Washington and the American Republic Part 6

CHAPTER VII.

THE CONSt.i.tUTION SUBMITTED TO THE STATE LEGISLATURES--THE GREAT CONFLICT OF OPINIONS--WASHINGTON'S LETTERS TO MRS. GRAHAM AND LAFAYETTE ON THE SUBJECT--HAMILTON PREPARES FOR THE BATTLE--HIS PRELIMINARY REMARKS--OPPOSITION TO THE CONSt.i.tUTION--_THE FEDERALIST_--STORMY DEBATES IN STATE CONVENTIONS--RATIFICATION OF THE CONSt.i.tUTION--MEASURES FOR ESTABLISHING THE NEW GOVERNMENT--WASHINGTON'S THANKFULNESS FOR THE RESULT--WASHINGTON SPONTANEOUSLY NOMINATED FOR THE PRESIDENCY--HIS GREAT RELUCTANCE TO ENTER UPON PUBLIC LIFE AGAIN--LETTERS TO HIS FRIENDS ON THE SUBJECT--WASHINGTON ELECTED PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES--PREPARATIONS FOR LEAVING HOME--VISIT TO, AND PARTING WITH HIS MOTHER--HIS JOURNEY TO THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT LIKE A TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION--HONORS BY THE WAY--ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION AT NEW YORK--HIS SENSE OF RESPONSIBILITY.

The Congress, on the twenty-eighth of September, unanimously resolved to send the const.i.tution adopted by the convention, and the accompanying letters, to the legislatures of the several states, and to recommend them to call conventions within their respective jurisdictions to consider it. And it was agreed, that when nine of the thirteen states should ratify it, it should become the fundamental law of the republic.

And now commenced the first great and general conflict of political opinions since the establishment of the independence of the United States; and in each of the several commonwealths, men of the first rank in talent, social position, and sound moral and political integrity, became engaged in the discussion of the great question of national government. That conflict had commenced in the general convention, but the proceedings of that body were under the seal of secrecy. Yet the positions a.s.sumed by the delegates in the general discussion in their several states, revealed the fact that extreme diversity of opinion had prevailed in the convention, and that the const.i.tution was composed of compromises marked with the scars of severe conflict.

Referring to these differences of opinion in the convention, Washington remarked to Catharine Macaulay Graham, in a letter written on the sixteenth of November, that "the various and opposite interests which were to be conciliated, the local prejudices which were to be subdued, the diversity of opinions and sentiments which were to be reconciled, and, in fine, the sacrifices which were necessary to be made on all sides for the general welfare, combined to make it a work of so intricate and difficult a nature, that I think it is much to be wondered at that anything could have been produced with such unanimity as the const.i.tution proposed.... Whether it will be adopted by the people or not remains yet to be determined."

To Lafayette he wrote in February following: "It appears to me little short of a miracle that the delegates from so many states, different from each other, as you know, in their manners, circ.u.mstances, and prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government, so little liable to well-founded objections." After alluding to its obvious defects, he continued:--

"With regard to the two great points, the pivots upon which the whole machine must move, my creed is simply: First, that the general government is not invested with more powers than are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a good government; and, consequently, that no objection ought to be made against the quant.i.ty of power delegated to it.

Secondly, that these powers, as the appointment of all rulers will for ever arise from, and at short stated intervals recur to, the free suffrage of the people, are so distributed among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, into which the general government is arranged, that it can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form, so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the people.

"I would not be understood, my dear marquis, to speak of consequences which may be produced, in the revolution of ages, by corruption of morals, profligacy of manners, and listlessness in the preservation of the natural and inalienable rights of mankind, nor of the successful usurpations that may be established at such an unpropitious juncture upon the ruins of liberty, however providently guarded and secured, as these are contingencies against which no human prudence can effectually provide. It will at least be a recommendation to the proposed const.i.tution, that it is provided with more checks and barriers against the introduction of tyranny, and those of a nature less liable to be surmounted, than any government hitherto inst.i.tuted among mortals. We are not to expect perfection in this world; but mankind, in modern times, have apparently made some progress in the science of government. Should that which is now offered to the people of America be found an experiment less perfect than it can be made, a const.i.tutional door is left open for its amelioration."

