A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume V Part 7

[Footnote 39: L.157,000, if French livres are to be understood, and worth near a million sterling at the present value of money compared with that period,--E.]

The president remained for some time at Guzco, occupied in punishing the insurgents according to the greatness of their crimes. Those whom he deemed most guilty, he condemned to be drawn in pieces by four horses, others he ordered to be hanged; some to be whipt, and others were sent to the galleys. He applied himself likewise with much attention to restore the kingdom to good order. In virtue of the authority confided to him by the king, he granted pardons to all who, having been in arms in the valley of Xaquixaguana, had abandoned Gonzalo and joined the royal standard. These pardons referred to all public crimes of which they had been guilty during the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, yet leaving them liable to answer in civil actions for every thing respecting their conduct to individuals. This battle of Xaquixaguana, which will be long famous in Peru, was fought on Monday the 9th of April 1548.

When the president had dispatched the most urgent affairs connected with the suppression of the rebellion, there yet remained an object of great importance for the quiet of the kingdom, which was surrounded with many difficulties. This was with regard to the dismissal of the army, in such a manner that so great a number of soldiers set free from the restraints of discipline might not occasion troubles similar to those now put an end to. On purpose to succeed in this delicate affair, the utmost prudence was requisite, as almost every soldier in the army considered himself ent.i.tled to one of the best of the vacant repartimientos, and as the number of the troops exceeded 2500 men, while there were only 150 repartimientos to distribute. Hence it was quite obvious, that instead of being able to gratify every claimant, far the greater part must be dissatisfied. After a serious deliberation on this important subject, the president went to a place in the province of Apurimac, about twelve leagues from Cuzco, accompanied only by the archbishop and one secretary, on purpose to have leisure for mature reflection at a distance from the perpetual importunities of the claimants. In this place, they made the best distribution in their power of the vacant repart.i.tions, giving sufficient means of living in a respectable manner to the captains and other persons of consideration, each in proportion to their respective merits and the services they had been of in suppressing the late rebellion, giving new repart.i.tions to those who had none, and increasing those of others. On this occasion it was found that they had vacant repart.i.tions to distribute to the value of a million of gold crowns in yearly rent. The greater number of the most valuable and extensive repart.i.tions had become vacant during the troubles, partly from their former possessors having been put to death by Gonzalo, either under pretence of guilt in opposing his rebellion, or in the various engagements during the troubles. The president had likewise capitally punished several to whom Gonzalo had given repart.i.tions. It must however be remarked, that several of these most valuable repartimientos had been retained by Gonzalo for his own benefit, under pretence of providing for the expences of the war.

In making the new grants, the president retained the power of granting pensions upon some of the most extensive repart.i.tions, of three or four thousand ducats from each, more or less according to their respective values, on purpose to have the power of dividing the money among such soldiers as he could not otherwise reward, to enable them to procure arms, horses, and other necessaries, meaning to send them off in various directions to discover and subdue the country which was. .h.i.therto unoccupied. Having thus regulated every thing to the best of his power, the president thought proper to retire to Lima, and sent the archbishop to Cuzco to publish the regulations and distribution of repartimientos, and to make payment of the several rewards in money which had been agreed upon. The arrangement of this affair occasioned much dissatisfaction among the soldiers, every one believing himself better ent.i.tled to some allotments of lands and Indians than several of those who had acquired such grants. All the fair speeches and promises of the archbishop and the princ.i.p.al officers were insufficient to quiet the murmurs and discontents of the troops, which even produced some commotions and seditious conspiracies, in which it was proposed to seize upon the archbishop and the chief officers of the army and government, and to send the licentiate Cienca with a remonstrance to the president, demanding of him to recal the repart.i.tion which he had decreed, and to make a new one more favourable to their wishes. They even threatened to revolt, and to take possession by force of what they considered due to their services. The licentiate Cienca, who had been appointed chief justice at Cuzco, had established so excellent a system of police that he had immediate notice of all these plots and commotions, and was soon enabled to restore order and tranquillity by arresting and punishing the princ.i.p.al agitators of these threatened troubles, by which he effectually checked the spirit of mutiny and insubordination, and averted at least for the present the danger of a new civil war in the kingdom.

