The Writings of Samuel Adams Volume III Part 8

Gentlemen, Your Friends & fellow Countrymen,

_____________________________________________________________ 1Intended also for the Committees of Correspondence at Salem, Portsmouth and Newbury Port.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 36-39.]

BOSTON, March 25, 1774.

MY DEAR SIR,

While the general court was sitting I received a letter from you relating to the unhappy circ.u.mstances the town of Marblehead was then in; but a great variety of business, some of which was very important, prevented my giving you a convincing proof at that time, of the regard with which I am ever disposed to treat your favours. Besides, if it had been in my power to have aided you with advice, I flattered myself, from the information I afterwards had, that the storm, though it raged with so much violence, would soon spend itself, and a calm would ensue. The tumult of the people is very properly compared to the raging of the sea. When the pa.s.sions of a mult.i.tude become headstrong, they generally will have their course: a direct opposition only tends to increase them; and as to reasoning, one may as well expect that the foaming billows will hearken to a lecture of morality and be quiet. The skilful pilot will carefully keep the helm, and so steer the ship while the storm continues, as to prevent, if possible, her receiving injury.

When your pet.i.tion was read in the house, I was fearful that our enemies would make an ill improvement of it. I thought I could discover in the countenances of some a kind of triumph in finding that the friends of liberty themselves, were obliged to have recourse even to military aid, to protect them from the fury of an ungoverned mob. They seemed to me to be disposed to confound the distinction, between a lawless attack upon property in a case where if there had been right there was remedy, and the people's rising in the necessary defence of their liberties, and deliberately, and I may add rationally destroying property, after trying every method to preserve it, and when the men in power had rendered the destruction of that property the only means of securing the property of ALL.

It is probable that such improvement may have been made of the disorders in Marblehead, to prejudice or discredit our manly opposition to the efforts of tyranny; but I hope the friends of liberty will prevent any injury thereby to the common cause: and yet, I cannot but express some fears, that parties and animosities have arisen among the brethren; because I have just now heard from a gentleman of your town, that your committee of correspondence have resolved no more to act! I am loath to believe, nay, I cannot yet believe, that the gentlemen of Marblehead, who have borne so early and so n.o.ble a testimony to the cause of American freedom, will desert that cause, only from a difference of sentiments among themselves concerning a matter which has no relation to it. If my fears are groundless, pray be so kind as to relieve them, by writing to me as soon as you have an opportunity. I shall take it as the greatest act of friendship you can do me. Indeed the matter will soon be put to the trial; for our committee, without the least jealousy, have written a letter to your's, by Mr. G.o.ddard, who is the bearer of this. The contents we think of great importance, and therefore I hope they will have the serious consideration of the gentlemen of your committee.

I am, with strict truth, Your's affectionately,

THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF Ma.s.sACHUSETTS TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.1

[Seventy-Six Society Publications. Papers Relating to Ma.s.sachusetts, pp. 186-192. A draft is in the Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library. A ma.n.u.script text, with autograph signatures, is in the library of the Ma.s.sachusetts Historical Society.]

BOSTON, March 31st, 1774.

SIR:

By the inclosed Papers you will observe the proceedings of the two Houses of a.s.sembly in the late session with regard to the Justices of the Superior Court. The conduct of Administration in advising an annual Grant of the Crown to the Governor and the Judges whereby they are rendered absolutely dependent on the Crown for their being and support, had justly and very thouroughly alarmed the apprehensions of the people. They clearly saw that this measure would complete the Tragedy of American Freedom, for they could conceive of no state of slavery more perfect, than for a Parliament in which they could have no voice to claim a power of making Laws to bind them in all cases whatever, and to exercise that a.s.sumed Power in taking their money from them and appropriating it for the support of Judges who are to execute such laws as that parliament should see fit to make binding upon them, and a Fleet and Army to enforce their subjection to them. No discerning Minister could expect that a people who had not entirely lost the Spirit and Feeling of that Liberty wherewith they had before been made free, would tamely and without a struggle submit to be thus disgraced and enslaved by the most powerful and haughty Nation on Earth. They heard with astonishment that his Majesty, THEIR OWN SOVEREIGN as well as the sovereign of Britain, had been advised by his servants to signify his displeasure at the decent temperate and humble Pet.i.tions of their Representatives, for the redress of this intolerable Grievance merely because they held up principles founded in nature, and confirmed to British Subjects by the British Const.i.tution, and to the subjects in this Province by a sacred charter granted to the inhabitants by his ill.u.s.trious predecessors for themselves their Heirs and successors forever.

