The Old Yellow Book Part 20

In the meantime her husband arrived. When his wife saw him, did she, timid as she was, shrink back? Did she acknowledge herself guilty of any sin, or of any wrong done to him in guarding her purity and modesty? No! But all on fire, though she was at the tender age of sixteen years, as I have already said, the constancy of her own honour rebuked him for the tricks and abuses which he had employed, and for the threats and blows he had very often given her, and for the poisonous drugs he had prepared to take her life. And [she declared]

that she had been obliged to do as she had done, to find an escape by flight from graver peril, and to return to the parental love of the Comparini, who had raised her as their daughter; and that she had always been careful to keep her wifely honour intact. The same rebuke was made by Caponsacchi, who during the flight had religiously observed the limits of due modesty.

What did Franceschini answer? What did he try to do, although he was armed with a sword against his defenceless wife and against Caponsacchi, who had with him only a little dagger? Nothing, indeed!

according to what the witnesses who were present deposed; because he stood convicted by the just remonstrances of his wife. But what did he do? He gave up all vengeance, which by right of natural law, or much more by civil law, he might have taken for that; and, as the Anonymous Writer goes on to boast in justifying him for this execrable crime, he implored the arm of the Law and had his wife and Caponsacchi arrested by the authorities of the place. And at his own instance they were conducted as prisoners to the prisons of the Most Ill.u.s.trious Governor of Rome, before whom Guido charged them with flight. Then, not content with this, he brought forward that other charge of supposed adultery committed with the said Caponsacchi. He also outdid himself greatly by making noisy pet.i.tion to the Supreme Pontiff for their punishment, and the latter sent back his entreaties to Monsignor the Governor. He was brazen enough to demand, with a new complaint, that his wife should be declared an adulteress and that to him, according to law, should pa.s.s all the gain of the dowry. This in substance clearly proves that he did not insist on vengeance for the reparation of his honour, which he himself had pa.s.sed by, but he did all this for the sole object of gain, that is to win the dowry.

What efforts, what exclamations, what diligence did Franceschini and Abate Paolo, his brother, not use to have the wife declared an adulteress and to gain the desired lucre? Monsignor the Most Ill.u.s.trious Governor knows it, who endured with all forbearance their pa.s.sionate pressure upon him. Signor Venturini, judge in the case, knows it. And all the other judges and notaries of the Court, who were nauseated by their importunity, know this very well. Then since judgment could not in any event fall according to the designs of the Franceschini, as there was no proof in the trial of any offence, either in the wife or in the said Caponsacchi, the most Religious Judges, who in prudence were judging rigorously (for the purpose of giving some satisfaction to the Franceschini brothers in their strong insistence, rather than because of the obligations of justice), banished the said Caponsacchi to Civita Vecchia for three years.

Caponsacchi straightway obeyed this sentence, and has never left the place a.s.signed him. The case was left undecided as regards the wife, who was placed in the Nunnery of the Scalette as a prison. Then when there was some question as to her pregnancy, with equal prudence, she was removed from the nunnery by the order of the Most Ill.u.s.trious Governor; for it was not decorous that she should give birth to a child there. And with the consent of the said Abate Paolo she was placed in the home of the said Comparini under security of 300 scudi to keep it as a secure prison.

On this point the Anonymous Writer disputes too bitterly what was written learnedly by the Fisc, and claims that the consent of the said Abate Paolo had not been given. But the great and incorruptible integrity of the Fisc is known to every one; because of which he would be unwilling to give his word in writing for what was not evident on the surest proof. Yet the fact of Abate Paolo's consent is plainly proved, since he in person so agreed with Monsignor the Most Ill.u.s.trious Governor and with Signor Venturini, the judge, jointly.

And he exacted from Pietro Comparini the obligation to supply her with food without any hope of recompense. And this was so carried out, although the quality of the Comparini did not deserve so indecent a rebuke on account of having been too indulgent with them.