Before leaving Cuzco, the president had renewed the commission of Valdivia as governor of Chili, as a reward for the services he had rendered in the late war against Gonzalo. On purpose to provide the reinforcements of men, horses, and arms, which were necessary for defending and extending his conquests in that province, Valdivia went to Lima as the most convenient situation for procuring what he wanted.

Having completed all his preparations, he embarked all his men and military stores at the port of Callao, and sent them off for Chili; but chose to go himself by land to Arequipa, where he proposed to take shipping in his way back to his government. A report was made to the president, that Valdivia had engaged some officers and soldiers from among those who had been sentenced to banishment from Peru, and even some of those who had been condemned to the galleys, on account of the share they had taken in the late rebellion. In consequence of this information, the president sent his lieutenant-general Hinojosa with orders to bring Valdivia before him to answer for his conduct in these things which were laid to his charge. As Valdivia was accompanied by a considerable number of men he believed himself in condition to resist this mandate, and refused the earnest solicitations of Hinojosa to go back along with him to the president. But, as Hinojosa observed that Valdivia took no precautions to prevent his arrest, and had no suspicions that any force would be used against him, he resolved to attempt to make him prisoner with the a.s.sistance only of six musqueteers, in which he succeeded without opposition. In this situation, Valdivia very properly determined to submit with a good grace, and so satisfactorily explained his conduct to the president, that he was allowed to resume his voyage, and to take all those people along with him whom he had engaged.

Every thing in Peru being now reduced to good order, the president gave permission to all the citizens and other inhabitants of the country, who had hitherto served in his army, to retire to their homes, to look after the re-establishment of their private affairs, which had, suffered great injury from the unavoidable losses experienced during the rebellion, and their own necessary expences in the field. He likewise sent off several officers with detachments upon new discoveries, and appointed the licentiate Carvajal lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, taking up his own residence at Lima, which was the seat of government. About this time an hundred and fifty Spaniards arrived at the city of La Plata, having travelled all the way from the mouth of the Rio Plata under the command of Domingo de Yrala to that part of the country which had formerly been discovered by Diego de Royas, and were now come into Peru to solicit the president to appoint some one to act as governor of the country on the Rio Plata which they proposed to settle. He accordingly nominated Diego de Centeno to that new government, with authority to raise as many more men as he could procure, to enable him to complete the discovery and conquest of that country. When all their preparations were completed, and they were on the point of setting out on the march, Centeno died, and the president appointed another captain in his place.

The Rio Plata, or River of Silver, derives its source from the high mountains continually covered with snow which lie between the cities of Lima and Cuzco[40]. From these mountains four princ.i.p.al rivers flow, which derive their names from the provinces through which they pa.s.s. The Apurimac, Vilcas, Abancay, and Jauja. This last derives its source from a lake in the province of Bombon[41], the most level and yet the highest plain in all Peru, where accordingly it snows or hails almost continually. This lake is quite crowded with small islands, which are covered with reeds, flags, and other aquatic plants, and the borders of the lake are inhabited by many Indians.

[Footnote 40: Zarate is extremely erroneous in his account of the sources of the Rio Plata. All the streams which rise from the Peruvian mountains in the situation indicated, and for seven or eight degrees farther south, and which run to the eastwards, contribute towards the mighty Maranon or River of the Amazons.--E.]

[Footnote 41: This is an egregious mistake; the Rio Jauja rises from the lake of Chinchay Cocha in the province of Tarma, and runs _south_ to join the Apurimac. The river Guanuco rises in the elevated plain of Bombon, and runs _north_ to form the Gualagua, which joins the Lauricocha or Tanguragua.--E.]

