Voyages of Samuel De Champlain Volume II Part 9

150. This was the Merrimac with its shoals at the mouth, which they had pa.s.sed without observing, having sailed from the offing near Little Boar's Head directly to the head of Cape Anne, during the darkness of the previous night.

151. The lat.i.tude of the Straitsmouth Island Light on the extreme point of Cape Anne is 42 39' 43". A little east of it, where they probably anch.o.r.ed, there are now sixteen fathoms of water.

152. Emmerson's Point, forming the eastern extremity of Cape Anne, twenty or twenty-five feet high, fringed with a wall of bare rocks on the sea.

153. Thatcher's Island, near the point just mentioned. It is nearly half a mile long and three hundred and fifty yards wide, and about fifty feet high.

154. It is not possible to determine with absolute certainty the place of this anchorage. But as Champlain describes, at the end of this chapter, what must have been Charles River coming from the country of the Iroquois or the west, most likely as seen from his anchorage, there can be little doubt that he anch.o.r.ed in Boston Harbor, near the western limit of Noddle's Island, now known as East Boston.

155. The fishermen and fur-traders had visited these coasts from a very early period.--_Vide antea_, note 18. From them they obtained the axe, a most important implement in their rude mode of life, and it was occasionally found in use among tribes far in the interior.

_La Cadie_. Carelessness or indifference in regard to the orthography of names was general in the time of Champlain. The volumes written in the vain attempt to settle the proper method of spelling the name of Shakespeare, are the fruit of this indifference. La Cadie did not escape this treatment. Champlain writes it Arcadie, Accadie, La Cadie, Acadie, and L'Acadie; while Lescarbot uniformly, as far as we have observed, La Cadie. We have also seen it written L'Arcadie and L'Accadie, and in some, if not in all the preceding forms, with a Latin termination in _ia_. It is deemed important to secure uniformity, and to follow the French form in the translation of a French work rather than the Latin. In this work, it is rendered LA CADIE in all cases except in quotations. The history of the name favors this form rather than any other. The commission or charter given to De Monts by Henry IV. in 1603, a state paper or legal doc.u.ment, drawn, we may suppose, with more than usual care, has La Cadie, and repeats it four times without variation. It is a name of Indian origin, as may be inferred by its appearing in composition in such words as Pa.s.samacadie, Subenacadie, and Tracadie, plainly derived from the language spoken by the Souriquois and Etechemins. Fifty-five years before it was introduced into De Monts's commission, it appeared written _Larcadia_ in Gastaldo's map of "Terra Nova del Bacalaos," in the Italian translation of Ptolemy's Geography, by Pietro Andrea Mattiolo, printed at Venice in 1548. The colophon bears date October, 1547. This rare work is in the possession of Henry C. Murphy, LL.D., to whom we are indebted for a very beautiful copy of the map. It appeared again in 1561 on the map of Ruscelli, which was borrowed, as well as the whole map, from the above work.--_Vide Ruscelli's map in Dr. Kohl's Doc.u.mentary History of Maine_, Maine Hist. Soc., Portland, 1869, p. 233. On this map, Larcadia stands on the coast of Maine, in the midst of the vast territory included in De Monts's grant, between the degrees of forty and forty-six north lat.i.tude. It will be observed, if we take away the Latin termination, that the p.r.o.nunciation of this word as it first appeared in 1547, would not differ in _sound_ from La Cadie. It seems, therefore, very clear that the name of the territory stretching along the coast of Maine, we know not how far north or south, as it was caught from the lips of the natives at some time anterior 1547, was best represented by La Cadie, as p.r.o.nounced by the French. Whether De Monts had obtained the name of his American domain from those who had recently visited the coast and had caught its sound from the natives, or whether he had taken it from this ancient map, we must remain uninformed. Several writers have ventured to interpret the word, and give us its original meaning. The following definitions have been offered: 1. The land of dogs; 2. Our village; 3. The fish called pollock; 4. Place; 5. Abundance. We do not undertake to decide between the disagreeing doctors. But it is obvious to remark that a rich field lies open ready for a n.o.ble harvest for any young scholar who has a genius for philology, and who is prepared to make a life work of the study and elucidation of the original languages of North America. The laurels in this field are still to be gathered.

