The Transvaal from Within Part 38

Major Hon. Charles Coventry 2nd in command.

Captain Gosling, commanding G Troop.

Sub-Lieutenants h.o.a.re and Wood, commanding G Troop.

Captain Munroe, commanding K Troop.

Sub-Lieutenant McQueen, commanding K Troop.

Medical Officer Surgeon Garraway.

Veterinary Surgeon Lakie.

M.M. Police officers and men 372 Pitsani Staff 13 camp.

Colony boys (leading horses, etc.) 65 Horses 480 Mules 128 One 12-1/2-pounder, 6 Maxims, 6 Scotch carts, 1 Cape cart, 2 grain waggons.

B.B. Police officers and men 122 Mafeking Staff 1 column.

Drivers and leaders 10 Horses 160 Mules 30 Two 7-pounders, 2 Maxims, 2 Scotch carts, 2 Cape carts.

Officers and men 494 Totals.

Staff 14 Drivers, leaders, etc. 75 Horses 640 Mules 158 M.H. Maxims 8 12-1/2-pounder 1 7-pounder 2 Scotch carts 8 Cape carts 3 AMMUNITION.

Rounds.

Carried by men and natives 50,000 Lee-Met.

Carried in Scotch carts and Cape carts 54,000 rifle.

------- Total 104,000 =======

On the guns 17,000 Maxim.

In carts 28,000 ------- Total 45,000 =======

On limber 44 12-1/2 On one Scotch cart 80 pounders.

------- Total 124 =======

On limbers 70 7-pounders.

In Scotch carts 172 ------- Total 242 ======= The rifle ammunition used was that supplied by the Maxim firm for their guns and also pellet powder.

The powder used with the 12-1/2-pounder was that known as 'ballist.i.te.' Rocket signals and limelights were carried, but not used.

EQUIPMENT CARRIED.

On the Person.

(a) Rifle (10 rounds).

(b) Bandolier (60 rounds).

(c) Haversack (1/2 day's ration).

(d) Water-bottle filled.

On the Saddle.

(a) Nosebag (5 lb. grain).

(b) Cloak on wallet.

(c) Rifle bucket.

(d) Patrol tin (with grocery ration).

(e) Leather axe-holder (every fourth man).

Near-side wallet, 30 rounds and 1/2 day's rations.

Off-side wallet, 20 rounds, tin dubbin, hold-all, and towel.

Average weight carried by horse = 16 stone.

Average weight carried by Scotch carts = 1,600 lb.

Footnotes for Appendix H

{55} The letters are published in their proper place, and readers can satisfy themselves as to whether they justify the above inference.

{56} Note. July, 1899. In the Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons (No. 311 of 1897), page 298, are the following:-

Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman: "Did you understand that you were to meet a considerable force at Krugersdorp coming from Johannesburg?"

Sir John Willoughby: Not when we started from Pitsani, but certainly after the letters received from the cyclists.

APPENDIX I.

MANIFESTO.

If I am deeply sensible of the honour conferred upon me by being elected chairman of the National Union, I am profoundly impressed with the responsibilities attached to the position. The issues to be faced in this country are so momentous in character that it has been decided that prior to the holding of a public meeting a review of the condition of affairs should be placed in your hands, in order that you may consider matters quietly in your homes. It has also been decided that it will be wise to postpone the meeting which was to have taken place on the 27th December until the 6th day of January next.

On that day you will have made up your minds on the various points submitted to you, and we will ask you for direction as to our future course of action. It is almost unnecessary to recount all the steps which have been taken by the National Union, and I shall therefore confine myself to a very short review of what has been done.

THE THREE PLANKS.

The const.i.tution of the National Union is very simple. The three objects which we set before ourselves are: (1) The maintenance of the independence of the Republic, (2) the securing of equal rights, and (3) the redress of grievances. This brief but comprehensive programme has never been lost sight of, and I think we may challenge contradiction fearlessly when we a.s.sert that we have const.i.tutionally, respectfully, and steadily prosecuted our purpose. Last year you will remember a respectful pet.i.tion, praying for the franchise, signed by 13,000 men, was received with contemptuous laughter and jeers in the Volksraad. This year the Union, apart from smaller matters, endeavoured to do three things.

THE RAAD ELECTIONS.

First we were told that a Progressive spirit was abroad, that twelve out of twenty-four members of the First Volksraad had to be elected, and we might reasonably hope for reform by the type of broad-minded men who would be elected. It was therefore resolved that we should do everything in our power to a.s.sist in the election of the best men who were put up by the const.i.tuencies, and everything that the law permitted us to do in this direction was done.

DISAPPOINTED HOPES.

The result has been only too disappointing, as the record of the debates and the division list in the Volksraad prove. We were moreover told that public speeches in Johannesburg prevented the Progressive members from getting a majority of the Raad to listen to our requests, that angry pa.s.sions were inflamed, and that if we would only hold our tongues reform would be brought about. We therefore resolved in all loyalty to abstain from inflaming angry pa.s.sions, although we never admitted we had by act or speech given reason for legislators to refuse justice to all. Hence our silence for a long time.

THE RAILWAY CONCESSION NEXT.

We used all our influence to get the Volksraad to take over the railway concession, but, alas! the President declared with tears in his voice that the independence of the country was wrapped up in this question, and a submissive Raad swept the pet.i.tions from the table.

THE FRANCHISE PEt.i.tION.

Our great effort however was the pet.i.tion for the franchise, with the moderate terms of which you are all acquainted. This pet.i.tion was signed by more than 38,000 persons. What was the result? We were called unfaithful for not naturalizing ourselves, when naturalization means only that we should give up our original citizenship and get nothing in return, and become subject to disabilities. Members had the calm a.s.surance to state, without any grounds whatever, that the signatures were forgeries; and, worst of all, one member in an inflammatory speech challenged us openly to fight for our rights, and his sentiment seemed to meet with considerable approval. This is the disappointing result of our honest endeavours to bring about a fusion between the people of this State, and the true union and equality which alone can be the basis of prosperity and peace. You all know that as the law now stands we are virtually excluded for ever from getting the franchise, and by a malignant ingenuity our children born here are deprived of the rights of citizenship unless their fathers take an oath of allegiance, which brings them nothing but disabilities.

THE BITTER CRY OF THE 'UITLANDER.'

We are the vast majority in this State. We own more than half the land, and, taken in the aggregate, we own at least nine-tenths of the property in this country; yet in all matters affecting our lives, our liberties, and our properties, we have absolutely no voice. Dealing now first with the legislature, we find taxation is imposed upon us without any representation whatever, that taxation is wholly inequitable, (a) because a much greater amount is levied from the people than is required for the needs of Government; (b) because it is either cla.s.s taxation pure and simple, or by the selection of the subjects, though nominally universal, it is made to fall upon our shoulders; and (c) because the necessaries of life are unduly burdened.

ABUSE OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE.

Expenditure is not controlled by any public official independent of the Government. Vast sums are squandered, while the Secret Service Fund is a dark mystery to everybody. But, essential as the power to control taxation and expenditure is to a free people, there are other matters of the gravest importance which are equally precious. The Legislature in this country is the supreme power, apparently uncontrolled by any fixed Const.i.tution. The chance will of a majority in a Legislature elected by one-third of the people is capable of dominating us in every relation of life, and when we remember that those who hold power belong to a different race, speak a different language, and have different pursuits from ourselves, that they regard us with suspicion, and even hostility; that, as a rule, they are not educated men, and that their pa.s.sions are played upon by unscrupulous adventurers, it must be admitted that we are in very grave danger.

TRIBUTE TO THE MODERATES.