In the late war against Gonzalo Pizarro, the president incurred enormous expences for the pay and equipment of his troops, for the purchase of horses, arms, and warlike stores, and the fitting out and provisioning of the ships which he employed. From his landing in the Tierra Firma to the day of his final victory over Gonzalo, he had expended on these necessary affairs more than nine hundred thousand dollars, most of which he had borrowed from the merchants and other private individuals, as all the royal revenues had been appropriated and dissipated by Gonzalo.

After the re-establishment of tranquillity, he applied himself to ama.s.s treasure with the utmost diligence, both from the fifths belonging to the king, and by means of fines and confiscations; insomuch that after payment of his debts, he had a surplus of above a million and a half of ducats, chiefly derived from the province of Las Charcas.

In his arrangements for the future government of the country, in conformity with the royal ordinance, he took much care to prevent the Indians from being oppressed. In consequence of the fatigues which they underwent, in the carriage of immense loads, and by numbers of the Spaniards wandering continually about the country attended by a train of Indians to carry their baggage, vast numbers of them had perished.

Having re-established the royal audience, or supreme court of justice, in Lima, he applied earnestly to regulate the tributes which were to be paid by the Indians to the Spaniards upon fixed principles, which had not been hitherto done on account of the wars and revolutions which had distracted the country ever since its discovery and conquest. Before this new arrangement, every Spaniard who possessed a repartimiento or allotment of lands and Indians, used to receive from the curaca or cacique of his district such tribute as he was able or willing to pay, and many of the Spaniards often exacted larger sums from their Indians than they were well able to afford, frequently plundering them of their hard-earned property with lawless violence. Some even went so far as to inflict tortures on their Indians, to compel them to give up every thing they possessed, often carrying their cruelty to such a pitch as to put them to death in the most wanton and unjustifiable manner. To put a stop to these violent proceedings, the taxes of each province and district were regulated in proportion to the number of Indian and Spanish inhabitants which they respectively contained; and, in forming their arrangements, the president and judges carefully inquired into the productions of each province; such as its mines of gold and silver, the quant.i.ty of its cattle, and other things of a similar nature, the taxes on which were all regulated according to circ.u.mstances in the most reasonable and equitable manner.

Having thus reduced the affairs of the kingdom to good order, all the unemployed soldiers being sent off to different places, some to Chili, others to the new province on the Rio Plata, and others to various new discoveries under different commanders, and all who remained in Peru being established in various occupations by which they might maintain themselves, according to their inclinations and capacities, mostly in the concerns of the mines, the president resolved to return, into Spain, pursuant to the authority he had received from his majesty to do so when he might see proper. One of his most powerful motives for returning to Spain proceeded from his anxiety to preserve the large treasure he had ama.s.sed for the king: as, having no military force for its protection, he was afraid such great riches might excite fresh troubles and commotions in the country. Having made all the necessary preparations for his voyage, and embarked his treasure, without communicating his intentions. .h.i.therto to any one, he a.s.sembled the magistrates of Lima, and informed them of his intended voyage. They started many objections to this measure; representing the inconveniencies which might arise from his departure, before his majesty had sent out some other person to replace him, either in the capacity of viceroy or president. He answered all their objections, stating that the court of royal audience, and the governors of the different provinces which they were authorized to nominate, were sufficient to dispense justice and to regulate all affairs, they at last consented; and immediately embarking, he set sail for Panama.

Just before he sailed and while on board ship, the president made a new part.i.tion of such lands and Indians as had become vacant since the former distribution which he made at Cuzco. The number of vacant repartimientos was considerable, in consequence of the death of Centeno, De Royas, the licentiate Carvajal, and several other persons of rank; and as there were many candidates who demanded loudly to be preferred, he chose to defer the repart.i.tion till after he had embarked, as he was unable to satisfy all the claimants, and was unwilling to expose himself to the clamours of those whom he was unable to gratify. Having settled all these distributions, he left the different deeds signed and sealed with the secretary of the royal audience, with strict injunctions that they should not be opened until eight days after his departure. Every thing being finally concluded, he set sail from the port of Callao in December 1549, accompanied by the Provincial of the Dominicans and Jerom de Aliaga, who were appointed agents for the affairs of Peru at the court of Spain. He was likewise accompanied by several gentlemen and other considerable persons, who meant to return to Spain, carrying with them all the wealth they had been able to acquire.