156. The islands in Boston Bay.

157. This attempt to land was in Marshfield near the mouth of South River.

Not succeeding, they sailed forward a league, and anch.o.r.ed at Brant Point, which they named the Cape of St. Louis.

158. This purslane, _Portulaca oleracea_, still grows vigorously among the Indian corn in New England, and is regarded with no more interest now than in 1605. It is a tropical plant, and was introduced by the Indians probably by accident with the seeds of tobacco or other plants.

159. Here at the end of the chapter Champlain seems to be reminded that he had omitted to mention the river of which he had learned, and had probably seen in the bay. This was Charles River. From the western side of Noddle's Island, or East Boston, where they were probably at anchor, it appeared at its confluence with the Mystic River to come from the west, or the country of the Iroquois. By reference to Champlain's large map of 1612, this river will be clearly identified as Charles River, in connection with Boston Bay and its numerous islands. On that map it is represented as a long river flowing from the west. This description of the river by Champlain was probably from personal observation. Had he obtained his information from the Indians, they would not have told him that it was broad or that it came from the west, for such are not the facts; but they would have represented to him that it was small, winding in its course, and that it came from the south. We infer, therefore, that he not only saw it himself, but probably from the deck of the little French barque, as it was riding at anchor in our harbor near East Boston, where Charles River, augmented by the tide, flows into the harbor from the west, in a strong, broad, deep current. They named it in honor of Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, the commander of this expedition. Champlain writes the name "du Gas;" De Laet has "de Gua;" while Charlevoix writes "du Guast." This latter orthography generally prevails.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES ALONG THE COAST OF THE ALMOUCHIQUOIS, AND WHAT WE OBSERVED IN DETAIL.

The next day we doubled Cap St. Louis, [160] so named by Sieur de Monts, a land rather low, and in lat.i.tude 42 45'. [161] The same day we sailed two leagues along a sandy coast, as we pa.s.sed along which we saw a great many cabins and gardens. The wind being contrary, we entered a little bay to await a time favorable for proceeding. There came to us two or three canoes, which had just been fishing for cod and other fish, which are found there in large numbers. These they catch with hooks made of a piece of wood, to which they attach a bone in the shape of a spear, and fasten it very securely. The whole has a fang-shape, and the line attached to it is made out of the bark of a tree. They gave me one of their hooks, which I took as a curiosity. In it the bone was fastened on by hemp, like that in France, as it seemed to me, and they told me that they gathered this plant without being obliged to cultivate it; and indicated that it grew to the height of four or five feet. [162] This canoe went back on sh.o.r.e to give notice to their fellow inhabitants, who caused columns of smoke to arise on our account We saw eighteen or twenty savages, who came to the sh.o.r.e and began to dance. Our canoe landed in order to give them some bagatelles, at which they were greatly pleased. Some of them came to us and begged us to go to their river. We weighed anchor to do so, but were unable to enter on account of the small amount of water, it being low tide, and were accordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth. I went ash.o.r.e, where I saw many others, who received us very cordially. I made also an examination of the river, but saw only an arm of water extending a short distance inland, where the land is only in part cleared up. Running into this is merely a brook not deep enough for boats except at full tide. The circuit of the bay is about a league. On one side of the entrance to this bay there is a point which is almost an island, covered with wood, princ.i.p.ally pines, and adjoins sand-banks, which are very extensive. On the other side, the land is high. There are two islets in this bay, which are not seen until one has entered, and around which it is almost entirely dry at low tide. This place is very conspicuous from the sea, for the coast is very low, excepting the cape at the entrance to the bay. We named it the Port du Cap St. Louis, [163] distant two leagues from the above cape, and ten from the Island Cape. It is in about the same lat.i.tude as Cap St. Louis.

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

PORT ST. LOUIS.