They regretted that the Influence of the good Lord Dartmouth upon whose exertions they had placed a confidence could not prevail to gain the Royal attention to their just Complaints being a.s.sured that could his Majesty be truly informed, that the express intention of the Royal Charter was to establish and confirm to his subjects in this Province all the liberties of his natural born subjects within the Realm, to all Intents, Purposes and Constructions whatsoever, they should soon rejoice in the full redress of their Grievances and that he would revoke his Grants to his Governor and Judges and leave the a.s.sembly to support his Governor in the Province in the way and manner prescribed in the Charter according to ancient and uninterrupted usage and conformable to the true spirit of the British Const.i.tution.

The People however forbore to take any extraordinary Measures for the Removal of this dangerous innovation, and trusted to the Prudence and fort.i.tude of their Representatives by whose Influence four of the Judges have been prevailed upon to renounce the Grants of the Crown and to declare their Resolution to depend upon the Grants of the a.s.sembly for their future services. The Chief Justice has acted a different part. The House of Representatives have addressed the Governor and Council to remove him from his Office; they have impeached him of High Crimes and misdemeanors, the Governor has refused, even though requested by the Council, to appoint a time to determine on the matter, and finally the House have Resolved that they have done all in their Power in their capacity to effect his removal and that the Governor's refusal was presumed to be because he received HIS support from the Crown.

As the Papers inclosed contain so fully the Sentiments of the two Houses concerning this important matter, it is needless to make any observations thereon. The a.s.sembly is prorogued and it is expected will soon be Dissolved. Doubtless the People who in general are greatly agitated with the conduct of the Governor, will AT LEAST speculate very freely upon a subject so interesting to them. They see with resentment the effect of the Governor's independency, That he is resolved to save a favorite (with whom he has a connection by the intermarriage of their children) and therein to set a precedent for future Independent Governors to establish any corrupt officers against the remonstrances of the Representative Body. They despair of any Const.i.tutional remedy, while the Governor of the Province is thus dependant upon Ministers of State against the most flagrant oppressions of a corrupt Officer. They take it for certain that SUCH a Governor will forever screen the conduct of SUCH an officer from examination and prevent his removal, if he has reason to think it is expected he should so do by those upon whose favor he depends.

On the other hand his Majesty's Ministers, unless they are blinded by the plausible Colourings of designing men may see, that by the present measures the People are provoked and irritated to such a degree, that it is not in the Power of a Governor(whom they look upon as a mere Instrument of Power) though born and educated in the Country, and for a long time possessed of a great share of the confidence and affections of the People now to carry a single point which they the ministers can recommend to him. And this will always be the case let who will be Governor while by being made totally dependent on the Crown or perhaps more strictly speaking upon the Ministry, he is thus aliened from the People whose good he is and ought to be appointed. In such a state what is to be expected but warm and angry Debates between the Governor and the two Houses (while the a.s.sembly is sitting instead of the joint consultation for the public Welfare) and violent commotions among the People? It will be in vain for any to expect that the people of this Country will now be contented with a partial and temporary relief, or that they will be amused by Court promises while they see not the least relaxation of Grievances. By the vigilance and activity of Committees of Correspondence among the several towns in the Province they have been wonderfully enlightened and animated.

They are united in sentiment and their opposition to unconst.i.tutional Measures of Government in become systematical, Colony communicates freely with Colony. There is a common Affection * * * * * * * * * * * * * whole continent is now become united in sentiment and opposition to tyranny. Their old good will and affection for the Parent Country is not however lost, if she returns to her former moderation and good humor their affection will revive. They wish for nothing more than permanent union with her upon the condition of equal liberty. This is all they have been contending for and nothing short of this will or ought to satisfy them. When formerly the Kings of England have encroached upon the Liberties of their Subjects, the subjects have thought it their Duty to themselves and their Posterity to contend with them until they were restored to the footing of the Const.i.tution. The events of such struggles have sometimes proved fatal to Crowned Heads--perhaps they have never issued but Establishments of the People's Liberties. In those times it was not thought reasonable to say, that since the King had claimed such or such a Power the People MUST yield it to him because it would not be for the Honor of his Majesty to recede from his Claim. If the People of Britain must needs flatter themselves that they collectively are the Sovereign of America, America will never consent that they should govern them arbitrarily, or without known and stipulated Rules. But the matter is not so considered here: Britain and the Colonies are considered as distinct Governments under the King. Britain has a Const.i.tution the envy of all Foreigners, to which it has ever been the safety as well of Kings as of subjects steadfastly to adhere. Each Colony has also a Const.i.tution in its Charter or other Inst.i.tution of Government; all of which agree in this that the fundamental Laws of the British Const.i.tution shall be the Basis.

