The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism Part 16

2. Cf. Riess in Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. _Astrologie_, col. 1816.

3. Cato, _De agric._, V, 4.

4. On dedication of Romans to Atargatis, see _Bull. corr. h.e.l.l._, VI, 1882, p. 497, No. 15; p. 498, No. 17.

5. Since the year 187 we find the Syrian musicians (_sambucistriae_) mentioned also at Rome. Their number grew steadily (Livy, x.x.xIX, 6; see Friedlander, _Sittengesch._, III^6, p. 346.)

6. Florus, II, 7 (III, 9); cf. Diodorus Sic., fr. 34, 2, 5.

7. Plut., _Vit. Marii_, 17.

8. Juvenal, VI, 351; Martial, IV, 53, 10; IX, 2, 11, IX, 22, 9.

9. _CIL_, VI, 399; cf. Wissowa, _op. cit._, p. 201.--Suetonius, _Nero_, 56.

10. A temple of the Syrian G.o.ds at Rome, located at the foot of the Janiculum, has been excavated very recently. Cf. Gauckler, _Bolletino communale di Roma_, 1907, pp. 5 ff. (Cf. Hulsen, _Mitt. Inst. Rom_, XXII, 1907, pp. 225 ff.); _Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr._, 1907, pp. 135 ff.; 1908, pp. 510 ff.; 1909, pp. 424 ff., pp. 617 ff.; Nicole and Darier, _Le sanctuaire des dieux orientaux au Janicule_, Rome, 1909 (Extr. des "Mel.

Ecole franc. de Rome," XXIX). In it have been found dedications to Hadad of the Lebanon, to the Hadad [Greek: akroreites], and to Maleciabrudus (in regard to the latter see Clermont-Ganneau, _Rec. d'archeol. or._, VIII, 1907, p. 52). Cf. my article "Syria Dea" in Daremberg-Saglio-Pottier, _Diction. des antiquites gr. et rom._, 1911.

11. I have said a few words on this colonization in my _Mon. rel. aux myst.

de Mithra_, I, p. 262. Courajod has considered it in regard to artistic influences, _Lecons du Louvre_, I, 1899, pp. 115, 327 ff. For the Merovingian period see Brehier, _Les colonies d'orientaux en Occident au commencement du moyen age_ (_Byzant. Zeitschr._, XII), 1903, pp. 1 ff.

12. Kaibel, _Inscr. gr._, XIV, 2540.

13. _Comptes Rendus Acad. Inscr._, 1899, p. 353 = Waltzing, _Corporations professionelles_, II, No. 1961 = _CIL_, III S., {243} 14165^8.--Inscription of Tham of Canatha: Kaibel, _Inscr. gr._, XIV, 2532.

14. Gregory of Tours, _Hist. Fr._, VIII, 1.--On the diffusion of the Syrians in Gaul, see Brehier, _loc. cit._, p. 16 ff.

15. Cf. Brehier, _Les origines du crucifix dans l'art religieux_, Paris, 1904.

16. Adonis: Wissowa, p. 300, n. 1.--Balmarcodes: Pauly-Wissowa, _Realenc._, s. v.; Jalabert, _Mel. fac. orient. Beyrouth_, I, p. 182.--Marnas: The existence at Ostia of a "Marneum" can be deduced from the dedication _CIG_, 5892 (cf. Drexler in Roscher, _Lexikon_, s. v., col. 2382).--On Maleciabrudus, cf. _supra_, n. 10.--The Maiuma festival was probably introduced with the cult of the G.o.d of Gaza, Lydus, _De Mensib._, IV, 80 (p. 133, Wunsch ed.) = Suidas s. v. [Greek: Maioumas] and Drexler, _loc.

cit._, col. 2287. Cf. Clermont-Ganneau, _Rec. d'archeol. orient._, IV, p.

339.

17. Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. "Damascenus, Dusares."

18. Malalas, XI, p. 280, 12 (Bonn).--The temple has recently been excavated by a German mission; cf. Puchstein, _Fuhrer in Baalbek_, Berlin, 1905.--On the Hadad at Rome, cf. _supra_, n. 10.