With like bitterness it is denied that the said Abate Paolo had power of attorney from Guido, his brother, enough to give such consent; because, in making such a provision, Monsignor the Governor had no need of the consent of the parties. And, even if he had wished to show Abate Paolo such courtesy and urbanity, the Author should not reply thereto with such incivility, in criticising the judge for having done wrong because of the lack of that power of attorney. For by such procedure [Abate Paolo] proves that he wished to trick also Monsignor the Governor into consenting to a thing beyond his power. And he rests convicted of this, because the said Abate Paolo was the manipulator of all they did, nor was a straw moved without his a.s.sistance. And he was well provided with abundant power of attorney by his brother, wherefrom he had the fullest authority to do as if he were the very person of his brother, with a proviso of after confirmation, the efficacy of which every one knows. And this is confessed even by the Anonymous Author, since he a.s.serts that Guido at his departure left the entire conduct of his case to the Abate, his brother. But one may well see with what object he denies the said consent, that is, in order that he may more bitterly make pretence of the complicity of the Comparini in the pretended dishonesty of Francesca, who had been guarded by them as a daughter. This would seem very improbable if he should once admit the consent of the Abate.

No less rancorous is the a.s.sertion made by the Anonymous Writer that Lamparelli laid out the money to provide Pompilia with food while she was in safekeeping. Nor was Lamparelli reimbursed by the deposit in the Office, which had come from the money found on her and on Caponsacchi, when they were arrested at Castelnuovo, which was supposed to have been stolen from the husband. But the 48 scudi, which the wife confessed to have taken away from him, were fully restored to the said Abate Paolo, as is proved by his receipt, made during the trial. The rest of the money was conclusively proved to belong to Caponsacchi. And as soon as Abate Paolo received the money, for which he continually clamoured, he left Rome to take part in the planning of that notorious murder, which followed a little while later.

But there had previously been given notice, at the instance of Francesca Pompilia before Monsignor the Vice-Governor, of a suit for divorce and for the recovery of the dowry, which had been spent. This was very bitter to the Franceschini, because in that lawsuit conclusive proof would be made of their subterfuges, their cruelties, their threats of poisonous drugs that had been prepared; of which the Canon Conti, who was the mediator in that flight, had not been ignorant. And it is public talk and report throughout Arezzo that he died about a month ago under similar suspicious circ.u.mstances. Hereby ceased all hope, which the Franceschini had had from the beginning, of gaining the entire property of the Comparini. And from this, every sane mind may see and know what is the true root of such rash and pitiable murders; whether it is injured honour, or scandalous and detestable greed and cupidity. From this arose the hatred in the lawsuits brought and still undecided, which drew even greater dishonour upon the said Franceschini, and when decided would be for their ruin.

In vain therefore this Anonymous Writer and his other defenders wear themselves out in exaggerating the plea of injured honour. For then that which had no true existence would have been taken from Guido by his wife. This was fully proved in the arguments made for the Fisc, in answering those letters, from which Guido drew his strongest proof. On the contrary, Franceschini has by his own deed renounced all right to repair his honour, since he did not avenge it at the time of overtaking her in the said inn of Castelnuovo. Nor does his excuse really help him--that he was unarmed, because he had with him indeed a sword, and possibly other concealed arms. For it is not probable that he would have been willing to go on following his wife accompanied by Caponsacchi, without being provided with arms. And this all the more because the fugitives also were unarmed and were provided merely with a little dagger. But Guido preferred to choose the judicial road and had them arrested by the police, and he demanded that the charge against them be pushed through to their punishment, even imploring the rescript of the Supreme Pontiff. He also laid his entreaties again before the judges in the case (this very well discloses his purpose, which was the unconquerable motive of all his acts) and made special insistence before them for the payment of the price of the honour, which he pretended had been taken from him. And would he not even have had his wife declared an adulteress for the sake of gaining the dowry?

If then he has, as one may say, demanded the price of his honour in the Courts, how can he be permitted to commit such awful murders for honour's sake?