_The figures indicate fathoms of water_.

_A_. Indicates the place where vessels lie.

_B_. The channel.

_C_. Two islands. [Note: Clark's Island is now the sole representative of the two figured by Champlain in 1605. The action of the waves has either united the two, or swept one of them away. It was named after Clark, the master's mate of the "May Flower," who was the first to step on sh.o.r.e, when the party of Pilgrims, sent out from Cape Cod Harbor to Select a habitation, landed on this island, and pa.s.sed the night of the 9th of December, O. S. 1620. _Vide_ Morton's Memorial, 1669, Plymouth Ed. 1826. p. 35: Young's Chronicles, p. 160; Bradford's His. Plym. Plantation, p. 87. This delineation removes all doubt as to the missing island in Plymouth Harbor, and shows the incorrectness of the theory as to its being Saquish Head, suggested in a note in Young's Chronicles, p. 64. _Vide_ also Mourt's Relation, Dexter's ed., note 197.]

_D_. Sandy downs. [Note: Saquish Neck]

_E_. Shoals.

_F_. Cabins where the savages till the ground.

_G_. Place where we beached our barque.

_H_. Land having the appearance of an island, covered with wood and adjoining the sandy downs. [Note: Saquish Head, which seems to have been somewhat changed since the time of Champlain. Compare Coast Survey Chart of Plymouth Harbor, 1857.]

_I_. A high promontory which may be seen four or five leagues at sea. [Note: Manomet Bluff.]

On the 19th of the month, we set out from this place. Coasting along in a southerly direction, we sailed four or five leagues, and pa.s.sed near a rock on a level with the surface of the water. As we continued our course, we saw some land which seemed to us to be islands, but as we came nearer we found it to be the main land, lying to the north-north-west of us, and that it was the cape of a large bay, [164] containing more than eighteen or nineteen leagues in circuit, into which we had run so far that we had to wear off on the other tack in order to double the cape which we had seen. The latter we named Cap Blanc, [165] since it contained sands and downs which had a white appearance. A favorable wind was of great a.s.sistance to us here, for otherwise we should have been in danger of being driven upon the coast. This bay is very safe, provided the land be not approached nearer than a good league, there being no islands nor rocks except that just mentioned, which is near a river that extends some distance inland, which we named St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc, [166] whence across to Cap St. Louis the distance is ten leagues. Cap Blanc is a point of sand, which bends around towards the south some six leagues. This coast is rather high, and consists of sand, which is very conspicuous as one comes from the Sea. At a distance of some fifteen or eighteen leagues from land, the depth of the water is thirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, but only ten on nearing the sh.o.r.e, which is un.o.bstructed. There is a large extent of open country along the sh.o.r.e before reaching the woods, which are very attractive and beautiful. We anch.o.r.ed off the coast, and saw some savages, towards whom four of our company proceeded. Making their way upon a sand-bank, they observed something like a bay, and cabins bordering it on all sides. When they were about a league and a half from us, there came to them a savage dancing all over, as they expressed it. He had come down from the high sh.o.r.e, but turned about shortly after to inform his fellow inhabitants of our arrival.

The next day, the 20th of the month, we went to the place which our men had seen, and which we found a very dangerous harbor in consequence of the shoals and banks, where we saw breakers in all directions. It was almost low tide when we entered, and there were only four feet of water in the northern pa.s.sage; at high tide, there are two fathoms. After we had entered, we found the place very s.p.a.cious, being perhaps three or four leagues in circuit, entirely surrounded by little houses, around each one of which there was as much land as the occupant needed for his support. A small river enters here, which is very pretty, and in which at low tide there are some three and a half feet of water. There are also two or three brooks bordered by meadows. It would be a very fine place, if the harbor were good. I took the alt.i.tude, and found the lat.i.tude 42, and the deflection of the magnetic needle 18 40'. Many savages, men and women, visited us, and ran up on all sides dancing. We named this place Port de Mallebarre. [167]

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

MALLEBARRE.

