The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkarimur to Beowulf Part 7

Geirleifus[167]

Gunnleifus[167]

Frotho II Vermundus Dan I Dan II[168]

Hiarnus[169] Frotho III Fridleus II[170] Fridleifus II Frotho IV Frotho IV Ingellus Ingjaldus, Halfda.n.u.s Olauus[171]

Frotho V, Haraldus[172] Agnerus, Roericus, Roas or Roe, Helgo Haraldus,[173] Halda.n.u.s,[174] Frotho (V)[175] Rolpho Krag

A comparison of the two lines of kings shows that, beginning with the first Fridleus in Saxo's account and the first Fridleifus in the _Skj?ldungasaga's_ account, there are important correspondences.

Fridleus I (Saxo) = Fridleifus I (_Skjs._). Frotho III, son of Fridleus I (Saxo) = Frotho I, son of Fridleifus I (_Skjs._). Fridleus II, son of Frotho III (Saxo) = Fridleifus II, son of Frotho III (_Skjs._). Frotho IV (Saxo) = Frotho IV (_Skjs._); and in both sources Frotho IV is the Danish king in whose career Swerting plays such a prominent part. By omitting all of Saxo's kings between Scioldus and Fridleifus I, among whom are also the Hroar-Helgi group, the _Skj?ldungasaga_ has avoided the difficulty of having to deal with Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki where they first occur in Saxo's history.

The paralleling of the two lines of kings also furnishes the key to the explanation of how the different names and a different setting for the Hroar-Helgi story, from those found in other versions, got into Saxo's version. Since the Hroar-Helgi story appears in the same place in his line of kings as in that of the _Skj?ldungasaga_, he must also have known the names that really belonged to the story. But he had told the story about Halfdan, Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki (in its second stage of development, see p. 66) once before, and therefore could not consistently tell a different story about the same men. The story was, however, in existence and was too good to be discarded, so he retained it, but disguised it by making arbitrary changes. This explains the loss, which otherwise would be very strange, of such well known names as Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki. The only incentive any one could have to change the names would be just that which Saxo had, namely that he had used them before in another connection. He retained the name Frothi, which appears so often in the Danish line of kings that its reappearance would cause no difficulty; and his retention of Frothi as the slayer of his brother is additional evidence that to him, not to Ingjald, was this unenviable role first a.s.signed. Ingjald, whom he has in his story about Hrolf Kraki, he also retained, but in a different relationship from that in his second book. It will be observed that Saxo merely shifted the name Halfdan from father to son, and that Harald, almost a conventional name, he employed twice. Finally, he introduced a strange person, Olaf, about whom, he says, nothing, practically, was known.

But since Saxo has the Hroar-Helgi story substantially as it is in the _Hrolfssaga_, except for the changed names, the author of the _Skj?ldungasaga_, or its source, whose version of the story occurs in the same place in the line of Danish kings as Saxo's, must also have known the story in the same version. This we shall find was actually the case, and that the story as it appears in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ is an attempt at reconciling conflicting elements in ancient tradition.

As already stated, according to the _Grottas?ngr_ (from about 950), Frothi is the brother of Halfdan and slays him. But according to an equally old tradition, the story on which the Ingjald lay in Saxo's sixth book is based, Frothi is Ingjald's father and is himself slain.

The events that gave rise to this lay are also narrated in Saxo's sixth book and are as follows.

In Saxony were two kings, both of whom paid tribute to Frothi. They planned to throw off the foreign yoke. Hanef made the attempt first, but Frothi defeated and slew him. Swerting made the attempt later and slew Frothi, but met his own death at the same time. Swerting's sons, fearing that Ingjald would avenge his father's death, gave him their sister in marriage. Thus a reconciliation was effected, and Ingjald thenceforth devoted himself to pleasure. Starkad, the famous warrior, who was in Sweden, had been one of Frothi's men and had later been Ingjald's foster-father. When Starkad learned that Ingjald, instead of seeking revenge, had made friends with his enemies and had taken Swerting's daughter to wife and with her was leading a life of luxury, the old warrior hastened back to Denmark. When Starkad returned, Ingjald's wife, not knowing him on account of his shabby appearance, insulted him.