For whenever a husband is permitted by reason of natural law, or even by the civil law, to kill his wife for honour's sake, this power and faculty ceases whenever the husband has renounced it by imploring, as above, the arm of the law. And these complaints that he made, and his recourse to the Pope, show the price he put upon his honour. And with these judicial proceedings he lost, without doubt, his right of private vengeance for his injured honour, which he might have carried out. And by this one tacit renunciation, this right is extinct.

[Citation.] For the writer cannot claim that the judicial action brought by Franceschini would not effect the renunciation of private vengeance for his honour, but that he could still employ the one or the other, and avail himself of whichever might seem better to him.

For this is contrary to the text [Citation] which is stated as follows by the celebrated Canonist, Giovanni Andrea: "A choice cannot gain both alternatives in seeking confirmation therefrom; even if the one is claimed to include that by which the man can attain the end of his intention. Therefore a man must choose one, and when it is chosen he cannot turn to the other." And still clearer are the following words of the same authority: "The right to return to a second alternative shall not at all be allowed, when one seems to have renounced to choose the first and to profess that his rights cannot arise therefrom."

But although this exception from every miscarried law might be judged permissible, every foundation of it would be destroyed by the utter lack of proof of an offence received in his honour; for there was no proof of it in the prosecution for flight. The Anonymous Writer strives to deduce that from the pretended love-letters written to Caponsacchi, which were denied by Francesca and were not proved to be her handwriting, either by her own acknowledgment or by her signature.

One cannot claim that she was convicted of it, nor that any legitimate proof of it resulted, as all judicial practice shows.

And even if without reason we were obliged to acknowledge that they were written by her, would it not be too bitter and too unreasonable an inference that from them arose the husband's motive for killing her because she had written them? No one of sound mind will be persuaded to pity the husband who has gone on to kill his wife for the sole reason that she had written love-letters. For conjugal honour is offended neither by note, nor by pen, but only by acts of impure dishonour; and of this, in our case, every shadow of proof is lacking.

This is all the more true because the mere suspicion of dishonour ceases with a thought of the true motive, for which the letters were written; namely, by pretended demonstration of affection to allure this Caponsacchi to rescue her from imminent peril of death. Nor from this could she find any other escape than by flight; for she was always terrorised by the anger and hatred conceived by her husband for feigned reasons. And therefore, as the love-letters arose from that occasion they ought to be referred to it, and not to a dishonourable wish to smirch her conjugal faith to her husband. To the same cause, likewise, should certain conversations be referred, which she had had from the window with the said Caponsacchi in order to arrange the manner of saving her life, and not to give offence, nor to hazard her own modesty, nor the honour of her husband. Even the most chaste of women have used like artifices. We find in the Sacred Scriptures that Judith entrapped Holofernes in the same way, for the purpose of winning the liberty of her native land. And so it may be no less permissible for this poor woman, who was solely intent upon the security of her life, to allure Caponsacchi by amatory letters to be a safe companion for her in her flight, and this without any stigma of immodesty.

Much less can an offence of his honour be inferred from the flight; because, as I noted above, this flight resulted from the cause declared. And one may see clearly that it was not for doing any injury to her husband. For the fugitives did not turn aside into unknown places, but they journeyed precipitately along the consular road by post, without spending the night anywhere. And their journey was toward Rome, where the poor wife hoped that the Comparini, who had raised her as their daughter, would continue toward her those acts of love with which they had brought her up, even till the said marriage was contracted with Franceschini.

And all that is being reported that a driver testifies he had seen them kissing along the road has no legal foundation. For it rests merely on the word of a single witness of the lowest cla.s.s, and he swears to matters that are quite improbable, because he had to drive the carriage with such rapidity as that with which the fugitives were following their journey. Hence it was almost impossible for him to look backward, or to see what they were doing inside of that covered carriage. And this is all the more so because his deposition is vague, nor does it specify whether the kisses were given at night or by day.