Hamilton, with his usual marvellous sagacity, clearly perceived the shaping of the conflict to be fought, and at once a.s.sumed the panoply of a most acute contestant in its favor. "The new const.i.tution," he wrote immediately after the adjournment of the convention, "has in favor of its success these circ.u.mstances: A very great weight of influence of the persons who framed it, particularly in the universal popularity of General Washington. The good will of the commercial interest throughout the states, which will give all its efforts to the establishment of a government capable of regulating, protecting, and extending the commerce of the Union. The good will of most men of property in the several states, who wish a government of the Union able to protect them against domestic violence, and the depredations which the democratic spirit is apt to make on property; and who are, besides, anxious for the respectability of the nation. The hopes of the creditors of the United States that a general government, possessing the means of doing it, will pay the debt of the Union. A strong belief, in the people at large, of the insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve the existence of the Union, and of the necessity of the Union to their safety and prosperity; of course, a strong desire of change, and a predisposition to receive well the propositions of the convention."

Very soon Hamilton, with other _federalists_, as the supporters of the const.i.tution were called, found it necessary to put forth all his intellectual energies in defence of that instrument. Conventions were speedily called in the several states to consider it, and the friends and opponents of the const.i.tution marshalled their respective antagonistic forces with great skill and zeal.

In Virgina, Patrick Henry, George Mason, and Richard Henry Lee, opposed the const.i.tution with all their power and influence, chiefly because it would, in a degree, annul state rights, and base the sovereignty too absolutely upon the popular will. Mason led in the opposition, and Henry gave him the support of his eloquence. His arguments were those of all other opponents; and with the leaders in his own and other states, he raised the cry, which soon became general, that the new const.i.tution had no bill of rights and no sufficient guaranties for personal liberty.

They cited the experience of the past to show, that of all national governments a democratic one was the most unstable, fluctuating, and short-lived; and that despotism, arising from a centralization of power in the national government on one hand, and anarchy, incident to the instability of democracy--"the levelling spirit of democracy" denounced by Gerry as "the worst of political evils"--on the other, were the Scylla and Charybdis between which the republic would, in the opinion of their opponents, be placed, with almost a certainty of being destroyed.

These views were ably combated in a series of political essays written by Hamilton and Madison, with a few numbers by John Jay, which were published in a New York newspaper, the object being, as stated by Hamilton in the first number, "A discussion of the utility of the Union; the insufficiency of the confederation to preserve that Union;" and "the necessity of a government at least equally energetic with the one proposed, to the attainment of this object." These essays, under the general t.i.tle of _The Federalist_, were written with uncommon ability, exerted a powerful influence, and present an admirable treatise on the philosophy of our federal const.i.tution.[11]

Long and stormy debates occurred in the state conventions; and it was not until the twenty-first of June, 1788, that New Hampshire, the ninth state in order, ratified the const.i.tution.[12] It then became the organic law of the republic. The Congress, when testimonials of ratification were received from a sufficient number of states, appointed the first Wednesday of January, 1789, for the people of the United States to choose electors of a president in accordance with the provisions of the const.i.tution; the first Wednesday in February following for the electors to meet and make a choice; and the first Wednesday in March ensuing for the new government to meet for organization in the city of New York.

While these discussions were going on, Washington remained at Mount Vernon, a most anxious spectator of the progress of political events, especially in his own state, where the opposition to the const.i.tution was very powerful and well organized. He took no direct part in the proceedings of his state convention. "There is not, perhaps, a man in Virginia," he wrote to General Lincoln, "less qualified than I am to say, from his own knowledge and observation, what will be the fate of the const.i.tution here; for I very seldom ride beyond the limits of my own farms, and am wholly indebted to those gentlemen who visit me for any information of the disposition of the people toward it; but, from all I can collect, I have not the smallest doubt of its being accepted."