That Const.i.tution by no means admits of Legislation without representation. Why then should the Parliament of Britain which notwithstanding all its Ideas of transcendant Power must forever be circ.u.mscribed within the limits of that Const.i.tution, insist upon the right of legislation for the people of America without their having Representation there? It cannot be justified by their own Const.i.tuion. The Laws of Nature and Reason abhor it; yet because she has claimed such a Power, her Honor truly is concerned still to a.s.sert and excise it, and she may not recede.

Will such kind of reasoning bear the test of Examination! Or rather will it not be an eternal disgrace to any nation which considers her Honor concerned to employ Fleets and Armies for the Support of a claim which she cannot in Reason defend, merely because she has once in anger made such a Claim? It is the misfortune of Britain and the Colonies that flagitious Men on both sides the Water have made it their Interest to foment divisions, Jealousies, and animosities between them, which perhaps will never subside until the Extent of Power and Right on each part is more explicitly stipulated than has ever yet been thought necessary, and although such a stipulation should prove a lasting advantage on each side, yet considering that the views and designs of those men were to do infinite mischief and to establish a Tyranny upon the Ruins of a free const.i.tution they deserve the vengeance of the public, and till the memory of them shall be erased by time, they will most a.s.suredly meet with the execrations of Posterity.

Our Lieutenant Governor Oliver is now dead.2 This event affords the Governor a Plea for postponing his voyage to England till further orders. Had the Government by the absence of BOTH devolved on the Council, his Majesty's service (which has been frequently pleaded to give a Colouring to measures destructive of the true Interests of his Subjects) would we are persuaded, have been really promoted. Among other things the Grants of the House which in the late session were repeated for the services of our Agents would have been pa.s.sed. There is a degree of Insult in the Governor's refusal of his consent to those Grants, for as his refusal is grounded upon the Hopes that our Friends will thereby be discouraged from further serving us, it is as much as to say that there will be no Agents unless the a.s.sembly will be content with such as he shall prescribe for their choice. The House by a Message urged the Governor to enable them to do their Agents Justice but in vain. This and other instances serve to show that the Powers vested in the Governor are exercised to injure and Provoke the People.

We judge it to be the expectation of the House of Representatives that you should warmly solicit the Earl of Dartmouth for his Interest that as well as other instructions which are grievous to us, more particularly those which relate to the disposition of our public * * * * * that which restrains the Governor from consenting * * * * * to the Agents may be recalled. And his Lordship ought to consider his Interest in this particular not as a PERSONAL favor done to you but as a piece of Justice done to the Province; and in the same light we strongly recommend it to your own Consideration especially as we hope for a change in the Government.

We now write to you by the direction of the House of Representatives to the Committee of Correspondence, and are with very great Regard,

In the name of the Committe Sir, Your most humble servants,

______________________________________________________________ 1Signed by Samuel Adams, John Hanc.o.c.k, William Phillips and William Heath. [back]

2Cf. Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, vol. i., pp. 436, 437.

TO JAMES WARREN.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON March 31 1774

MY DEAR SIR,

I have been for some time past waiting for the Arrival of a ship from London, that I might have something of Importance to communicate to you. No ship has yet arrived. I cannot however omit writing to you by our worthy Friend Mr Watson, by whom I recd your obliging Letter of the 27 Instant.

Altho we have had no Arrival from Londn directly to this place, we have heard from thence by the way of Philadelphia as you have observd in the News papers. The Account they first receivd of our opposition to the East India Act, as it is called, particularly the transactions at Liberty Tree, they treated with Scorn & Ridicule; but when they heard of the Resolves of the Body of the people at the old South Meeting house, the place from whence the orders issued for the removal of the Troops in 1770, they put on grave Countenances. No Notice is taken of America in the Kings Speech. Our Tories tell us to expect Regiments [to be] quarterd among us. What Measures an unjudicious Ministry, (to say the least of them) will take, cannot easily at present be foreseen; it will be wise for us to be ready for ALL EVENTS, that WE MAY MAKE THE BEST IMPROVEMENT OF THEM. It is probable that Mr Hutchinson will make the Death of his Brother Oliver a plea for postponing a Voyage to London, and if Troops should arrive IT MAY BE BEST THAT HE SHOULD BE HERE.--I never suffer my Mind to be ever much disturbd with Prospects. Sufficient for the Day is the Evil thereof. It is our Duty at all Hazards to preserve the publick Liberty. Righteous Heaven will graciously smile on every manly and rational Attempt to secure that best of all his Gifts to Man, from the ravishing Hand of lawless & brutal Power.

Mr Watson will inform you, what Steps [the] Come of Correspondence have taken with regard to the Establishment of a Post Office upon const.i.tutional Principles. Mr G.o.ddard, who brot us Letters from New York, Newport & Providence relating to that Subject, is gone with Letters from us to the princ.i.p.al trading Towns as far as Portsmouth. I will acquaint you with the State of the Affair when he returns, and our Come will I doubt not, then write to yours. The Colonies must unite to carry thro such [a]

Project, and when the End is effected it will be a pretty grand Acquisition.

