A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Iv Part 20

[4] Zarate is extremely remiss in regard to dates, and not a little confused in the arrangement of his narrative. We learn from Robertson, II. 325, that Ferdinand Pizarro returned to Peru in 1536.--E.

[5] According to Robertson, II. 326, the place where the festival was to be celebrated was only at a few leagues distance from Cuzco.

Garcila.s.so says that it was a garden belonging to the Incas only a league from the city.--E.

[6] The return of Almagro to Cuzco was in the year 1537.--E.

[7] Garcila.s.so names this prince Paullu Inca.--E.

[8] Named _Atavillos_ by Garcila.s.so de la Vega.--E.

[9] The arrangement of Zarate is extremely faulty and confused, as he here recounts circ.u.mstances which preceeded the return of Almagro to Cuzco.

We are here giving a translation of a original doc.u.ment; not endeavouring to write a history of the Conquest of Peru, and have not therefore authority to alter the arrangement of our author.--E.

[10] Garcila.s.so names the Peruvian general t.i.tu Yupanqui. The remainder of the sentence, respecting the brother of the Inca and Gaete, is quite unintelligible. I suspect it has been misunderstood by the French translator and ought to stand thus: "The commander of these Peruvians was t.i.tu Yupanqui, a brother of the Inca, and the same person who had driven Gaete and others to take refuge in Lima."--E.

[11] Abancay is a town on one of the branches of the Apurimac about 60 miles west from Cuzco.--E.

[12] We learn from the History of America, II. 331, that this bloodless victory over Alvarado took place on the 12th July 1537. Garcila.s.so calls it the battle of the river Amancay, and names Alvarado Alonso.--E.

[13] Nasca is about 240 miles S.S.E. from Lima, or about sixty Spanish leagues.--E.

[14] Zarate forgets that only a few lines before, he had mentioned that Almagro carried these officers along with his army:--E.

[15] Mala, or San Pedro de Mala, is a town and sea-port on a river of the same name, about 50 miles south from Lima.

[16] According to Robertson, II. 334, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross the mountains by the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, Ferdinand marched southwards in the maritime plain to Nasca, whence he penetrated by the defiles of the mountains in that quarter.--E.

[17] Garcila.s.so informs us that the musketeers of Pizarro used a kind of chain shot on this occasion; their leaden bullets being cast in two hemispheres connected together by several links of a small iron chain.--E.

[18] In Zarate the date of this battle is given as the 26th of April, in which he is followed by Robertson; but Garcila.s.so carefully notices the mistake, and a.s.sures us that it was fought on the 6th of the month.--E.

[19] Collao in the text is probably Cailloma of modern maps, a very elevated valley at the head of one of the branches of the Apurimac.

The marshy country beyond, to which Candia and Peranzures were sent on discovery, is called Musu by Garcila.s.so, and was probably the Pampas or marshy plains of the Mojos or Muju, to the east of the Andes, nearly in the lat.i.tude of Cailloma--E.

[20] We learn from Garcila.s.so that in this province the city of La Plata was afterwards built, not far distant from the famous mines of Potosi and Porco--E.

[21] Perhaps the Inca t.i.tu Yupanqui is here meant, who was named Tizogopangui by Zarate on a former occasion.--E.

SECTION IV.

_Expeditions of Pedro de Valdivia into Chili, and of Gonzalo Pizarro to Los Canelos_.

On the arrival of Pedro de Valdivia in Chili, he was peaceably received by the Indians, who wished to gather in their crops, as it was then the season of harvest. When this important business was accomplished, the whole country rose upon the Spaniards, who were unprepared for this event and somewhat dispersed, and killed forty of them before they could draw their forces together. On this occasion, when Valdivia was about to take the field to chastise the Chilese, part of his troops threatened to mutiny against his authority, and he was under the necessity of hanging several of the ringleaders, among whom was captain Pedro Sancho de Hosz, who was almost equal to himself in the command of this expedition. After the suppression of this mutiny, Valdivia took the field against the Indians, and during his absence an army of the enemy exceeding seven thousand men came to attack the newly established city, in which only a small number of Spaniards remained for its defence, under the command of the captains Francisco de Villagran, and Alfonso de Monroy. These officers went boldly out against the Chilese, at the head only of thirty hors.e.m.e.n, with whom they fought bravely against the immense number of Chilese archers from morning till night, after which they retired into the city, extremely fatigued and several of them wounded, but none of them slain. As the Chilese suffered a great loss in killed and wounded during this engagement, they retired during the night.