Washington's views were freely expressed in conversations at Mount Vernon and in his letters, and they had great weight; and when, finally, the seal of approbation of the const.i.tution was set by New Hampshire and his own state, and that instrument became the supreme law of the land, his heart was filled with grat.i.tude to the Great Disposer of events for his manifest protection of the American people from the calamities with which they had so long been threatened. "We may, with a kind of pious and grateful exultation," he wrote to Governor Trumbull, "trace the finger of Providence through those dark and mysterious events which first induced the states to appoint a general convention, and then led them, one after another, by such steps as were best calculated to effect the object into an adoption of the systems recommended by that general convention; thereby, in all human probability, laying a lasting foundation for tranquillity and happiness, when we had too much reason to fear that confusion and misery were coming rapidly upon us."

The people of the Union, as if governed by one impulse, now turned to Washington as the man who, above all others, was best qualified to become the chief magistrate of the nation. He was informally nominated by Hamilton, almost before the members of the convention that framed and adopted the const.i.tution had reached their homes. In a paper from which we have just quoted, published immediately after the adjournment of the convention, Hamilton said: "If the government be adopted, it is probable General Washington will be the president of the United States. This will insure a wise choice of men to administer the government, and a good administration. A good administration will conciliate the confidence and affection of the people, and perhaps enable the government to acquire more consistency than the proposed const.i.tution seems to promise for so great a country."

It was soon apparent to Washington that the universal sentiment of the people was in favor of his election to the chief magistracy. Almost every letter from his friends expressed a desire that he should accept the office when tendered to him, as it surely would be, by the electors chosen by the people; and before the elections were held, so general was the presumption that Washington would be the first president of the United States, that he received many letters soliciting appointments to office. These annoyed him exceedingly; for the subject, he said, never failed to embarra.s.s and distress him beyond measure. The prospect of again being called into public life, in an arena in which difficulties more formidable and perplexing than those in a military sphere must be encountered, gave him great uneasiness. He loved his home, his family, and the quiet pursuits of agriculture; and he desired, above all earthly boons, the privilege of reposing among these.

To Hamilton he wrote, as early as August, 1788: "You know me well enough, my good sir, to be persuaded that I am not guilty of affectation when I tell you, that it is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm."

In October he again wrote to Hamilton, saying: "In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and perhaps must ere long, be called to make a decision."

To Governor Trumbull he wrote in December: "May Heaven a.s.sist me in forming a judgment; for at present I see nothing but clouds and darkness before me. Thus much I may safely say to you in confidence; if ever I should, from any apparent necessity, be induced to go from home in a public character again, it will certainly be the greatest sacrifice of feelings and happiness that ever was or ever can be made by me."

To Lafayette he had written several months before, in reply to a hint of the marquis that he would be called to the presidency, and said: "It has no enticing charms and no fascinating allurements for me.... At my time of life and under my circ.u.mstances, the increasing infirmities of nature and the growing love of retirement do not permit me to entertain a wish beyond that of living and dying an honest man on my own farm. Let those follow the pursuits of ambition and fame who have a keener relish for them, or who may have more years in store for the enjoyment."

As the time approached when he should make a decision, the mind of Washington was greatly exercised, and to all his friends he sincerely declared that no other consideration than the solemn requirements of his country could induce him to accept the office. These sentiments he expressed with full freedom to his intimate friend, Colonel Henry Lee, who had written to Washington with great warmth on the subject, and said: "Solicitous for our common happiness as a people, and convinced as I continue to be that our peace and prosperity depend on the proper improvement of the present period, my anxiety is extreme that the new government may have an auspicious beginning. To effect this, and to perpetuate a nation formed under your auspices, it is certain that again you will be called forth. The same principles of devotion to the good of mankind which have invariably governed your conduct, will, no doubt, continue to rule your mind, however opposite their consequences may be to your repose and happiness.... If the same success should attend your efforts on this important occasion which has distinguished you hitherto, then, to be sure, you will have spent a life which Providence rarely, if ever, gave to the lot of man."