_The figures indicate fathoms of water_.

_A_. The two entrances to the harbor.

_B_. Sandy downs where the savages killed a sailor belonging to the barque of Sieur de Monts.

_C_. Places in the harbor where the barque of Sieur de Monts was.

_D_. Spring on the sh.o.r.e of the harbor.

_E_. A river flowing into the harbor.

_F_. A brook.

_G_. A small river where quant.i.ties of fish are caught.

_H_. Sandy downs with low shrubs and many vines.

_I_. Island at the point of the downs.

_L_. Houses and dwelling-places of the savages that till the land.

_M_. Shoals and sand-banks at the entrance and inside of the harbor.

_O_. Sandy downs.

_P_. Sea-coast, _q_. Barque of Sieur de Poutrincourt when he visited the place two years after Sieur de Monts.

_R_. Landing of the party of Sieur de Poutrincourt.

NOTES. A comparison of this map with the Coast Survey Charts will show very great changes in this harbor since the days of Champlain. Not only has the mouth of the bay receded towards the south, but this recession appears to have left entirely dry much of the area which was flooded in 1605. Under reference _q_, on the above map, it is intimated that De Poutrincourt's visit was two years after that of De Monts. It was more than one, and was the second year after, but not, strictly speaking, "two years after."

The next day, the 21st of the month, Sieur de Monts determined to go and see their habitation. Nine or ten of us accompanied him with our arms; the rest remained to guard the barque. We went about a league along the coast.

Before reaching their cabins, we entered a field planted with Indian corn in the manner before described. The corn was in flower, and five and a half feet high. There was some less advanced, which they plant later. We saw many Brazilian beans, and many squashes of various sizes, very good for eating; some tobacco, and roots which they cultivate, the latter having the taste of an artichoke. The woods are filled with oaks, nut-trees, and beautiful cypresses, [168] which are of a reddish color and have a very pleasant odor. There were also several fields entirely uncultivated, the land being allowed to remain fallow. When they wish to plant it, they set fire to the weeds, and then work it over with their wooden spades. Their cabins are round, and covered with heavy thatch made of reeds. In the roof there is an opening of about a foot and a half, whence the smoke from the fire pa.s.ses out. We asked them if they had their permanent abode in this place, and whether there was much snow. But we were unable to ascertain this fully from them, not understanding their language, although they made an attempt to inform us by signs, by taking some sand in their hands.

Spreading it out over the ground, and indicating that it was of the color of our collars, and that it reached the depth of a foot. Others made signs that there was less, and gave us to understand also that the harbor never froze; but we were unable to ascertain whether the snow lasted long. I conclude, however, that this region is of moderate temperature, and the winter not severe. While we were there, there was a north-cast storm, which lasted four days; the sky being so overcast that the sun hardly shone at all. It was very cold, and we were obliged to put on our great-coats, which we had entirely left off. Yet I think the cold was accidental, as it is often experienced elsewhere out of season.

On the 23d of July, four or five seamen having gone on sh.o.r.e with some kettles to get fresh water, which was to be found in one of the sand-banks a short distance from our barque, some of the savages, coveting them, watched the time when our men went to the spring, and then seized one out of the hands of a sailor, who was the first to dip, and who had no weapons. One of his companions, starting to run after him, soon returned, as he could not catch him, since he ran much faster than himself. The other savages, of whom there were a large number, seeing our sailors running to our barque, and at the same time shouting to us to fire at them, took to flight. At the time there were some of them in our barque, who threw themselves into the sea, only one of whom we were able to seize. Those on the land who had taken to flight, seeing them swimming, returned straight to the sailor from whom they had taken away the kettle, hurled several arrows at him from behind, and brought him down. Seeing this, they ran at once to him, and despatched him with their knives. Meanwhile, haste was made to go on sh.o.r.e, and muskets were fired from our barque: mine, bursting in my hands, came near killing me. The savages, hearing this discharge of fire-arms, took to flight, and with redoubled speed when they saw that we had landed, for they were afraid when they saw us running after them. There was no likelihood of our catching them, for they are as swift as horses.