For eight years afterwards, Valdivia and his troops defended themselves bravely against every effort of the Chilese, who continued the war incessantly. In all that time, Valdivia obliged his soldiers to cultivate a sufficient quant.i.ty of land for their sustenance, not being able to procure Indians for that purpose, yet resolved not to abandon the country which had been commited to his government. At the end of that period he returned into Peru, at the time when the licentiate Pedro de la Gasca was employed in levying an army against Gonzalo Pizarro, as shall be related in the sequel[1].

Soon after the overthrow of the Almagrians, it was reported in Peru that a very rich country had been discovered to the eastwards of Quito, which in particular contained great quant.i.ties of cinnamon trees, on which account it got the name of Los Canelos, or the cinnamon country. The marquis accordingly resolved to send his brother Gonzalo Pizarro to discover that country; and as it was necessary to march thither by way of Quito, where likewise every requisite for the expedition was to be procured, the marquis conferred the government of the kingdom of Quito on his brother, till his majestys pleasure might be made known. Gonzalo Pizarro accordingly set out from Cuzco with a considerable force, taking his route for Quito by way of the elevated mountain vallies[2]. In this march he was opposed by the Indians of the province of Guanuco with so much perseverance and bravery, that the marquis was under the necessity of sending him a reinforcement under Francisco de Chaves. After having overcome this obstacle, he arrived in safety at Quito, where he proceeded to make preparations for his expedition to Los Canelos.

On account of the hostile conduct of the Guanucos towards Gonzalo, and because the curacas or caciques of that province, in conjunction with those of the Conchucos had made frequent attacks on the city and province of Truxillo, in which they killed all the Spaniards they could meet with and pillaged the country, not even sparing their Indian neighbours, the marquis sent a detachment of troops under Gomez de Alvarado to make a conquest of Guanuco, with orders to establish a settlement in that country to keep the natives under subjection. In their military expeditions, the Peruvians of Guanuco carried an idol along with them, named Cataquilla, to which they made offerings of all whom they ma.s.sacred or made prisoners, and of the spoil which fell into their hands. They persisted for a long time in their barbarous hostilities, till at length, Miguel de la Cerna raised a considerable force in Truxillo, with which he joined Francisco de Chaves. With these forces conjoined, they fought successfully against the Indians of Guanuco and reduced them to subjection.

When Gonzalo Pizarro had completed the preparations for his expedition, he set out from Quito in the year 1540 at the head of 200 Spaniards well equipped, of whom the half was cavalry[3]. He was attended by 4000 friendly Indians[4], and by a flock of 4000 animals, consisting of swine and Peruvian sheep, to serve as provisions, and to carry the baggage and ammunition of the army. After pa.s.sing a place called Inca, the boundary of the conquests of Huana Capac towards the north and east, Gonzalo arrived in the country of the Quixos, where he was opposed by the natives, but they all disappeared one night, without the Spaniards being able to make a single prisoner. On the retreat of the Indians, Gonzalo and his troops took possession of their deserted habitations in which they rested for some days. While here, the country was visited by a dreadful earthquake, accompanied by prodigious thunder and lightning and an immense fall of rain. The earth opened in many places and swallowed up above five hundred houses. By the excessive rains, which continued forty or fifty days, a river in the neighbourhood of the Spanish quarters became so swollen that it was quite impa.s.sable, in consequence of which the troops suffered much from famine, as they were unable to get across the river in search of provisions. On the cessation of the tempest, Gonzalo had to cross a prodigious ridge of mountains, on the top of which they suffered such extreme cold that many of their attendant Indians were frozen to death.

And as no provisions or shelter could be had in that elevated region, he made haste to arrive in the province of Zumaco[5] which is situated at the foot of a volcano. As provisions were found here in abundance, the army halted in this place for refreshments. In the mean time Gonzalo went with a small party of troops to endeavour to find out a pa.s.sage through the forest. He at length reached the banks of a river named Coca, whence he sent for the remainder of his people to join him from Zumaco. During two months that the army remained in this country, it never ceased raining day or night, so that they never had a sufficient interval in which to dry their clothes.