To this Washington replied: "The princ.i.p.al topic of your letter is to me a point of great delicacy indeed--insomuch that I can scarcely, without some impropriety, touch upon it.... You are among the small number of those who know my invincible attachment to domestic life, and that my sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely until my final hour. But the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to believe me uninfluenced by sinister motives, in case any circ.u.mstance should render a deviation from the line of conduct I had prescribed to myself indispensable.

"Should the contingency you suggest take place, and (for argument's sake alone let me say it) should my unfeigned reluctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference for the reasons and opinions of my friends, might I not, after the declarations I have made (and Heaven knows that they were made in the sincerity of my heart), in the judgment of the impartial world and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with rashness and ambition? Nay, farther, would there not be some apparent foundation for the two former charges? Now, justice to myself and tranquillity of conscience require that I should act a part, if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. Nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. Though I prize as I ought the good opinion of my fellow-citizens, yet, if I know myself, I would not seek or retain popularity at the expense of one social duty or moral virtue.

"While doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected my G.o.d, my country, and myself, I could despise all the party clamor and unjust censure which might be expected from some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to the government. I am conscious that I fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. And certain I am, whensoever I shall be convinced the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risk, regard for my own fame will not come in compet.i.tion with an object of so much magnitude. If I declined the task, it would lie upon quite another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural amus.e.m.e.nts, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predilection for the character of a private citizen, yet it would be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance; but a belief that some other person, who had less pretense and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties fully as satisfactorily as myself."

To Lafayette he wrote, after the elections were held in January, 1789, but before the electoral college met to make choice of a president: "I can say little or nothing new, in consequence of the repet.i.tion of your opinion, on the expediency there will be for my accepting the office to which you refer. Your sentiments, indeed, coincide much more nearly with those of my other friends than with my own feelings. In truth, my difficulties increase and multiply as I draw toward the period when, according to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitive answer, in one way or another. Should circ.u.mstances render it in a manner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be a.s.sured, my dear sir, I shall a.s.sume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which I shall probably receive no credit from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs; and in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavors shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity, to extricate my country from the embarra.s.sments in which it is entangled through want of credit, and to establish a general system of policy which, if pursued, will insure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. I think I see a path, as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are necessary to make us a great and happy people. Happily, the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to co-operate in establishing those four great and essential pillars of public felicity."

These sentences, taken from Washington's letters to his most intimate friends, show how little ambitious he was for the fame of statesmanship, and how honestly and eagerly he yearned for the quiet and obscurity of domestic life. At the same time, they reveal the true motives which led the great patriot to enter upon public employment, namely, a sincere love for his country, and a ready willingness to labor for the promotion of its best interests.

At the prescribed time the elections took place, and the college, by unanimous voice, made choice of Washington for president of the United States, and John Adams for vice-president. True to his convictions of duty, the great leader of the armies of America consented to be the pilot of the ship of state for four years, and prepared accordingly to leave his beloved Mount Vernon for the stormy sea of public life. These preparations were made with sincere reluctance; and the delay of a month in forming a quorum of Congress, so that the votes for president were not counted officially until the beginning of April, was regarded by Washington with heartfelt satisfaction.

"The delay," he said in a letter to General Knox on the first of April, "may be compared to a reprieve; for in confidence I tell _you_ (with the _world_ it would obtain little credit) that my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit, who is going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am I, in the evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which are necessary to manage the helm. I am sensible that I am embarking the voice of the people and a good name of my own on this voyage; but what returns will be made for them, Heaven alone can foretell. Integrity and firmness are all I can promise. These, be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, although I may be deserted by all men; for of the consolations which are to be derived from these, under any circ.u.mstances, the world can not deprive me."