Ingjald was away on a hunt at the time; but when he returned, he recognized Starkad and told his wife who the old man was. In the evening Ingjald sat down to a luxurious meal with Swerting's sons; and his wife did all she could to appease Starkad, who was also present. But Starkad could not forget the insult he had suffered, and became more and more angry with the effeminate way of living that Ingjald and his wife had introduced from Germany. In burning words, which are reproduced in the Ingjald lay, he condemned Ingjald's neglect of duty, his luxurious mode of life, and his living in friendship with those on whom he should have avenged his father's death. Ingjald was finally aroused, and he drew his sword and killed all of Swerting's sons. In regard to his future relation to his wife Saxo says nothing; but as Starkad advised him to drive the impudent woman (as he called her) from the land, the presumption is that Ingjald did so.

The Ingjald lay has its roots in _Beowulf_. Its relationship to the corresponding episode in the Anglo-Saxon poem is explained in the following by Olrik:--

"Kun et eneste af Starkad-digtningens mange optrin kan folges til aeldre kilde end de nordiske. Det er den scene, hvor den gamle kriger opaegger Ingjald til haevn og dermed afbryder forsoningen imellem de to fjendtlige slaegter. I _Beowulf_ findes dette optrin for forste gang, ganske afvigende i den politiske stilling, men med kendeligt slaegtskab i det digterske indhold.

"Digtet fortaeller on det forsog der blev gjort p at stille den lange fejde, der var fort mellem Danernes folk og Hadbardernes, af Halvdan og Hrodgar imod Frode og Ingeld. Forsoningen skulde frembringes ved bryllup mellem Ingeld og Hrodgars datter Freyvar (Freaware). 'Hun blev lovet, ung og guldsmykt, til Frodes hulde son; det bar tyktes Skjoldungers ven s, rigets vogter (i.e., Hrodgar) har fundet det rdeligt, at ved den viv skulde tvisten og dodsfejden stilles. Ofte, ej sjaelden, hviler dog dodsspyddet kun foje tid efter mandefald, hvor gaev s bruden er. Da m det mistykke Hadbardernes drot og hver thegn af det folk, nr ban gr med jomfruen i hallen, at en hirdsvend af Danerne skaenked for skaren; ti p ham strler faedrenes eje, hrdt og ringlagt, Hadbardernes klenodier, slaenge de ejede de vben (indtil de misted i skjoldelegen de kaere faeller og deres eget liv). Da maeler ved ollet en gammel spydkaempe, der ser skatten, og mindes al maendenes undergang; grum er hans hu. Fuld af harm begynder ban at friste en ung kaempes hu med hvad der bor i hans bryst: "Kender du, min ven, denne klinge, som din fader bar til svaerdstaevnet sidste gang--dette kostelige jaern--dengang Danerne slog ham; de beholdt valpladsen, de raske Skjoldunger; siden kom der aldrig oprejsning efter kaempernes fald. Nu gr her afkom af de banemaend her i hallen, pralende af skattene, bryster sig af drabet, baerer det klenodie som du med ret skulde eje!"--Sledes maner og minder han atter og atter med srende ord, indtil den stund kommer, at jomfruens svend segner blodig ned for klingens bid, skilt ved livet for sin faders dd; men den anden (i.e., drabsmanden) undflyr levende, han kender vel landet. Da brydes fra begge sider aedlingernes edspagt; i Ingeld koger dodshadet, men kaerligheden til hans viv kolnes efter den harm. Derfor kalder jeg ikke Hadbardernes trofasthed, deres del i folkefreden, svigelos mod Danerne, deres venskab ikke fast.'[176]

"Trods den antydende stil i digtets fremstilling, sledes som den laegges helten Beovulf i munden, er handlingens sammenhaeng nogenlunde tydelig. Der bar vaeret gammel fejde mellem Daner og Hadbarder; hvis man kan tro betydningen af et ikke helt sikkert ord, er ogs Hadbardernes konge (Frode) falden i striden. Ingeld, Frodes son, s.l.u.tter fred med Danernes konge Hrodgar og holder bryllup med hans datter. Under selve bryllupet blusser kampen op, idet en af brudesvendene bliver draebt af en af Hadbarderne, som en gammel kaempe bar aegget op til at haevne sin faders dod. Bryllupet (og drabet) foregr--efter digtets fremstilling--snarest i Hadbardernes kongehal; ti det hedder, at drabsmanden undslap fordi ban kendte landet. Ingelds rolle er indskrasnket til at hans kaerlighed til kongedatteren 'kolnes'; at hun er bleven forskudt eller selv er vendt hjem, fremgr deraf, at hun i digtet gr i den danske kongehal som ugift og skaenker for kaemperne.