The voyage to Panama was prosperous. The president and all who were along with him immediately landed at that place, and used the utmost diligence to transport all the wealth belonging to his majesty and to individuals, to Nombre de Dios, to which place they all went, and made proper preparations for returning to Spain. Every one treated the president with the same respect as when he resided in Peru, and he behaved towards them with much civility and attention, keeping open table for all who chose to visit him. This was at the royal expence; as the president had stipulated for all his expences being defrayed by his majesty, before leaving Spain on his mission to Peru. In this he acted with much and prudent precaution; considering that the former governors had been accused of living penuriously in proportion to their rich appointments, and being satisfied that the administration in Spain would not allow him a sufficient income to defray the great expences he must incur in a country where every thing was enormously dear, he declined accepting any specified salary, but demanded and obtained authority to take from the royal funds all that was necessary for his personal expence and the support of his household. He even used the precaution to have this arrangement formally reduced to writing; and in the exercise of this permission he employed a person expressly for the purpose of keeping an exact account of all his expences, and of every thing that was purchased for his table or otherwise, which were all accordingly paid for from the royal coffers.

SECTION VII.

_Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, and their unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma._

At this period an extraordinary attempt was made to intercept the president in his pa.s.sage through the Tierra Firma, and to gain possession of the royal treasure under his charge, which will require some elucidation for its distinct explanation. When Pedro Arias de Avilla discovered the province of Nicaragua, of which he was appointed governor, he married his daughter Donna Maria de Penalosa to Rodrigo de Contreras, a respectable gentleman of Segovia. Some time afterwards, Pedro Arias died, after having appointed his son-in-law to succeed him in the government, and this appointment was confirmed by the court in consideration of the merits and services of Contreras, who accordingly continued governor of Nicaragua for several years. On the appointment of a royal audience on the confines of Nicaragua and Guatimala, Contreras was displaced from his government; and, in pursuance of the ordinance which had occasioned so much commotion in Peru, both he and his wife were deprived of their repart.i.tions of lands and Indians, and the grants which had been made to their children were likewise recalled. Contreras went in consequence to Spain, to solicit a reparation of the injury he had sustained, representing the services which had been performed to the crown by the discovery, conquest, and settlement of Nicaragua, by his father-in-law and himself; but his majesty and the council of the Indies confirmed the decision of the royal audience, as conformable with the regulations.

On receiving information of the bad success of their father, Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras were much chagrined, and rashly determined to revolt and seize the government of the province. They persuaded themselves with being joined by a sufficient force for this purpose, confiding in the advice and a.s.sistance of a person named Juan de Bermejo, and some other soldiers his companions, who had quitted Peru in much discontent against the president, for not having sufficiently rewarded them, in their own opinions, for their services in the war against Gonzalo. Besides these men, several of those who had fought under Gonzalo had taken refuge in Nicaragua, having been banished by the president from Peru, all of whom joined themselves to the Contreras on this occasion. By these people the young men were encouraged to erect the standard of rebellion, a.s.suring them, if they, could pa.s.s over into Peru with two or three hundred men, sufficiently armed, that almost the whole population of the kingdom would join their standards, as all were exceedingly dissatisfied with the president for not rewarding their services sufficiently. The Contreras accordingly began secretly to collect soldiers, and to provide arms for this enterprize; and deeming themselves sufficiently powerful to set justice at defiance, they resolved to commence their revolt. As they considered the bishop of Nicaragua among the most determined enemies of their father, they began their operations by taking vengeance on him; for which purpose they sent some soldiers to his house, who a.s.sa.s.sinated him while playing chess.