19. _CIL_, X, 1634: "Cultores Iovis Heliopolitani Berytenses qui Puteolis consistunt"; cf. Wissowa, _loc. cit._, p. 504, n. 3; Ch. Dubois, _Pouzzoles antique_, Paris, 1906, p. 156.

20. A list of the known military societies has been made by Cichorius in Pauly-Wissowa, _Realencycl._, s. v. "Ala" and "Cohors."

21. _CIL_, VII, 759 = Buecheler, _Carmina epigr._, 24. Two inscriptions dedicated to the Syrian Hercules (Melkarth) and to Astarte have been discovered at Corbridge, near Newcastle (_Inscr. gr._, XIV, 2553). It is possible that Tyrian archers were cantoned there.

22. Baltis: Pauly-Wissowa, _Realencyclop._, s. v.

23. Pauly-Wissowa, _Realenc._, s. v. "Aziz"; cf. Wissowa, _op. cit._, p.

303, n. 7.

24. On the etymology of Malakbel, see Dussaud, _Notes_, 24 ff. On the religion in the Occident see Edu. Meyer in Roscher, _Lexikon_, s. v. {244}

25. Kan, _De Iovis Dolicheni cultu_, Groningen, 1901; cf. Pauly-Wissowa, _Realencycl._, s. v. "Dolichenus."

26. Reville, _Relig. sous les Severes_, pp. 237 ff.; Wissowa, _op. cit._, p. 305; cf. Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. "Elagabal."--In a recent article (_Die politische Bedeutung der Religion von Emesa_ [_Archiv fur Religionsw._, XI], 1908, pp. 223 ff.) M. von Domaszewski justly lays stress on the religious value of the solar monotheism that arose in the temples of Syria, but he attributes too important a part in its formation to the clergy of Emesa (see _infra_, n. 88). The preponderant influence seems to have been exercised by Palmyra (see _infra_, n. 59).

27. Cf. _infra_, n. 59.

28. Cf. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, Chicago, 1902; Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes du pays de Moab_, Paris, 1908, pp. 297 ff.

29. Cf. Robertson Smith, _pa.s.sim_; Lagrange, pp. 158-216; Vincent, _op.

cit._, pp. 102-123; 144 f.--The power of this Semitic litholatry equaled its persistence. Philo of Byblus defined the bethels as [Greek: lithoi empsuchoi] (2, -- 20, FHG, III, p. 563): Hippolytus also tells us (V, 1, p.

145, Cruice), that in the Syrian mysteries ([Greek: a.s.surion teletai]) it was taught that the stones were animated ([Greek: hoi lithoi eisin empsuchoi; echousi gar to auxetikon]), and the same doctrine perpetuated itself in Manicheism. (t.i.tus of Bostra, II, 60, p. 60, 25, de Lagarde ed.:

[Greek: Ouk aischunetai de kai tous lithous epsuchosthai legon kai ta panta empsucha eisegoumenos]).

During the last years of paganism the neo-Platonists developed a superst.i.tious worship of the bethels; see Conybeare, _Transactions of the Congress of Hist. of Rel._, Oxford, 1908, p. 177.

30. Luc., _De dea Syria_, c. 41. Cf. the inscription of Narnaka with the note of Clermont-Ganneau, _Etudes d'arch. orient._, II, p. 163.--For bull worship in Syria cf. Ronzevalle, _Melanges fac. orient. Beyrouth_, I, 1906, pp. 225, 238; Vincent, _op. cit._, p. 169.

31. Philo Alex., _De provid._, II, c. 107 (II, 646 M.); cf. Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 54.

32. For instance on Mount Eryx in Sicily (Ael., _Nat. Anim._, {245} IV, 2).--Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, _Realenc._, s. v. "Dea Syria," col. 2242.

33. Tibullus, I, 7, 17.

34. Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 14; 54. Cf. Diodorus, II, 4, 2; Ovid, _Met._, IV, 46; V, 331.