"Kampen naevnes en gang til, i _Beowulfs_ begyndelse, daer hvor det hedder on den danske kongehal Hjort: 'den opleved fjendske ildbolger, haerjende lue; det var ikke laenge efter at kamphadet vgned efter [gammelt] dodsfjendskab mellem svigerson og svigerfader.'[177] Disse ord--der naeppe stammer fra den egenlige Beowulfdigter--indeholder en afvigende fremstilling: bryllupskampen str i den danske kongehal, og synes at vaere opfattet som storre og voldsommere end en enkelt mands mord og hans banemands undslipning.

At sagnet vakler med hensyn til stedet, er ikke s underligt.

Historiske forhold viser, at bryllup snart er holdt i svigersonnens, snart i svigerfaderens hjem.

"Ogs Widsi-kvadet taler on en kamp 'i Hjort' (at Heorote), hvor Ingeld og hans Hadbarder skal have lidt et nederlag mod Hrodgar og hans broderson Hrodulf. Det er rimeligst, at ogs dette er hentydning til det blodige bryllup, opfattet p lignende mde og henlagt til samme skueplads som i den nysnaevnte antydning.

"Handlingen foregr i Ingelds kongehal, og indholdet er at en gammel kaempe bevaeger en ung til i selve hallen at draebe sonnen af sin faders banemand, herved blusser det gamle fjendskab mellem folkene op, og Ingeld forskyder sin udenlandske hustru.

"Forskellen er den, at i _Beowulf_ er faderhaevneren en fra Ingeld forskellig person. Dette er sikkert det aeldre, og Ingjaldskvadets det yngre. Det gaelder som en lov for episk udvikling, at man arbejder sig hen imod det enklere; hvis to personer udforer beslaegtede handlinger, vil den ene af dem forsvinde; og i kraft af digtningens midtpunktsogen, vil bifiguren g ud af spillet, hans rolle vil enten blive til intet eller overtages af hovedpersonen.

Digtningen har gjort et stort skridt frem i episk taetning, da Ingeld blev bde faderhaevner og den der forskod sin hustru; det hele drama udspilles nu imellem den unge konge og den gamle stridsmand.

"Episk er omdannelsen naturlig nok; nationalt er den meget maerkeligere. Det er ikke s underligt, at den aeldre form handler om Daner og Hadbarder, den yngre om Daner og Sakser. Men det overraskende er, at Hadbardernes parti gores til 'Daner' og de tidligere Daner til 'Saksere'; den danske heltetradition er her ganske vildfarende i, hvem der er folkets egne forfaedre, og hvem der er dets bitreste fjender. Dog ogs dette bliver episk forklarligt. Bevidstheden om Hadbarderne, der engang havde fyldt Danerne med raedsel, svandt efterhnden bort, fordi ostersoegnenes hele aetniske stilling forandredes. Ikke en eneste gang er deres navn overleveret i samtlige den nordiske literatur! Men hvor synskres og navne glemmes, drages personer og optrin naermere til.

Efter Vendernes indvandring til ostersokysten bliver alle dens gamle sagnhelte opfattede som Danske: Anglernes Offa, Hadbardernes Ingeld, Holmrygernes Hagena. Senere i tiden flytter ogs andre af den gotiske verdens store sagnskikkelser nordp: minder om Hunnerslaget overfores p Danmarks sydgraense (Dan, Fredfrode); Volsunger, Nibelunger, Didrikskaemper--alle blev til en eller anden tid gjorte til vore landsmaend, efter ganske samme naerhedslov, hvormed Nordmaendene gjorde danske kaemper som Starkad og Bjarke til norske helte. I og for sig er der intet maerkeligere i, at Ingeld og den opaeggende gamle spydkaempe gores til Daner. Som _Bjarkeml_ blev udgangs.p.u.n.kt for ganske uhistoriske forestillinger on Skjoldungaetten, sker det ogs her--i endnu storre mlestok.

Ingjaldsk vadet bar bortkastet alt det historiske stof, undtagen den gamle kaempes harmtale, og det skaber en ny episk sammenhaeng, som det gennemforer paa glimrende mde.