After this, they openly collected their followers and displayed their standard, a.s.suming the t.i.tle of the _Army of Liberty_; and seizing a sufficient number of vessels, they embarked on the Pacific Ocean with the intention of intercepting the viceroy on his voyage from Lima to Panama, intending to plunder him of all the treasure he was conveying to Spain. For this purpose they steered in the first place for Panama, both to gain intelligence of the proceedings of the president, and because the navigation from thence to Peru was easier than from Nicaragua.

Embarking therefore with about three hundred men, they made sail for Panama, and on their arrival at that place they learnt that the president had already disembarked with all his treasure and attendants.

They now believed that every thing was favourable to their intentions, and that by good fortune their desired prey had fallen into their hands.

Waiting therefore till night, they entered the port as quietly as possible, believing that the president was still in Panama, and that they might easily execute their enterprize without danger or resistance.

Their intelligence however was exceedingly defective, and their hopes ill founded; for the president had left Panama with all his people three days before, having previously sent off all his treasure to Nombre de Dios, to which place he was likewise gone. In fact, by this diligence, the president avoided the impending danger, without having the slightest suspicion that any such might befal. Immediately on landing, the brothers were informed that the president had already left the place; on which they went to the house of Martin Ruiz de Marchena, treasurer of the province, where they took possession of the money in the royal coffers, amounting to 400,000 pesos in base silver, which had been left there by the president in consequence of not having sufficient means of transporting it to Nombre de Dios along with the rest. After this they dragged Marchena, Juan de Larez, and some other respectable inhabitants to the public square, threatening to hang them all unless they gave immediate notice where the arms and money belonging to the province were deposited. But all their threats were unable to force any discovery, and they carried on board their ships all the treasure and other valuable plunder they had procured.

Believing that the farther success of their enterprize depended on the diligence they should exert in reaching Nombre de Dios to surprize the president, before he might have time to embark or prepare for his defence, they determined to proceed to that place without delay. For this purpose, it was arranged that Ferdinand de Contreras should march to Nombre de Dios with the greater part of the troops, while Juan de Bermejo was to take post with an hundred men on a height near Panama, to protect the rear of Ferdinand, to prevent pursuit, to be in readiness to receive the valuable booty they expected, and to intercept such of the attendants on the president as might escape in that direction from Nombre de Dios. In the mean time, Pedro de Contreras was to remain on board with a small number of men to protect the ships. All this was done accordingly; but matters turned out in quite a different manner from their expectations. Marchena got some information respecting their plan of operations, and sent off two confidential intelligent negroes to give notice to the president of what had occurred in Panama, and of the ulterior designs of the Contreras. One of these negroes was directed to travel the whole way by land, and the other to go by way of the small river Chagre, which route had been taken by the president.

This river has its source in the mountains between Panama and Nombre de Dios. Its course at first seems tending towards the Pacific Ocean; but it suddenly makes a turn at a cataract, and after a farther run of fourteen leagues it falls into the Atlantic; so that by means of a ca.n.a.l only five leagues in length, from that river to the South Sea, a navigation might be easily established between the two seas. It is true that it would be necessary to cut this ca.n.a.l through mountains, and in a country exceedingly uneven and full of rocks, so that the design has. .h.i.therto appeared impracticable. Hence, in going from Panama to Nombre de Dios by the river Chagre, it is necessary to travel by land in the first place to that river below the fall, a distance of five leagues.