We brought in the murdered man, and he was buried some hours later.

Meanwhile, we kept the prisoner bound by the feet and hands on board of our barque, fearing that he might escape. But Sieur de Monts resolved to let him go, being persuaded that he was not to blame, and that he had no previous knowledge of what had transpired, as also those who, at the time, were in and about our barque. Some hours later there came some savages to us, to excuse themselves, indicating by signs and demonstrations that it was not they who had committed this malicious act, but others farther off in the interior. We did not wish to harm them, although it was in our power to avenge ourselves.

All these savages from the Island Cape wear neither robes nor furs, except very rarely: moreover, their robes are made of gra.s.ses and hemp, scarcely covering the body, and coming down only to their thighs. They have only the s.e.xual parts concealed with a small piece of leather; so likewise the women, with whom it comes down a little lower behind than with the men, all the rest of the body being naked. Whenever the women came to see us, they wore robes which were open in front. The men cut off the hair on the top of the head like those at the river Chouacoet. I saw, among other things, a girl with her hair very neatly dressed, with a skin colored red, and bordered on the upper part with little sh.e.l.l-beads. A part of her hair hung down behind, the rest being braided in various ways. These people paint the face red, black, and yellow. They have scarcely any beard, and tear it out as fast as it grows. Their bodies are well-proportioned. I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in this respect they resemble their neighbors, who have none at all. They know not how to worship or pray; yet, like the other savages, they have some superst.i.tions, which I shall describe in their place. As for weapons, they have only pikes, clubs, bows and arrows. It would seem from their appearance that they have a good disposition, better than those of the north, but they are all in fact of no great worth. Even a slight intercourse with them gives you at once a knowledge of them. They are great thieves and, if they cannot lay hold of any thing with their hands, they try to do so with their feet, as we have oftentimes learned by experience. I am of opinion that, if they had any thing to exchange with us, they would not give themselves to thieving. They bartered away to us their bows, arrows, and quivers, for pins and b.u.t.tons; and if they had had any thing else better they would have done the same with it. It is necessary to be on one's guard against this people, and live in a state of distrust of them, yet without letting them perceive it. They gave us a large quant.i.ty of tobacco, which they dry and then reduce to powder. [169] When they eat Indian corn, they boil it in earthen pots, which they make in a way different from ours. [170]. They bray it also in wooden mortars and reduce it to flour, of which they then make cakes, like the Indians of Peru.

In this place and along the whole coast from Quinibequy, there are a great many _siguenocs_, [171] which is a fish with a sh.e.l.l on its back like the tortoise, yet different, there being in the middle a row of little p.r.i.c.kles, of the color of a dead leaf, like the rest of the fish. At the end of this sh.e.l.l, there is another still smaller, bordered by very sharp points. The length of the tail-varies according to their size. With the end of it, these people point their arrows, and it contains also a row of p.r.i.c.kles like the large sh.e.l.l in which are the eyes. There are eight small feet like those of the crab, and two behind longer and flatter, which they use in swimming. There are also in front two other very small ones with which they eat. When walking, all the feet are concealed excepting the two hindermost which are slightly visible. Under the small sh.e.l.l there are membranes which swell up, and beat like the throat of a frog, and rest upon each other like the folds of a waistcoat. The largest specimen of this fish that I saw was a foot broad, and a foot and a half long.

We saw also a sea-bird [172] with a black beak, the upper part slightly aquiline, four inches long and in the form of a lancet; namely, the lower part representing the handle and the upper the blade, which is thin, sharp on both sides, and shorter by a third than the other, which circ.u.mference is a matter of astonishment to many persons, who cannot comprehend how it is possible for this bird to eat with such a beak. It is of the size of a pigeon, the wings being very long in proportion to the body, the tail short, as also the legs, which are red; the feet being small and flat. The plumage on the upper part is gray-brown, and on the under part pure white.

They go always in flocks along the sea-sh.o.r.e, like the pigeons with us.