts of shame by means of a clout. They are all mariners, having a few barks and small craft, the planks of which are sewed together by rope, and are entirely dest.i.tute of iron work, with sails curiously made of mats, constructed of the barks of the palm or date tree, and folding together like a fan. The cordage and cables are made of the same materials. They trade to the main land in these barks, and bring from thence abundance of dates, jujebs, and a sort of white buck-wheat. They make a good quant.i.ty of _Mecca ginger_, and procure plenty of frankinsence from Bista[220]. They reduce their buck-wheat to meal on a piece of marble, about the size of the stone on which colours are ground by painters, on which another stone about half an ell long and like a rolling pin or roller is made to work so as to bruise the corn.

Immediately after this it is made into a paste and baked into thin cakes. This is their bread, which must be made fresh every day, otherwise it becomes so dry and hard that there is no eating it. Both fish and flesh are to be had here in sufficient abundance. From the islands of _Akhefas_ or _Atfas_ to this island of _Khamaran_ the distance is 40 miles.

[Footnote 219: In Ramusio only 40 miles.--Astl. I. 90. d.]

[Footnote 220: This is called the land of the Abissins in the edition of Ramusio.--Astl. I. 91. a.]

The Pacha landed at this place, making all the gallies turn into the harbour along with him; and sent from thence two foists with messengers, one to the king or sheikh of _Zibit_ or _Zabid_, and the other to the sheikh of Aden, ordering them to provide water and provisions for the fleet, to enable him to proceed in his expedition to India against the Portuguese. The messenger to Zabid was likewise ordered to tell the sheikh of that place, which is a days journey inland, that he must come to the sh.o.r.e, bringing with him the tribute due to the grand signior, and to pay his obeisance to the Pacha. The fleet remained ten days at the island of Khamaran, where it was furnished with water. Leaving Khamaran on the 30th of July with a scanty wind, we sailed S. by E. 50 miles, and came at one in the morning to the island of _Tuicce_. Here the foist sent to the sheikh of Zabid brought a present to the Pacha, consisting of swords in the shape of scymeters made at _Zimina_, the handles and scabbards being of silver; also some poinards of similar workmanship, the handles of which were adorned with turquois stones, rubies, and pearls. But the sheikh sent word that he would pay the tribute when the Pacha returned from conquering the Portuguese, acknowledging at the same time that he was the slave of the sultan. This day we advanced fifty miles, and fifty more during the night, our course being S. by E. On the 1st of August, we proceeded ten miles with the wind at S.W. to a shoal named _Alontrakin_[221], near the mouth of the straits, having _Kabisia_ or _Habash_ on the right hand. Here we had two fathoms water, and staid one night.

[Footnote 221: In Ramusio this shoal is called Babel, being the two first words or syllables of Bab-el-Mandub, corruptly called _Babel Mandel_. Bab-el-Mandub signifies _the gate of weeping_, being the name of the entry to the Red Sea of Arabian Gulf; so called because reckoned exceedingly dangerous by the ancient Arabs, insomuch that they used to put on mourning for their relations who pa.s.sed them, as persons given over for lost.--Ast. I. 91. d.]

SECTION III.