After descending to the mouth of the river, there still remains five or six leagues to go by sea to Nombre de Dios. The messenger who was sent by this road came up with the president before his arrival at Nombre de Dios, and gave him an account of the events which had taken place at Panama. Though much alarmed by this intelligence, he communicated it to the provincial and the officers who accompanied him without appearing to be under any apprehensions; but, on embarking on the North Sea, it fell so dead a calm that they could make no progress, and he could not then conceal his fears of the event. Still however preserving his presence of mind, he sent off Hernan Nunnez de Segura by land to Nombre de Dios, accompanied by some negroes who knew the country, with orders for all the inhabitants of that place to take up arms for the protection of the treasure which had been sent there. Segura had a most difficult and fatiguing journey on foot, having several rivers to cross, some of them by swimming, and to pa.s.s through woods and marshes in a road through which no person had travelled for a long while. On his arrival at Nombre de Dios, he found the news already communicated to that place, by the other negro, and that the inhabitants were already in arms, and had prepared as well as they were able to defend themselves, having landed the crews of nine or ten vessels which were in the harbour to give their a.s.sistance in repelling the rebels. The president arrived shortly afterwards, where he found every thing in order for defence; and immediately marched out at the head of the armed inhabitants on the road towards Panama, determined to give battle to Contrera in case of his approach.

When Ferdinand de Contrera marched for Nombre Dios, and Bermejo took post on the hill near Panama, as formerly mentioned, Marchena and De Larez believed they might be able to defeat Bermejo in the divided state of the rebels. For this purpose they re-a.s.sembled all the inhabitants of Panama, most of whom had taken refuge in the mountains, with whom they joined a considerable number of negroes who were employed as labourers in husbandry and in driving mules with goods between Panama and Nombre de Dios. By these means they a.s.sembled a respectable force, which they armed as well as circ.u.mstances would allow. Having thrown up some intrenchments of earth and fascines in the streets, and leaving some confidential persons to protect the town against the small number of rebels left in the ships with Pedro de Contreras, they marched out boldly against Bermejo, whom they vigorously attacked. After some resistance, they gained a complete victory, killing or making prisoners of the whole of that detachment. After this complete success, Marchena determined immediately to march for Nombre de Dios, believing that the inhabitants of that city, on learning the late events at Panama, would have armed for their defence, and would even take the field against Ferdinand de Contreras, and being more numerous than his detachment, would oblige him to retire to form a junction with Bermejo. Accordingly, when Ferdinand de Contreras had proceeded about half way to Nombre de Dios, he learnt that the president had got notice of the approach of the rebels, and had marched out against them with a superior force; on which Ferdinand de Contreras resolved to return to Panama.

While on his return, he took some negroes from whom he got notice of the entire defeat of Bermejo, and of the advance of Marchena against himself. He was so disconcerted by this intelligence, that he allowed all his men to disperse, desiring them to save themselves as they best might, and to endeavour to get to the sh.o.r.e, where his brother would take them on board the ships. They all separated, and Ferdinand with some of his people struck into the woods, avoiding the public road, that they might escape Marchena. As the country was much intersected with rivers, and Ferdinand was little accustomed to encounter such difficulties, he was drowned in an endeavour to pa.s.s one of the rivers.

Several of the followers of Ferdinand were made prisoners, and it was never known what became of the others. The prisoners were carried to Panama, where they, and those others who were taken at the defeat of Bermejo, were all put to death.

When Pedro de Contreras, who remained on board the ships, got intelligence of the miserable fete of his comrades, he was so much alarmed that he would not take time to hoist anchor and make seal, but threw himself into a boat with some of his men, leaving the ships at anchor with all the plunder untouched. He coasted along for a considerable way to the province of Nata; after which no farther intelligence was ever received either of him or any of those who were along with him, but it was supposed they were all ma.s.sacred by the Indians of that country. On getting intelligence of the favourable termination of this threatening affair, the president returned to Nombre de Dios, giving thanks to G.o.d for having delivered him from this unforseen danger. Had the rebels arrived at Panama only a few days sooner, they might easily have made him prisoner, and would have acquired a much larger booty then ever fell into the hands of pirates.