In this province of Zumaco the trees are found which afford cinnamon.

These trees are very large and have leaves resembling the laurel. Their fruit grows in cl.u.s.ters, consisting of a nut resembling the acorn of the cork tree, but larger, and containing a number of small seeds. The fruit, leaves, bark, and roots have all the taste and flavour of cinnamon; but the best consists of the sh.e.l.l or nut which contains the seeds. In the whole of that country vast numbers of these trees are found wild in the woods, growing and producing fruit without care; but the Indians cultivate them with much attention in their plantations; and these cultivated trees produce a much better cinnamon than those trees which grow wild. This cinnamon is in great request among the natives, and is exchanged by the inhabitants of Zumaco with the neighbouring tribes, receiving in return provisions and other things of which they are in want.

Leaving the greater part of his people in the country of Zumaco, as has been already said, Gonzalo penetrated into the country with much difficulty, accompanied by the most vigorous of his men, and guided by the Indians, who frequently gave him false accounts of the country in advance, on purpose to get him away from their own district. Thus the people of Zumaco informed him that the country beyond theirs was well peopled and had abundance of provisions; but he found it extremely barren and very thinly inhabited. Having penetrated to the province of Coca upon a large river of that name, he remained there about six weeks, waiting the arrival of the rest of his people from Zumaco, all the while treated in a friendly manner by the cacique of the district.

After his troops were all a.s.sembled at Coca, Gonzalo marched along the course of the river, till at last he arrived at a place where it fell over a cataract of above 200 fathoms making a noise that could be easily heard at six leagues distance. A few days march below that place, the whole waters of the river became confined in a rocky channel not exceeding twenty feet wide, while the rocks were at least 200 fathoms in height above the water, and perfectly perpendicular. After a march of fifty leagues along the banks of this river, the Spaniards could find no place where they might possibly cross over, except at that narrow rocky channel, where a considerable number of Indians opposed their pa.s.sage. Having driven away these Indians by means of their firearms, the Spaniards constructed a wooden bridge across between the steep rocks, over which they all pa.s.sed in safety.

After crossing the river, the Spaniards penetrated through the woods to a country named Guema, which was extremely flat and intersected with rivers and marshes, and in which they could get no provisions except wild fruits; but after this they came to a country tolerably peopled, in which there were some provisions. In this place the natives wore cotton vestments, but in the whole country through which they had hitherto pa.s.sed, the few natives they had seen were entirely naked, either on account of the continual and excessive heat of the climate, or because they had no means of procuring clothes: The men had only a kind of girdles round their waist, with some strings tied to their prepuce, which pa.s.sed between their thighs and were drawn up to the girdle; and the women wore some slight clouts. At this place Gonzalo built a bark to serve for crossing the rivers in search of provisions, and to transport the baggage and the sick by water. Besides in some places the country was so covered with wood, that they were unable to clear the way by means of their swords and hatchets, and in other places so inundated, that they were often obliged to transport the whole party by water. The building of this vessel occasioned infinite difficulty and labour, as besides cutting down wood for the purpose, they had to construct a forge in which to make the necessary iron work, which they made from the shoes of their dead horses. On this occasion, Gonzalo not only obliged every one to labour without regard to rank, but gave the example himself in using both the hatchet and the hammer as occasion required. Instead of pitch and tar, the gum which exuded from some trees of the forest was collected; and instead of flax and hemp, the old clothes of the Indians and the wore-out shirts of the Spaniards were employed for caulking the scams. They at length succeeded in making their bark capable of swimming, so as to transport all their baggage very commodiously; besides which they hollowed out several canoes to accompany the bark instead of boats.

Gonzalo flattered himself that all his difficulties would be surmounted by means of this bark, and that he would now be able to pursue his discoveries to any extent he pleased. He continued his march therefore, accompanied by the bark which carried the baggage, while the main body had to travel along the banks of the river, often greatly incommoded in pa.s.sing marshes, thick woods, and close brushwood. In some of these places they had to cut their way through canes and reeds with great toil, by means of their swords and hatchets; often changing from one side of the river to the other in search of an easier road. In this march they were always accompanied by the bark; and at night the whole party united together, that they might be able to give mutual a.s.sistance in case of need. After having penetrated above two hundred leagues, always following the course of the river, during which s.p.a.ce they got only wild fruits and roots to support them, Gonzalo gave orders to Francisco de Orellana, one of his captains, to go forwards in the bark with fifty men in search of provisions; with orders to load his bark with these if he found any, leaving all the baggage at a place where two great rivers joined, according to information received from the Indians; and likewise to leave two canoes in a river which crossed the road to that place by land, to serve for ferrying over the troops.

