The Writings of Samuel Adams Volume IV Part 8

Your Favor of the 24th of May did not reach my hand till yesterday. The Gentleman who brought it, Mr Archer, tells me he had a Pa.s.sage of Eleven Weeks. I will show him the Respect due to the Character you give him, & properly regard such future Recommendations as may come from you.

I suppose you have been fully & officially informd of the State of our military Affairs since the Enemy evacuated this City and met with a Drubbing at Monmouth. And as publick Letters will doubtless be forwarded by this Conveyance, it is needless for me to give you a particular Detail of what has happend since. By those Letters you will be informd that Dr Franklin is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary at Versailes. It is not yet determind how you will be disposd of; but as Congress entertain great Expectations from your Services, you may depend upon Employment being allotted for you somewhere. The critical Situation of the Powers of Europe in general, renders it somewhat difficult for us to determine, to which of them to make our Addresses at present. Every Cabinet I suppose is busily engagd in making the necessary Arrangements and preparing for the opening of a Campaign, if War should take Place. In this Case, I should think France must be our Pole Star, while it continues, and our Connections must be formd with hers. In the mean time however, Holland, whose Policy is always to be at Peace, may be open for a Negociation; and in my opinion, we ought to take the earliest opportunity to tempt her.

The two main Armies at & near New York have been quiet since the Enemy retreated to that City. We have made another Expedition against Rhode Island. Our Arms were not disgracd, though we did not succeed to our Wishes. Gen1 S behavd as usual with Bravery; but some will have it that there is a Mixture of Imprudence in every thing he does. He promisd himself to share with Gates in the Glory of Victory, and as an officer of Spirit, no doubt he felt vexed with the Disappointment; but he was too sanguine in my Opinion when he expected that the Count D Estaing would remain there, in the Circ.u.mstances which he was thrown into by a violent Storm he met with when in Pursuit of Lord Howe. This unforeseen & unavoidable Accident left him too much inferior to the British Squadron to run the Risque with any Degree of Prudence. It was a Misfortune which we all regret, but must bear. Knowing the high Temper of the People of my native Town, I immediately upon hearing it, wrote to some of the princ.i.p.al Men to prevent Blame being cast on the Count for leaving Rhode Island; a Disposition which I apprehended the artful Tories (for such there are even there) would encourage with a View of discrediting our new and happy Alliance, in the Minds of injudicious Whigs. I am happy to be informd that the Count and his Officers, and indeed every french Gentleman is treated there with the highest Marks of Respect and Friendship.

For some Weeks past there have been Reports here that the Enemies Troops at N York were about to embark, as they gave out on a grand Expedition, and we are now a.s.sured that Sixteen Sail of the Line and about one hundred and fifty Transports put to Sea on Tuesday the 20th Inst. Various are the Conjectures of their Destination. Whether to Boston, South Carolina or the West Indies, a few Days will decide. The Count D Estaing has sufficiently securd his Ships in Case of an Attack on them; and if they land their Troops with Intent to march them to Boston, it is my opinion they will repent of their Expedition. It appears to me most probable that the Troops are bound to the West Indies, and that the Ships of War, after having convoyd them to a certain Lat.i.tude will return for the Protection of the Garrisons which I suppose are to be left at Newport and New York. The Enemy will be 10th to quit the small Portion of Land they possess within the United States, for though they must despair of subduing us by Arms, it will be necessary for them to oblige us to continue the Expence of large Armies in order to nonplus us in the Art of financiering. This may be a Method of carrying on the Contest, the most puzzling to us; but I trust we shall disappoint them.

The Marquiss De la Fayette whose extraordinary Merit is fully known to you, does me the Honor of taking the Care of this Letter, and will deliver it to you.

I am, my dear Sir, with the greatest Sincerity

your affectionate,

TO ARTHUR LEE.

[MS., Lenox Library; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADELPHIA Octob 26 -78

MY DEAR SIR

Your several Letters dated as in the Margin,1 with the Inclosures came to my Hand. And although I have not hitherto acknowledgd to you the Receipt of them, I a.s.sure you I have been and am still improving the Intelligence you have given me, to the best of my Power, for the Advantage of this Country. From our former Correspondence you have known my Sentiments. I have not alterd them in a single Point, either with Regard to the great Cause we are engagd in or to you who have been an early, vigilant & active Supporter of it. While you honor me with your confidential Letters, I feel and will freely express to you my Obligation. To have answerd them severally would have led me to Subjects of great Delicacy, and the Miscarriage of my Letters might have provd detrimental to our important Affairs. It was needless for me to run this Risque for the sake of writing; for I presume you have been made fully acquainted with the State of our publick Affairs by the Committee, and as I have constantly communicated to your Brother R. H.

the Contents of your Letters to me, it was sufficient on that Score, for him only to write, for he thinks as I do.

The Marquiss De la Fayette, who does me the Honor to take this Letter, is this Moment going, which leaves me Time only to add that I am and will be your Friend, because I know you love our Country and Mankind.

I beg you to write to me by every Opportunity.

Adieu my dear Sir,

1 1777: July 31. October 4, November 11, December 18, December 19; 1778: January 2, January 9, February 8, February 16, March 1, April 1, April 16.

TO ----------.

[MS., Lenox Library.]

PHILAD Oct 26 -78

Mr Duncan yesterday brought me your very affectionate Letter of the Instant. I rejoyce that you have recoverd your usual State of Health and that my Family enjoy that invalueable Blessing.