The senate was organized on the sixth of April. The electoral votes were counted, and Washington was declared duly chosen president of the United States for four years from the fourth of March preceding. John Langdon, a senator from New Hampshire, had been chosen president of the senate _pro tempore_, and he immediately wrote an official letter to Washington notifying him of his election. This was borne by Charles Thomson, the secretary of the continental Congress from its first session in 1774. He reached Mount Vernon at about noon on the fourteenth, and on the evening of the sixteenth Washington wrote in his diary: "About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life and domestic felicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York with Mr. Thomson and Colonel Humphreys, with the best disposition to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations."

Meanwhile, the ill.u.s.trious soldier, who was about to a.s.sume the most exalted civil duties that can be delegated to man, had made a quick journey to Fredericksburg, the residence of his mother, to bid her, what both of them considered, and what proved to be, a final adieu. She was then about fourscore years of age, and suffering from an acute and incurable malady. Their meeting was tender, and their parting peculiarly touching. "The people, madam," said Washington to his mother, "have been pleased, with the most flattering unanimity, to elect me to the chief magistracy of these United States; but, before I can a.s.sume the functions of my office, I have come to bid you an affectionate farewell.

So soon as the weight of public business, which must necessarily attend the outset of a new government, can be disposed of, I shall hasten to Virginia, and--" "You will see me no more," said the matron, interrupting him. "My great age," she continued, "and the disease which is fast approaching my vitals, warn me that I shall not be long in this world; I trust in G.o.d that I may be somewhat prepared for a better. But go, George, fulfill the high destiny which Heaven appears to have intended you for: go, my son; and may that Heaven's and a mother's blessing be with you always!"[13]

Washington was accompanied in his journey from Mount Vernon to New York (the then seat of the federal government) by Secretary Thomson and Colonel Humphreys, preceded in a stage by his private secretary, Tobias Lear. He desired to go in as private a manner as possible; but his wishes were thwarted by the irrepressible enthusiasm and love of his countrymen along the route. He was met at the very threshold of his own estate by a cavalcade of citizens of Alexandria--his neighbors and personal friends--who invited him to partake of a public dinner. He could not refuse; and, at the table, his feelings were most sensibly touched by the words of the mayor, who said: "The first and best of our citizens must leave us; our aged must lose their ornament, our youth their model, our agriculture its improver, our infant academy its protector, our poor their benefactor.... Farewell! Go, and make a grateful people happy; a people who will be doubly grateful when they contemplate this new sacrifice for their interests."

Washington's feelings allowed him to make only a short reply. "Words fail me," he said. "Unutterable sensations must, then, be left to more expressive silence, while from an aching heart I bid all my affectionate friends and kind neighbors farewell!"

All the way to the city of New York, the president's journey was a continued ovation. At every large town and village he was hailed with the most joyous acclamations. Deputations of the most valued inhabitants met him everywhere and formed escorts and processions. At Baltimore he was greeted by the ringing of bells and the thunders of artillery. At the frontier of Pennsylvania he was met by General Mifflin (then governor of the state) and Judge Peters at the head of a large cavalcade of citizens; and at Chester a grand procession, led by General St.

Clair, formed an escort for the president into Philadelphia. This swelled in numbers and increased in interest as they approached the city.

At Gray's ferry, over the Schuylkill, triumphal arches were reared; and from one of these, as Washington pa.s.sed under it, Angelica Peale (a little daughter of the painter, Charles Willson Peale), who was concealed in foliage, let down a civic crown upon his head, while the mult.i.tude filled the air with long and loud huzzas. At least twenty thousand people lined the road from the river to the city; and at every step the president was saluted with the cries, "Long live George Washington!" "Long live the father of his people!"

[Ill.u.s.tration: WASHINGTON ENTERING TRENTON]

Washington and his suite were entertained at a sumptuous banquet given at the City Tavern, at which the leading members of the state and city governments were present. In the evening there was a magnificent display of fireworks, such as the Philadelphians had never before seen.