Orellana set out accordingly in the bark, and was very soon carried by the current to the appointed place where the two rivers met; but finding no provisions, and considering the immense difficulty of going up the river against a rapid current, he resolved to trust himself to the stream to try his fortune in that way. He even neglected to leave the two canoes at this place according to the orders of Gonzalo; and although several of those who were along with him in the bark urged him to remain according to the orders of his general, he insisted upon going forwards, even maltreating Friar Gaspard de Carvajal, who opposed this act of mutiny and desertion more forcibly than any of the rest. In his progress down the river, Orellana and his people frequently landed in search of provisions, and had often to fight with the Indians, who sometimes even attacked him in the bark by means of canoes, on which occasion the Spaniards could hardly defend themselves they were so crowded. On this last account he built a second bark, at a place where the Indians received him in a friendly manner and supplied him with provisions. From these Indians he was informed of a district a few days journey farther on, which was entirely inhabited by women, who made war and defended themselves agaist their neighbours[6].

Following continually the stream of the river, but without finding any gold or silver, or the least indication of these metals, Orellana arrived at the mouth of this river on the Atlantic Ocean, about 350 leagues from the island of Cubagua. This great river is called the Maragnon or Marannon, from a person of that name who first discovered its mouth. It takes its rise in Peru on the eastern slopes of the Andes of Quito, and its entire course measured in a straight line extends to 700 leagues; but following all its flexures from the Andes to the ocean, it measures at least 1800 leagues. At its mouth it measures 15 leagues in breadth, and in many parts of its course is three or four leagues broad. Orellana went afterwards into Spain[7], where he gave an account to his majesty of his discovery, which he pretended to have made at his own charges. He alleged that he had discovered a very rich country inhabited by a nation of warlike females, on which account the country and river came to be called _of the Amazons_.

Having procured a commission of governor of this new country from his majesty, he levied a force of five hundred men for its conquest, with which he embarked from Seville: But having a most unprosperous voyage, in which his people suffered much from scarcity of provisions, most of his followers deserted from him at the Canaries, leaving him almost alone. He died during the subsequent part of the voyage, and all his remaining companions dispersed themselves among the islands.

Gonzalo Pizarro was reduced to prodigious straits in consequence of the desertion of Orellana, both by the want of provisions and the difficulty of pa.s.sing the rivers in his course; besides which Orellana had carried away with him a great quant.i.ty of gold, silver, and emeralds, which he converted to his own use in making his solicitations at the court of Spain, and in fitting out his expedition for the conquest and settlement of Amazonia. On his arrival at the place where Orellana had been ordered to leave the canoes, for the purpose of facilitating the pa.s.sage of certain rivers which fall into the great Maranon, Gonzalo and his people were exceedingly embarra.s.sed, and had to make other canoes with much difficulty to enable them to cross over, that they might continue their journey. When they came afterwards to where the two large rivers joined[8], and where Orellana ought to have waited for them, they found a Spaniard who had been left at this place by Orellana, because he had opposed the continuation of the voyage, and preferred to wait in that place for his general[9]. By his account, Orellana had renounced his dependence on Gonzalo Pizarro, meaning to proceed to discover the river in his own name and authority, and had prevailed on the people who accompanied him to elect him of new for their captain.