"Nu forstaar vi Ingelds nationalitetsskifte. Det maerkelige er blot, at de oprindelige Daner blev gjorte til Saksere. Men ogs, dette folger af den episke udvikling. Nr den gamle kaempe er det punkt der tiltraekkes (fordi han er det poetiske tyngdepunkt), m hans modparti frastodes og gores til Danefolkets fjender. Nogen selvstaendig betydning ejer denne part jo ikke.

"Udtalt i jaevnere ord vil dette sige, at man i vikingetiden tog et gammelt sagnstof og deri fandt udtryk for sin tids store oplevelse, sammenstodet mellem Danmark og et maegtigt 'saksisk' rige.[178]

"Det eneste nye navn, vi moder, er betegnelsen 'Svertings sonner.'

I aeldre digtning (_Beowulf_) er 'Svertings aetling' Geaternes konge; men da bevidstheden on 'Geaterne' blegnede, er navnet vel sprunget over og er knyttet til en kendt folkestamme, Sakserne. Grunden dertil er muligvis kun, at det danner bogstavrim med Sakser, og at det sproglig har en biklang af sort, i.e., ond og listig, der gjorde det egnet til at bruges om Danernes fjender."[179]

The significance of this is, first, that in the Ingjald lay we are dealing with old material; secondly, that the account of the relationship in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ between Frothi and Swerting and their families is based on the Ingjald lay; thirdly, that when the nationality of Swerting and those a.s.sociated with him is changed from Saxon to Swedish, it is merely another stage in the development of the story, quite in line with earlier changes made to keep the story in harmony with changing conditions.

Thus we have two stories, based on the same events (events first related in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_), that come down to posterity by two independent lines of transmission and suffer changes in the course of time that bring them into absolute conflict with each other. According to both stories, Frothi has become a Danish king. But in the story connected with the Ingjald lay, Frothi is slain, and is avenged by his son, Ingjald; while in the _Hrolfssaga_, Frothi is his brother's slayer, on whom vengeance is taken by the sons (Hroar and Helgi) of his victim (Halfdan). In the _Skj?ldungasaga_, the conflict is obviated. It is done very deftly and with only such disturbances of the genealogical relations involved as seemed necessary to secure the desired result. As a consequence, the changes that have been made, for which, in most instances, the reasons are quite apparent, can be traced step by step.

The story as we have it in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ is, therefore, plainly an artificial amalgamation designed princ.i.p.ally to harmonize conflicting stories about Frothi.

The genealogy in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ is as follows:--

Swerting Frothi Jorund daughter __________________________________________ daughter Ingjald Sigrith Halfdan ________ _____________ _________________________ [180] Agnar Hrorik Frothi Eng. Lady Hroar Helgi Signy Saevil ________ _____ Hrolf Kraki

Below is the same genealogy with the portions enclosed that, on the one hand, are taken from the Ingjald lay (Frothi, Swerting, etc.) and, on the other, from the _Hrolfssaga_ (Halfdan, Sigrith, etc.). The names in italics are found in the _Hrolfssaga_, but, with the exception of ogn, whose name is omitted altogether, are employed in another connection in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ (see the foregoing table):--

Swerting Frothi Jorund daughter _________________________________________ .--------------------------------------.

daughter Ingjald Sigrith _Frothi_[181] Halfdan ____ ________ ___________ _________________________ '-------------------' Agnar Hrorik Frothi Eng. Lady Hroar Helgi Signy Saevil (_ogn_) ________ _____ _Agnar_ Hrolf Kraki _Hrok_ '--------------------------------------'

It will be observed that the following changes have been made to produce the family relationship as we find it in the _Skj?ldungasaga_. Frothi is removed as Halfdan's brother and becomes his father, a change suggested, probably, by the tradition related in Saxo's second book that Frothi was Halfdan's father, and facilitated by the fact that, in the _Hrolfssaga_, the father of Halfdan and Frothi is not mentioned, and, as a result, presents no impediment to the change. But to explain how Halfdan has become Frothi's son, a new relationship has to be invented, so Frothi is said to have the son Halfdan by the daughter of Jorund. According to the _Hrolfssaga_, Halfdan is slain by his brother. This idea, in the abstract, is retained. But, according to the new arrangement, Ingjald, Frothi's son, has become Halfdan's brother, i.e., half-brother; hence, Ingjald slays Halfdan. According to the _Hrolfssaga_, Halfdan's brother and slayer marries his widow, Sigrith.[182] This idea is also retained.