35. Pauly-Wissowa, _loc. cit._, col. 2241; W. Robertson Smith, p. 175.

36. The ancient authors frequently alluded to this superst.i.tion of the Syrians (the texts have been collected by Selden, _De dis Syris_, II, C. 3, pp. 268 ff., ed. of 1672). W. Robertson Smith (_loc. cit._, p. 449), is right in connecting it with certain ideas of savages. Like many primitive beliefs, this one has continued to the present day. It has been pointed out to me that at Sam-Keu, a little west of Doliche, there is a pond fed by a spring and well stocked with fish, which one is forbidden to take. Near the mosque of Edessa is a large pond where catching fish is prohibited. They are considered sacred, and the people believe that any one who would eat them would die instantly. (Sachau, _Reise in Syrien_, 1883, pp. 196 ff. Cf.

Lord Warkworth, _Diary in Asiatic Turkey_, London, 1898, p. 242). The same is the case at the mosque of Tripoli and elsewhere (Lammens, _Au pays des Nosaris_ [_Revue de l'Orient chretien_], 1908, p. 2). Even in Asia Minor this superst.i.tion is found. At Tavshanli, north of Aezani on the upper Rhyndacus, there is to-day a square cistern filled with sacred fish which no one is allowed to take (on the authority of Munro). Travelers in Turkey have frequently observed that the people do not eat fish, even when there is a scarcity of food (Sachau, _loc. cit._, p. 196) and the general belief that their flesh is unhealthful and can cause sickness is not entirely unfounded. Here is what Ramsay has to say on the subject (_Impressions of Turkey_, London, 1897, p. 288): "Fish are rarely found and when found are usually bad: the natives have a prejudice against fish, and my own experience has been unfavorable.... In the clear sparkling mountain stream that flows through the Taurus by Bozanti-Khan, a small kind of fish is caught; I had a most violent attack of sickness in 1891 after eating some of them, and so had all who partook." Captain Wilson, who spent a number of years in {246} Asia Minor, a.s.serts (_Handbook of Asia-Minor_, p. 19), that "the natives do not eat fish to any extent." The "totemic" prohibition in this instance really seems to have a hygienic origin. People abstained from all kinds of fish because some species were dangerous, that is to say, inhabited by evil spirits, and the tumors sent by the Syrian G.o.ddess were merely the edemas caused by the poisoning.

37. On the [Greek: Ichthus] symbolism I will merely refer to Usener, _Sintflutsagen_, 1899, pp. 223 ff. Cf. S. Reinach, _Cultes, mythes_, III, 1908, pp. 43 ff. An exhaustive book on this subject has recently appeared: Dolger, [Greek: ICHTHYS], _das Fischsymbol in fruhchristlicher Zeit_, I, Rome, 1910.

On sacred repasts where fish was eaten see Mnaseas, fragment 32 (_Fragm.

histor. graec._, III, 115); cf. Dittenberger, _Sylloge_, 584: [Greek: Ean de tis ton ichthuon apothanei, karpoustho authemeron epi tou bomou], and Diog. Laert., VIII, 34. There were also sacred repasts in the Occident in the various Syrian cults: _Cenatorium et triclinium_ in the temples of Jupiter Dolichenus (_CIL_, III, 4789; VI, 30931; XI, 696, cf. _Mon. myst.

Mithra_, II, p. 501); _promulsidaria et mantelium_ offered to the Venus Caelestis (_CIL_, X, 1590); construction of a temple to Malachbel with a _culina_ (_CIL_, III, 7954). Mention is made of a [Greek: deipnokrites, deipnois kreinas polla met' euphrosunes], in the temple of the Janiculum (Gauckler, _C.R. Acad. Inscr._, 1907, p. 142; _Bolletino communale_, 1907, pp. 15 ff.). Cf. Lagrange, _Religions semitiques_, II, p. 609, and Pauly-Wissowa, _Realenc._, s. v. "Gad."

38. W. Robertson Smith, pp. 292 ff.

39. An inscription discovered at Kefr-Hauar (Fossey, _Bull. corr. h.e.l.l._, 1897, p. 60) is very characteristic in this respect. A "slave" of the Syrian G.o.ddess in that inscription offers his homage to his "mistress"

([Greek: kuria]).

40. Notably at Aphaca where they were not suppressed until the time of Constantine (Eusebius, _Vit. Const._, III, 55; cf. Sozom., II, 5).