I refer you also to Mr Watson, who can inform you respecting one of your Protecters who has been in Town. The Tryumph of your Tories as well as ours will I hope be short. We must not however boast as he that putteth off the Harness. H--n is politically sick and [I] fancy despairs of returning Health. The "law learning" Judge I am told is in the Horrors and the late Lieutenant (joynt Author of a late Pamphlet int.i.tled Letters &c.) a few Weeks ago "died & was buried"--Excuse me from enlarging at present. I intend to convince you that I am "certainly a Man of my Word"--In the mean time with a.s.surance of unfeigned Friendship for Mrs Warren and your agreable Family, in which Mrs Adams joyns, I remain

Yours Affectionately,

THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MARBLEHEAD.1

[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library; a text, with slight modifications, is in J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i. pp. 39-42.]

BOSTON April 2d 1774

GENTLEMEN

Yesterday we receivd your Letter dated the 22d of March, wherein we have the disagreeable Intelligence of your "having resignd the several offices in which you have acted for the Town" of Marblehead, and that you shall "accept them no more--without material Alteration in the Conduct of the Inhabitants."

When we heard of the unhappy Circ.u.mstances of that Town--The Contest that had arisen to so great a Degree of Violence on Account of the Hospital lately erected there, it gave us great Concern and Anxiety, lest it might issue to the Prejudice of the Common Cause of American Freedom. We were apprehensive that the Minds of the Zealous Friends of that good Cause, being warmly agitated in such a Controversy, would become thereby disaffected to each other, and that the Advantage which we have hitherto experienced from their united Efforts would cease. We are confirmd that our Fears were not ill grounded, by your relinquishing a Post, which, in our Opinion, and we dare say in the Opinion of your Fellow Townsmen you sustaind with Honor to your selves and Advantage to your Country. But Gentlemen, Suffer us to ask, Whether you well considerd, that although you derivd your Being as a Committee of Correspondence from that particular Town which appointed you, yet in the Nature of your office, while they continued you in it you stood connected in a peculiar Relation with your Country. If this be a just View of it, Should the ill Conduct of the Inhabitants of Marblehead towards you, influence you to decline serving the publick in this office, any more than that of the Inhabitants of this or any other Town? And would you not therefore have continued in that office, though you had been obligd to resign every other office you held under the Town, without Injury to your own Reputation? Besides will the Misfortune end in this Resignation? Does not the Step naturally lead you to withdraw your selves totally from the publick Meetings of the Town, however important to the Common Cause, by which the other firm Friends to that honorable Cause may feel the Want of your Influence and Aid, at a time when, as you well express it "a FATAL Thrust may be aimed at our Rights and Liberties," and it may be necessary that all should appear, & "as one Body" oppose the Design & defeat the Rebel Intent? Should not the Disorders that have prevaild and still prevail in the Town of Marblehead, have been a weighty Motive rather for your taking Measures to strengthen your Connections with the People than otherwise; that you might in Conjunction with other prudent Men, have employed your Influence & Abilities in reducing to the Exercise of Reason those who had been governd by Prejudice and Pa.s.sion, & they have brought the Contest to an equitable & amicable Issue, which would certainly have been to your own Satisfaction. If Difficulties stared you in the Face, it is a good Maxim NIL DESPERANDUM; and are you sure that it was impracticable for you, by Patience and a.s.siduity, to have restored "Order & Distinction" and renderd the publick offices of the Town again respectable?

It is difficult to enumerate all the Instances in which our Enemies, as watchful as they are inveterate, will make an ill Improvement of your Letter of resignation. And therefore we earnestly wish that a Method may yet be contrived for the Recalling of it consistent with your own Sentiments. We a.s.sure our Selves that personal Considerations will not be sufferd to have an undue Weight in your Minds, when the publick Liberty in which is involvd the Happiness of your own as well as the Children of those who have ill treated you, & whom to rescue from Bondage will afford you the most exalted Pleasure, is in Danger of suffering Injury.

We wish most ardently that by the Exercise of Moderation & Prudence the Differences subsisting among the good People of Marblehead may be settled upon righteous Terms. And as we are informd that the Town at their late Meeting did not see Cause to make Choice of other Gentlemen in your Room in Consequence of your declining to serve any longer as a Committee of Correspondence, we beg Leave still to consider & address you in that Character.

We are with unfeigned Respect,

________________________________________________________________ 1Addressed to "Azor Orne Esqr & other Gentlemen of the Committee of Correspondence for Marblehead."