By the loss of their vessel Gonzalo and his men were deprived of every means of procuring provisions from the Indians, as all the mirrors, bells, and other baubles for trading with the natives of the country had been put on board the bark. In this hopeless and discouraging situation, above four hundred leagues distant from Quito, they came to the immediate resolution of returning to that city; although, from the length and difficulty of the way, through forests and marshes, they had very little hope of ever getting back, and could hardly expect to escape dying of famine in the mountains and deserts over which they had to pa.s.s. In fact above forty actually died of famine during the march. After recommending themselves to the mercy of G.o.d, they began their march in great dejection; and as the way in which they came from Peru was full of difficulties and dest.i.tute of provisions, they took another road in their return, altogether at hazard, which they did not find in any degree better than the former[10]. Before reaching Peru, they were under the necessity of killing all their remaining horses to keep themselves from starving, and even to eat all their dogs. In the course of this journey likewise, they were reduced to the necessity of feeding on certain strings, or twining plants, a good deal like the tendrils of vines, which they found in the woods, and which had the taste of garlic. During this march a wild cat or a turkey sold for four dollars, and one of the sea-birds named Alcatraz, formerly mentioned as being very bad eating, brought a dollar or more, although reckoned very unwholesome.

Some short time before Gonzalo got to Peru intelligence of his return had reached Quito, on which the inhabitants collected a considerable number of swine and Peruvian sheep which they sent off to meet him. They sent off at the same time a good many horses, and a supply of clothes for Gonzalo and his officers. This seasonable supply met them above fifty leagues from Quito, and one may easily judge that it was received with much joy, especially the provisions. The whole party, from the general to the private soldier, was almost entirely naked; as, from the almost continual rains to which they had been exposed, and the other hardships of their journey, their clothes were all rotten and torn to rags, and they were reduced to the necessity of covering themselves with the skins of beasts.

Their swords were all without scabbards, and almost destroyed with rust.

Their legs and arms were torn and scratched by the brushwood, thorns, and brakes, through which they had travelled; and the whole party were so pale, lean, and worn out with fatigue and famine, that their most intimate acquaintances were hardly able to recognize them. Among all their privations, what they felt the most unsufferable, was the want of salt, of which they had not been able to procure the smallest supply for above two hundred leagues.

On arriving in the kingdom of Quito, where every thing they stood in need of was brought them, they knelt down and kissed the ground as a mark of grat.i.tude and satisfaction, and returned thanks to G.o.d for their preservation from so many dangers. Such was their eagerness for food after so long famine, that it became necessary to regulate their supply, and only to allow them to eat by little and little at a time, till their stomachs became accustomed to digest their food. As there had only been sent from Quito a sufficiency of horses and clothes for Gonzalo and his officers, they refused to avail themselves of either, not choosing to enjoy any advantages which they could not share with their soldiers, by which they rendered themselves extremely popular and gained their affection greatly. They arrived at Quito in the morning, and went immediately to church to hear ma.s.s, and to give thanks to G.o.d for their delivery from so many and severe evils; after which every one retired to his quarters, to refresh and clothe themselves according to their means.

This country of Los Canelos, whence the cinnamon is procured, is immediately under the equinoctial line, similar in that respect to the Molucca islands, whence cinnamon is brought into Spain and other parts of Europe[11].

[1] We shall have a future opportunity of giving a better account of the discovery and conquest of Chili than this extremely meagre notice by Zarate from Molina, Ovalle and other early authors. The nameless city mentioned by Zarate was probably St Jago de Chili, which was founded by Valdivia. The commencement of the Valdivian expedition was in the year 1530.--E.

[2] This force, according to Garcila.s.so, amounted to 100 horse, and an equal number of foot.--E.

[3] According to Garcila.s.so de la Vega, his force consisted of 340 Spaniards, of whom 150 were hors.e.m.e.n.--E.

[4] These Indians, according to Garcila.s.so, were laden with arms, provisions, and ammunition, besides large quant.i.ties of hatchets, ropes, nails, and wooden pins, to use upon occasion.--E.

[5] Perhaps the elevated valley of Macas on the river Morona which runs into the Tunguragua.--E.

[6] Even Garcila.s.so, who is sufficiently fond of the marvellous and ever ready to adopt absurdities, honestly relates of these _Amazons_, that they were a fierce and wild nation of men, whose wives went forth to war along with their husbands; and that Orellana invented the tale of a nation of Amazons to raise the honour of his atchievement, and to induce the emperor to bestow upon him the government of the country he had discovered.--E.

[7] According to Garcila.s.so, he contrived with great difficulty and danger to navigate in his rude bark from the mouth of the Marannon or Amazons to the island of Trinidada, where he purchased a ship for his voyage to Spain.--E.