In the _Hrolfssaga_, it is Frothi who slays his brother, Halfdan, and marries his widow, Sigrith. But, according to the new arrangement, Ingjald is Halfdan's brother and slayer; hence, it is now he who marries Sigrith. According to the _Hrolfssaga_, Agnar is Hroar's son; but this, apparently, is not according to current tradition. According to Saxo's second book, he is Ingjald's son and is slain by Bjarki. This conception of him occurs in the _Hrolfssaga_ also, but towards the close, where Bjarki, in recounting his own achievements, mentions his having slain Agnar. This Agnar is not Hroar's son, but the Agnar of the _Skj?ldungasaga_ and of Saxo's second book. The _Skj?ldungasaga_, therefore, properly retains him as Ingjald's son and omits him as Hroar's son. Hrok and Hrorik are the same person. According to the _Hrolfssaga_, he is the son of Saevil and Signy. Olrik has about a page of comment on him,[183] in which he shows that he (Hrethric, Hrothgar's son, in _Beowulf_) was originally regarded as Hroar's son, but, for reasons that need not here be rehea.r.s.ed, became a fluctuating character.

The _Skj?ldungasaga_ has made him the son of Ingjald. In the _Hrolfssaga_, Hroar is said to have married an English lady named ogn.

The _Skj?ldungasaga_ also says that Hroar married an English lady, but omits her name. Finally, Ingjald is given another son, Frothi. He corresponds to Frothi V in Saxo. In Saxo, however, Frothi is the slayer of his brother and corresponds to the Frothi who appears in the _Hrolfssaga_ as the slayer of Halfdan. As the Frothi who appears in the _Hrolfssaga_ becomes, in the _Skj?ldungasaga_, the father of Halfdan, and Ingjald becomes Halfdan's slayer, Frothi, Ingjald's son, is, as a consequence, a.s.signed the role of joining his brother Hrorik in slaying his half-brother Hroar. Thus the idea of Frothi (corresponding to Frothi V in Saxo) as a fratricide is retained. But as Ingjald is succeeded on the throne by Halfdan's sons, Hroar and Helgi, there is no opportunity for Ingjald's son Frothi to become king. It will also be remembered that Frothi IV in the _Skj?ldungasaga_, who, like Frothi IV in Saxo, was slain by Swerting (or his sons), was himself a fratricide, having caused the death of his brother Ali. Frothi IV in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ corresponds to the Frothi mentioned in the _Hrolfssaga_. Thus, as a fratricide, Frothi IV in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ corresponds to the Frothi in the _Hrolfssaga_, and as the victim of Swerting, he corresponds to Frothi IV in Saxo; while the account of Frothi, Ingjald's son, as the slayer of his half-brother Hroar, preserves the idea that Frothi V (in Saxo) is his brother's slayer. The _Skj?ldungasaga_ has, therefore, amply retained the idea of Frothi as a fratricide, and contains an account that, in a way, embraces the essential features of the treatment of the same period in the _Hrolfssaga_, on the one hand, and in Saxo, on the other. The relationship in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ of Frothi (Ingjald's father), Swerting, Ingjald, and Swerting's daughter is identical with that in the Ingjald lay.

Thus we see how, at the most conspicuous and interesting juncture of the Danish royal line, the _Skj?ldungasaga_ harmonizes conflicting traditions.[184] This involves a train of consequences, among which are the following:--

1. "The short and chronicle-like form [i.e., of the Hroar-Helgi story]

in the _Skj?ldungasaga_, where the murderer is called Ingjald, not Frothi," is taken from the account that appears in the _Hrolfssaga_; this account must therefore be earlier than the corresponding account in the _Skj?ldungasaga_.

2. As the story about Frothi, Halfdan, etc., in the _Bjarkarimur_ is substantially the same as in the _Skj?ldungasaga_, it must be derived from the same source as the story in the _Skj?ldungasaga_. The _Bjarkarimur_ are, therefore, at this point a later composition than the corresponding portion of the _Hrolfssaga_; and this fact affords further corroboration of the idea that the stories in the _rimur_ of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear are later than the _Hrolfssaga's_ account of Bjarki's slaying the winged monster.