41. Much has been written about the sacred prost.i.tutions in paganism, and it is well known that Voltaire ridiculed the scholars who were credulous enough to believe in the tales of Herodotus. But this practice has been proven by {247} irrefutable testimony. Strabo, for instance, whose great-uncle was arch-priest of Comana, mentions it in connection with that city, (XII, 3, 36, p. 559 C), and he manifests no surprise. The history of religion teaches many stranger facts; this one, however, is disconcerting.

The attempt has been made to see in it a relic of the primitive promiscuity or polyandry, or a persistence of "s.e.xual hospitality," ("No custom is more widely spread than the providing for a guest a female companion, who is usually a wife or daughter of the host," says Wake, _Serpent Worship_, 1888, p. 158); or the subst.i.tution of union with a man for union with the G.o.d (Gruppe, _Griech. Mythol._, p. 915). But these hypotheses do not explain the peculiarities of the religious custom as it is described by more reliable authors. They insist upon the fact that the girls were dedicated to the temple service while _virgins_, and that after having had _strangers_ for lovers, they married in their own country. Thus Strabo (XI, 14, -- 16, p. 532 C.) narrates in connection with the temple of Anaits in Acilisena, that [Greek: thugateras hoi epiphanestatoi tou ethnous anierousi parthenous, ais nomos esti katap.o.r.neutheisais polun chronon para tei theoi meta tauta didosthai pros gamon, ouk apaxiountos tei toiautei sunoikein oudenos]. Herodotus (I, 93), who relates about the same thing of the Lydian women, adds that they acquired a dowry in that manner; an inscription at Tralles (_Bull. corr. h.e.l.l._, VII, 1885, p. 276) actually mentions a descendant of a sacred prost.i.tute ([Greek: ek progonon pallakidon]) who had temporarily filled the same office ([Greek: pallakeusasa kata chresmon Dii]). Even at Thebes in Egypt there existed a similar custom with striking local peculiarities in the time of Strabo (XVII, 1, -- 46), and traces of it seem to have been found in Greece among the Locrians (Vurtheim, _De Aiacis origine_, Leyden, 1907). Every Algerian traveler knows how the girls of the Ouled-Nal earn their dowry in the _ksours_ and the cities, before they go back to their tribes to marry, and Doutte (_Notes sur l'Islam maghrebien, les Marabouts_, Extr. _Rev. hist. des relig._, XL-XLI, Paris, 1900), has connected these usages with the old Semitic prost.i.tution, but his thesis has been attacked and the historical circ.u.mstances of the arrival of the Ouled-Nal in Algeria in the eleventh century render it very doubtful (Note by Ba.s.set).--It seems certain (I do not know whether this explanation has ever been offered) {248} that this strange practice is a modified utilitarian form of an ancient exogamy. Besides it had certain favorable results, since it protected the girl against the brutality of her kindred until she was of marriageable age, and this fact must have insured its persistence; but the idea that inspired it at first was different. "La premiere union s.e.xuelle impliquant une effusion de sang, a ete interdite, lorsque ce sang etait celui d'une fille du clan verse par le fait d'un homme du clan" (Salomon Reinach, _Mythes, cultes_, I, 1905, p. 79. Cf.

Lang, _The Secret of the Totem_, London, 1905.) Thence rose the obligation on virgins to yield to a stranger first. Only then were they permitted to marry a man of their own race. Furthermore, various means were resorted to in order to save the husband from the defilement which might result from that act (see for inst., Reinach, _Mythes, cultes_, I, p. 118).--The opinion expressed in this note was attacked, almost immediately after its publication, by Frazer (_Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, 1907, pp. 50 ff.) who preferred to see in the sacred prost.i.tutions a relic of primitive communism. But at least one of the arguments which he uses against our views is incorrect. Not the women, but the men, received presents in Acilisena (Strabo, _loc. cit._) and the communistic theory does not seem to account for the details of the custom prevailing in the temple of Thebes.

There the horror of blood clearly appears. On the discovery of a skull (having served at a rite of consecration) in the temple of the Janiculum, see the article cited above, "Dea Syria," in _Dict. des antiquites_.