Tranquillity being entirely restored, the president embarked with his treasure, and arrived safely in Spain. One of his vessels, in which Juan Gomez de Anuaya was embarked, with part of the royal treasure, was obliged to put back to Nombre de Dios: But, having refitted at that port, she likewise arrived in Spain. Immediately on landing at San Lucar, the president sent Captain Lope Martin into Germany, where the emperor then was, to inform his majesty of his safe arrival from Peru.

This news was exceedingly agreeable to the court, and occasioned much astonishment at the prompt and happy termination of the troubles, which had appeared so formidable and difficult to appease. Soon after the arrival of the president at Valladolid, he was appointed bishop of Placentia[42], then vacant in consequence of the death of Don Luis Cabeza de Vaca; and his majesty sent orders that he should come to court, to give a minute account of all the affairs in which he had been engaged. He went there accordingly, accompanied by the provincial of the Dominicans, and Jerom de Aliaga, the deputies or agents of the kingdom of Peru, and by several other gentlemen and persons of consideration, who were in expectation of getting some rewards from his majesty for their loyal services during the late commotions. The new bishop accordingly embarked at Barcelona, along with his companions, in some galleys which were appointed for the purpose; taking along with him, by order of his majesty, half a million of dollars of the treasure he had brought from Peru. Shortly afterwards, his majesty appointed Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain, to a.s.sume that office in Peru; sending Don Luis de Velasco, commissary-general of the customs of Castille, to succeed Mendoza in the viceroyalty of New Spain.

[Footnote 42: In the Royal Commentaries of Garcila.s.so de la Vega, p.

876, he is said to have been first appointed to the bishopric of Placentia, and to have been afterwards translated to that of Ciguenza in 1561 by Philip II which he enjoyed till his death in 1577.]

END OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU,

BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, FROM THE RESTORATION OF TRANQUILLITY BY GASCA IN 1549, TO THE DEATH OF THE INCA TUPAC AMARU; EXTRACTED FROM GARCILa.s.sO DE LA VEGA.

INTRODUCTION.

Having now given at considerable length the authentic histories of the discovery and conquest of the two greatest of the European colonies in the New World, Mexico and Peru, from original and contemporary authors whose works had not before appeared in any English Collection of Voyages and Travels, we now propose to give, as a kind of supplement or appendix to the excellent history of Zarate, an abridged deduction of the princ.i.p.al events in Peru for some time after the departure of the president De la Gasca from that kingdom, extracted from the conclusion of the Royal Commentaries of Peru by Garcila.s.so de la Vega Inca, Part II. Book VI. VII. and VIII. Having formerly given some account of that work, not very favourable to the character of that descendant of the Incas as a historian, it may only be here mentioned that the events to be now related on his authority all occurred in his own time, and that the relation of them which he has left would have been greatly more valuable if he had been pleased to favour us more frequently with their dates.

In the present eventful period, while Spain, once the terror of Europe, seems in danger of sinking under the tyrannical grasp of the usurper of France, a vast revolution appears about to elevate the Spanish American colonies into extensive independent states; if the jealous collision of rights, interests, and pretensions between the various races of their inhabitants do not plunge them into all the horrors of civil war and anarchy. The crisis is peculiarly interesting to all the friends of humanity, and it is to be wished that the present commotions may soon subside into a permanent state of peace and good government, advantageous to all the best interests of the colonists, and beneficial to the commerce and industry of the rest of the world.

Before proceeding to the abridged history of events in Peru, subsequent to the departure of the president De la Gasca, the following reflections on the state of manners among the early Spanish settlers in that opulent region, during the period of which we have already given the history, as drawn by the eloquent pen of the ill.u.s.trious Historian of America, have appeared most worthy of insertion[43].

[Footnote 43: Hist of America, II. p. 393.]

"Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the lowest order in society, and the greater part of those who afterwards joined them were persons of desperate fortune, yet in all the bodies of troops brought into the field by the different leaders who contended for superiority, not one acted as a hired soldier or followed his standard for pay. Every adventurer in Peru considered himself as a conqueror, ent.i.tled by his services to an establishment in that country which had been acquired by his valour. In the contests between the rival chiefs, each chose his side as he was directed by his own judgment or affections. He joined his commander as a companion of his fortune, and disdained to degrade himself by receiving the wages of a mercenary. It was to their sword, not to pre-eminence in office or n.o.bility of birth that most of the leaders whom they followed were indebted for their elevation; and each of their adherents hoped, by the same means, to open a way for himself to the possession of power and wealth."

"But though the troops in Peru served without, any regular pay, they were raised at an immense expence. Among men accustomed to divide the spoil of an opulent country, the desire of obtaining wealth acquired incredible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to the hope of success. Where all were intent on the same object, and under the dominion of the same pa.s.sion, there was but one mode of gaining men, or of securing their attachment. Officers of name and influence, besides the promise of future establishments, received large gratuities in hand from the chief with whom they engaged. Gonzalo Pizarro, in order to raise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos. Gasca expended in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine hundred thousand pesos. The distributions of property, bestowed as the reward of services, were still more exorbitant. Cepeda as the reward of his perfidy, in persuading the court of royal audience to give the sanction of its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a grant of lands which yielded an annual income of an hundred and fifty thousand pesos. Hinojosa, who, by his early defection from Pizarro, and surrender of the feet to Gasca, decided the fate of Peru, obtained a district of country affording two hundred thousand pesos of yearly value. While such rewards were dealt out to the princ.i.p.al officers, with more than royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred on those of inferior rank."

"Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural effects. It gave birth to new wants, and new desires. Veterans, long accustomed to hardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse and inconsiderate dissipation and indulged in all the excesses of military licentiousness. The riot of low debauchery occupied some; a relish for expensive luxuries spread among others. The meanest soldier in Peru would have thought himself degraded by marching on foot; and, at a time when the price of horses in that country was exorbitant, each individual insisted on being furnished with one before he would take the field.

But, though less patient under the fatigues and hardships of service, they were ready to face danger and death with as much intrepidity as ever; and, animated by the hope of new rewards, they never failed, on the day of battle, to display all their ancient valour."

"Together with their courage, they retained all the ferocity by which they were originally distinguished. Civil discord never raged with a more fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the pa.s.sions which usually envenom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and rendered their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the valuable forfeitures expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the door against mercy. To be wealthy was, of itself, sufficient to expose a man to accusation, or to subject him to punishment. On the slightest suspicions, Pizarro condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants of Peru to death. Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify his cruelty, cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by the hand of the executioner, was not much inferior to what fell in the field; and the greater part was condemned without the formality of any legal trial."

"The violence with which the contending parties treated their opponents was not accompanied by its usual attendants, attachment and fidelity to those with whom they acted. The ties of honour, which ought to be held sacred among men, and the principle of integrity, interwoven as thoroughly in the Spanish character as in that of any nation, seem to have been equally forgotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense of shame, were totally abandoned. During these dissensions, there was hardly a Spaniard in Peru who did not abandon the party which he had originally espoused, betray the a.s.sociates with whom he had united, and violate the engagements under which he had come. The viceroy Nunnez Vela was ruined by the treachery of Cepeda and the other judges of the royal audience, who were bound to have supported his authority. The chief advisers and companions of Gonzalo Pizarro in his revolt were the first to forsake him, and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given up to Gasca, by the man whom he had singled out among his officers to entrust with that important command. On the day that was to decide his fate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their arms without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often conducted them to victory. Instances of such general and avowed contempt of the principles and obligations which attach man to man, and bind them in social union, rarely occur in history. It is only where men are far removed from the seat of government, where the restraints of law and order are little felt, where the prospect of gain is unbounded, and where immense wealth may cover the crimes by which it is acquired, that we can find any parallel to the levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy, and corruption prevalent among the Spaniards in Peru."