What Gunpowder Plot Was Part 13

Dom._, xii. 65; Docquet Book, 1605; _S. P. Dom._, xv. 106.

[196] To the theory that Salisbury wanted inconvenient witnesses disposed of, because the man who shot Percy and Catesby got a pension of two shillings a day, I reply that the Government was more afraid of a rebellion than of testimony. At all events, 2_s._ at that time was certainly not worth 1_l._ now, as Father Gerard a.s.sumes here, and in other pa.s.sages of his book. It is usual to estimate the value of money as being about four or five times as much as it is in the present day.

The relative price, however, depended so much on the commodities purchased that I hesitate to express myself positively on the subject.

The only thing that I am quite clear about is that Father Gerard's estimate is greatly exaggerated. It is true that he grounds his errors on a statement by Dr. Jessopp that 4,000 marks was equivalent to 30,000_l._, but the very exaggeration of these figures should have led him to suspect some error, or, at least--as I have recently been informed by Dr. Jessopp was the fact--that his calculation was based on other grounds than the relative price of commodities.

[197] Father Greenway's statement, that while the rebels were in the field, messengers came post haste continually one after the other, from the capital, all bearing proclamations mentioning Percy by name (_Gerard_, p. 155) is disposed of by the fact that there were only three proclamations in which Percy's name was mentioned, dated the 5th, the 7th, and the 8th. Percy was killed on the morning of the 8th, and even the messenger who started on the 7th can hardly have known that the sheriff had gone to Holbeche, and consequently could not himself have reached that place while Percy was living.

[198] See p. 11.

[199] T. Winter's examination, November 25 (_G. P. B._ No. 116). Compare Tresham's declaration of November 13 (_ib._ No. 63).

[200] Jardine's _Gunpowder Plot_, p. 91.

[201] _Add. MSS._ 11,402, fol. 109.

[202] Smith's _Antiquities of Westminster_, p. 41.

[203] See p. 31.

[204] On this, see p. 110.

[205] _Gerard_, p. 126, note 1.

[206] In an earlier part of the letter we are told of 'Johnson,' that 'on Tuesday at midnight, as he was busy to prepare his things for execution was apprehended in the place itself, with a false lantern, booted and spurred.'

[207] _S. P. France._

[208] See p. 31. I give the extract in the form received by Edmondes, that printed in _Winwood_, ii. 170, received by Cornwallis, being slightly different.

[209] _i.e._ 'owned.'

[210] _Gerard_, p. 127.

[211] _Winwood_, ii. 170.

[212] Chamberlain to Carleton, November 7.--_S. P. Dom._ xvi. 23.

[213] See p. 99.

[214] _G. P. B._ No. 129.

[215] _Winwood_, ii. 170.

[216] These words look as if he had been found not in the pa.s.sage but in the court.

[217] He was a favourite dependent of Knyvet's, who, on April 10, 1604, had recommended him for an office in the Tower.--_S. P. Dom._ vii. 18.

[218] See my _History of England_, 1603-1642, i. 80, 81.

[219] _I.e._ Guardians.

[220] _Correspondence of King James VI. with Sir Robert Cecil_, pp. 31, 33, 36.

[221] _Correspondence of King James VI. with Sir Robert Cecil_, p. 75.

[222] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, June 16/26.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[223] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, July 21/31.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[224] See p. 142.

[225] _Hist. of England_, 1603-1642, i. 81.

[226] S. P. Scotland, lxix. 20.

[227] James I. to Sir T. Parry, Nov., 1603.--Tierney's _Dodd_, iv.; App.

p. 66.

[228] Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, June 30/July 10 (_Roman Transcripts, R.O._). There is a plain-spoken marginal note in the Pope's hand, 'Non sara vero, ne noi gli habbiamo dato quest' ordine.' In the instructions by the Nuncio at Brussels to Dr. Gifford, July 22/August 1 (Tierney's _Dodd_, iv.; App. lxvi.), nothing is said about this mission, but a definite promise is given 'eosque omnes e regno evocare quos sua Majestas rationabiliter judicaverit regno et statui suo noxios fore.'

[229] 'Salute.' Does this mean safety or salvation, or is it left doubtful?

[230] _I.e._ to James and to Henry IV. Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, July 11/21.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[231] Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, July 20/30.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[232] Barneby to Del Bufalo, Aug. 8/18.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._ (The original is in Latin.)

[233] Afterwards Duke of Sully.

[234] Parry to Cecil, Aug. 20, 1603.--_S. P. France._

[235] See p. 151, note 2.

[236] Del Bufalo to James I. Sept. 19/29; _compare_ Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, Sept. 21/Oct. 1.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[237] We have two copies of James's letter to Parry translated into Latin, but undated (_S. P. France._) Cecil's covering letter (_ib._) is in draft and dated Nov. 6. It must, however, have been held back, as both Parry's and Del Bufalo's despatches show that it did not reach Paris till early in December.

[238] Del Bufalo to Cardinal Aldobrandino, December 4/14.--_Roman Transcripts, R.O._

[239] January 11/21.

[240] Information given to Del Bufalo.

[241] He wrote on the margin of Del Bufalo's letter: "Quanto alla facolta di chiamare sotto pena di scomunica i torbolenti, non ci par da darla per adesso, perche trattiamo con heretici, e corriamo pericolo di perdere i sicuri, si come non ci par che il Nuntio debba premere nella cosa di mandar noi personaggio, perche dubitiamo che essendo tanta gelosia tra Francia e Spagna non intra.s.simo in grandissima difficolta. E meglio aspettare la conclusione della Pace secondo noi, perche non sapiamo che chi manda.s.simo fosse per usar la prudentia necessaria."

[242] He told the Spanish Amba.s.sador, 'che quelli del Consiglio gli havevano fatto tanta forza che no haveva potuto far altro, ma che no si sarebbe eseguito con rigore alcuno.' (Del Bufalo to Aldobrandino, March 27/April 6.)--_Roman Transcripts, R. O._

[243] Precisely the course he had recommended in his letter written to Cecil whilst he was still in Scotland, see p. 144.