3. When the _Skj?ldungasaga_ says that Hrolf Kraki met Hrani-Odin on the expedition to Sweden, though nothing is said about such a meeting in _Snorri's Edda_, the idea is probably taken from a version of the story essentially as we have it in the _Hrolfssaga_.[185]

4. Though the _Hrolfssaga_ is made up of elements of varying degrees of antiquity and merit, it contains features worthy of more consideration than has generally been accorded them.

5. In discussing the genealogy of the Danish kings in _Beowulf_ and comparing it with that of other doc.u.ments,[186] it is to be remembered that the _Skj?ldungasaga_ has no independent value as an authority in this connection; its value lies in its recognition of a conflict between the Ingjald lay and the story in the _Hrolfssaga_, and its attempt to harmonize the two.

6. On the whole, as Olrik says, "Hvor vaerdifuld den islandske _Skj?ldungasaga_ end er, den er selvfolgelig ikke p alle punkter at foretraekke for enhver anden kilde."[187] When it disagrees with other doc.u.ments, its statements should be scanned with care.

A little ought to be said about Saxo's treatment of the problem, the solution of which in the _Skj?ldungasaga_ has just been considered. The solution in the saga is based on the recognition of the fact that Frothi as a king who was slain (i.e., by Swerting) and later avenged by his son is irreconcilable with the idea that he slew his brother, whose sons later put Frothi to death and thus avenged their father's murder. Saxo solved the problem by employing two Frothi's,--namely Frothi IV, Ingjald's father, who was slain by Swerting and was avenged by his son, and Frothi V, Ingjald's successor, who slew his brother, Harald (i.e., Halfdan in the _Hrolfssaga_), and later was put to death by Harald's sons.

On the whole, Saxo's story presents something of an attempt to harmonize Danish and Old Norse tradition. The Danish tradition about the Hroar-Helgi group of kings Saxo preserves in his second book. The Old Norse tradition about them he utilizes in his seventh book, at a point where, in the line of Danish kings, it occurs according to the Old Norse conception of the matter.[188] In the latter connection he repeats certain features of the story as it appears in his second book. Ingjald who appears in the sixth book is really the same Ingjald (second book) whose son Agnar is slain by Bjarki; and Helgi (here called Halfdan) takes to sea, just as he does in the second book. All that concerns Hrolf Kraki, Yrsa, Bjarki, etc., Saxo omits from the seventh book; but he gives Halfdan (Helgi) a career in Sweden, something like Helgi's (second book). Halfdan dies, however, without leaving an heir to the Danish throne; and this solves another problem, for thus the necessity of introducing Hrolf Kraki, Helgi's son, again, or some subst.i.tute for him, is obviated, and the story of this royal family is brought to an end.

_Conclusion._

We have, therefore, only two versions of the Hroar-Helgi story (Saxo's version and the one in the _Hrolfssaga_), and these have been subjected to a variety of influences and manipulations. The two versions do not, however, always employ the same features in just the same way, as is exemplified in the treatment of the insanity motive; nor have they always retained the same features present in the source of influence, as where the place of concealment of the boys in one instance is a cave and in the other a hollow tree. But the possession of the two versions is valuable in this respect, that they afford a double confirmation of the source of influence, as in the instances just cited and in Frothi's consulting the witch.

It is a great transformation that has taken place in the fortunes of Hrothgar (Hroar) from the time we become acquainted with him as the famous King of the Danes in _Beowulf_ till we finally see him in the _Hrolfssaga_ sitting on the throne of Northumberland in England. But the conception of him that excludes him from the list of ancient kings of Denmark seems to have been shared by Snorri Sturlason; for in Snorri's _Ynglingasaga_, where Frothi, Halfdan, Helgi, Hrolf Kraki, and other early Danish kings are mentioned, and where one would expect something to be said about Hroar also, his name does not occur and there is no reference to him whatever.

The foregoing explanation of how Hroar came to be regarded as King of Northumberland has a bearing on _Beowulf_-criticism. The name of Hroar's wife is given as ogn. In _Beowulf_, Hrothgar's wife, Wealhtheow, is called a Helming and is supposed to be an English lady. In support of this idea, Sarrazin[189] and, following him, Thomas Arnold[190] have stated that perhaps we have a reminiscence of her nationality in that of ogn. But, as we have seen, there is no connection between the two women.