Is it possible that M could make & propagate so barefaced a Story as you mention? Are you not misinformd? I lose every Sentiment of Regard for him as a Man of Truth. I have heard that my Enmity to G. W. was objected agt me on a late Occasion. I did not wonder that those who believd it were displeasd with me. My very worthy Friend & colleague Mr D satisfied the Minds of those who meant well and explaind some things relating to Mr ---- which were new & surprising to them. I console myself that those who try to injure me (I must not call them Enemies) are obligd to fabricate malicious Falshoods for their purpose.

Tell my Friend M S. that I will answer his Letter the next post. In the mean time ask him whether a Christian is bound to confide in the Man who has attempted seven times (though in vain) to ruin him.

Adieu.

MANIFESTO OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.

October 30, 1778.

[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams,1 vol. iii., pp. 46, 47.]

The United States having been driven to hostilities by the oppressive and tyrannous measures of Great Britain, having been compelled to commit the essential rights of men to the decision of arms, and having been at length forced to shake off a yoke which had grown too burdensome to bear, they declared themselves free and independent.

Confiding in the justice of their cause; confiding in Him who disposes of human events; although weak and unprovided, they set the power of their enemies at defiance.

In this confidence they have continued through the various fortunes of three b.l.o.o.d.y campaigns, unawed by the power, unsubdued by the barbarity of their foes. Their virtuous citizens have borne without repining the loss of many things which make life desirable. Their brave troops have patiently endured the hardships and dangers of a situation fruitful in both beyond former example.

The Congress, considering themselves bound to love their enemies as children of that Being who is equally the Father of all, and desirous, since they could not prevent, at least to alleviate the calamities of war, have studied to spare those who were in arms against them, and to lighten the chains of captivity.

The conduct of those serving under the King of Great Britain hath, with some few exceptions, been diametrically opposite. They have laid waste the open country, burned the defenceless villages, and butchered the citizens of America.

Their prisons have been the slaughter-houses of her soldiers, their ships of her seamen, and the severest injuries have been aggravated by the grossest insults.

Foiled in their vain attempts to subjugate the unconquerable spirit of freedom, they have meanly a.s.sailed the representatives of America with bribes, with deceit, and the servility of adulation. They have made a mock of religion by impious appeals to G.o.d, whilst in the violation of His sacred command. They have made a mock even of reason itself, by endeavoring to prove that the liberty and happiness of America could safely be intrusted to those who have sold their own, unawed by the sense of virtue or of shame.

Treated with the contempt which such conduct deserved, they have applied to individuals. They have solicited them to break the bonds of allegiance and imbue their souls with the blackest crimes. But fearing that none could be found through these United States equal to the wickedness of their purpose, to influence weak minds they have threatened more wide devastation.

While the shadow of hope remained that our enemies could be taught by our example to respect those laws which are held sacred among civilized nations, and to comply with the dictates of a religion which they pretend, in common with us, to believe and revere, they have been left to the influence of that religion and that example. But since their incorrigible dispositions cannot be touched by kindness and compa.s.sion, it becomes our duty by other means to vindicate the rights of humanity.

We, therefore, the Congress of the United States of America, do solemnly declare and proclaim that if our enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like conduct. We appeal to the G.o.d who searcheth the hearts of men for the rect.i.tude of our intentions; and in his holy presence declare that, as we are not moved by any light or hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so through every possible change of fortune we will adhere to this our determination.

Done in Congress by unanimous consent, the thirtieth day of October, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight.

1 Also attributed to Adams by Niles, Principles and Acts, pp. 476, 477.

TO SAMUEL PHILLIPS SAVAGE.

[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 56, 57; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 1, 1778.

MY DEAR SIR,--

I duly received your favor of October--by the last post, and should have immediately answered it, had I not been that day exceedingly engaged. I do not keep copies of all my letters,--they are trifles. You were mistaken in supposing that I ascribed the independence of America to New England only. I never was so a.s.suming as to think so. My words are, that America is obliged to New England, and this is an acknowledged truth.

It is the opinion of others, as well as myself, that the principles and manners of New England, from time to time, led to that great event. I pray G.o.d she may ever maintain those principles which, in my opinion, are essentially necessary to support and perpetuate her liberty. You may see my sentiments of the patriotism of other States in a letter I lately wrote to Mrs. Adams (if it is in being), in which I relate a conversation which pa.s.sed between Monsieur -------- and myself. But enough of this.

I love my country. My fears concerning her are that she will ruin herself by idolatry.

A part of your letter, you tell me, is confidential. I always keep the secrets of my friends when I can do it honestly, though I confess I do not like to be enc.u.mbered with them. In this instance I will be your confidant. But let me ask you, can a difference between Mr. -------- and me, either real or imaginary, be of any consequence to the world? I think not.

Tories, you say, triumph. They may make sport of it; but indeed, my friend, it is too unimportant a matter for a sensible Whig to weep and break his heart about. I am desirous of making you easy; and I do a.s.sure you that, so far from brooding in my heart an unfriendly disposition towards that man, I seldom think of him, unless I happen to take up a Boston newspaper or hear his name mentioned in chit-chat conversation. You call upon me by all that is sacred to forgive him. Do you think he has injured me? If he has, should he not ask for forgiveness? No man ever found me inexorable. I do not wish him to ask me to forgive him; this would be too humiliating. If he is conscious of having done or designed me an injury, let him do so no more, and I will promise to forgive and forget him too; or, I would add, to do him all the service in my power. But this is needless; it is not in my power to serve him. He is above it.