At the banquet, the mayor of the city presented to Washington an official address, in behalf of himself and the council, in which a complimentary reference to the president's public services was made.

"When I contemplate the interposition of Providence," said Washington in reply, "as it was visibly manifested in guiding us through the Revolution, in preparing us for the reception of the general government, and in conciliating the good will of the people of America toward one another after its adoption, I feel myself oppressed and almost overwhelmed with a sense of Divine munificence. I feel that nothing is due to my personal agency in all these wonderful and complicated events, except what can be attributed to an honest zeal for the good of my country."

The military of Philadelphia prepared to escort the president to Trenton the next morning, but rain prevented, and Washington and suite journeyed in a close carriage. Toward noon the clouds broke, and as they approached the Delaware the sun beamed out brightly, and a great crowd of people came to welcome the Father of his Country to the spot where, many years before, he had given a blow of deliverance, the most brilliant that was struck during the war. The contrast between the scenes that now broke upon his vision and those at the same place in the dark winter of 1776-'77, when hope for the republican cause had almost expired, and the sun of liberty for his country appeared to be setting among the clouds of utter despondency, must have created the most lively sensations of joy in his bosom. Memory with its sombre pencil drew the picture of the past, while present perception with its brilliant pencil portrayed pa.s.sing events, that quickened the pulse and made the heart leap with pleasure.

Upon the very bridge over which, less than thirteen years before, Washington had fled before the troops of Cornwallis, a triumphal arch, made by the women of New Jersey, was now placed, bearing mementoes of his triumphs there, and the words: "THE DEFENDER OF THE MOTHERS WILL BE THE PROTECTOR OF THE DAUGHTERS." And as he pa.s.sed under that arch, the way was lined with mothers and daughters, all dressed in white, while thirteen young girls in like apparel, with wreaths upon their heads, and holding baskets of flowers in their hands, strewed blossoms in the way and sang:--

"Welcome, mighty Chief! Once more, Welcome to this grateful sh.o.r.e; Now no mercenary foe Aims again the fatal blow-- Aims at thee the fatal blow.

"Virgins fair and matrons grave, Those thy conquering arm did save, Build for thee triumphal bowers: Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers!

Strew your hero's way with flowers!"

Before he left Trenton, the president sent a brief note to the ladies who prepared this memorable reception, in which he said: "General Washington can not leave this place without expressing his acknowledgments to the matrons and young ladies who received him in so novel and grateful a manner at the Triumphal Arch, for the exquisite sensations he experienced in that affecting moment. The astonishing contrast between his former and his actual situation at the same spot, the elegant taste with which it was adorned for the present occasion, and the innocent appearance of the white-robed choir who met him with the gratulatory song, have made such an impression on his remembrance as, he a.s.sures them, will never be effaced."

[Ill.u.s.tration: RECEPTION OF PRESIDENT WASHINGTON AT NEW YORK, APRIL 23, 1789.]

Over the same route across New Jersey along which Washington fled toward the close of 1776, with his wasting little army, before an exulting foe, and in the midst of secret enemies on every side, he now made his way among a happy and peaceful people, who received him everywhere with the open arms of love and veneration, while the air was filled with the shouts of mult.i.tudes, the booming of cannon, and the ringing of bells.

He arrived at Elizabethtown point, a few miles from New York, on the morning of the twenty-third of April, and there he was received by committees of both houses of Congress, officers of the federal, state, and munic.i.p.al governments, and a large number of citizens who had collected from all parts of the country. A splendid barge had been constructed for the occasion, to carry the president to New York, and in it he embarked immediately after his arrival. It was manned by thirteen masters of vessels in white uniforms, commanded by Commodore James Nicholson; and other beautiful barges, fancifully decorated, conveyed the Congressional committees and the heads of departments. Other boats joined them on the way, some of them bearing musicians; and when they approached the city, whose sh.o.r.es and wharves, and every part of Fort George and the Battery, were covered with people, there was a grand flotilla in the procession, the oars keeping time with instrumental music.