But his deposition is rendered much more doubtful and improbable because, in such a swift journey as the carriage was making, it might chance during the jolting of it that the accident of their faces meeting casually would arise, and to him this might seem the act of kissing. This happens very commonly, even when one is making no such journey, according to the quality of the road and the rough ways which one finds. This makes his testimony insufficient and doubtful enough or, even further, it is audacious and incredible.

Then as to the other point which the Anonymous Writer a.s.serts too bitterly, namely, that when they arrived at Castelnuovo the innkeeper was ordered to make up only one bed for the repose of the fugitives, and that they slept together. The host however did not have the hardihood to swear, in his cross-examination, that they had slept together in it. This circ.u.mstance is excluded by the deposition of the wife as well as by that of Caponsacchi. Because their affidavits constantly affirm that neither of them went to bed for rest, but that merely the wife, who was worn out by the discomfort and suffering of so precipitate a journey, rested for a few hours seated in a chair; and that the bed was left arranged as the host had adjusted it; and it would have been found mussed, if they had slept in it. It is also proved that when Franceschini arrived at the said place he found Caponsacchi urging that the horses be harnessed for continuing the journey, and no proof is given to the contrary. Nor can one justly pity Franceschini for his injured honour, which had been kept intact by the fugitives.

Likewise the t.i.tle, to which the same Writer appeals--that the decree of condemnation for Caponsacchi's banishment had been inflicted because of criminal knowledge, to the injury of Guido's honour--has no real foundation; because this t.i.tle was corrected as untrue, and not in accord with the proofs. Of this fact we may have as legitimate witnesses the very Governor himself, and all the judges and notaries of the tribunal who have any part in the criminal court. And if one will only give it due thought, the t.i.tle of that case was placed there, just as a wine bush hangs outside the door of an inn, which very well shows that they sell wine there, but does not prove whether what they sell is good, and saleable, and agreeable. Oh! by no means.

For one may find the wine there to be sharp, and muddy, and of other inferior qualities. If therefore we read the doc.u.ments and the proofs registered during the prosecution, by which the crime is proved, and not by the erroneous t.i.tle, which cannot offer a shadow of proof for the pretended criminal commerce, there is even less suspicion of immodesty. And one can well understand that all proof was lacking during the prosecution from the mildness of the penalty inflicted, which does not at all correspond with the gravity of the crime charged. One can also see the impropriety of condemning Caponsacchi as an adulterer while the cause against the wife was still pending; because she could not be condemned while undefended.

But to remove every suspicion of this pretended adultery, I beg any dispa.s.sionate reader to reflect that the adultery could not have been committed in Arezzo, because to the guardianship of her husband was added that of the brothers, of their common mother, of the servant, of the relatives, and of the neighbours; yea, the voluntary imprisonment of the unfortunate child, who was always shut in a small room to guard her honour. Much less could adultery have been committed during the journey, as has been proved to be utterly unlikely, improbable, unproved, and far from the truth. Nor could it have been committed at Rome; for it is well known that Pompilia was taken from Castelnuovo to prison, and from there was removed to the Nunnery of the Scalette, and then because of her pregnancy was consigned to the said Comparini, under the form of keeping their house as a prison with security of 300 scudi. Caponsacchi also was staying then at his place of banishment in Civita Vecchia. In this fact all suspicion ceases, since the consent of Abate Franceschini, who is so zealous for his brother's honour, as well as his own, concurred therein.

Nor can one restrain himself without strong exertion when he hears such exaggeration from the Anonymous Writer as that Caponsacchi left his prison to go in banishment to Civita Vecchia at a time when the wife was staying in the house of the said couple, as a prison, and that he lodged in their house. But he cannot speak a more barefaced lie than that, because Caponsacchi has never been their guest, and as soon as he left the prison he went to the place of his exile; and he has faithfully observed his banishment without ever returning to Rome.

Nor did the wife leave the nunnery before it was proved to Monsignor the Governor that Caponsacchi was staying in Civita Vecchia, as was established by the authentic testimony of the Chancellor of that district.

The said Writer, however, gives me even more room to blame his excessive boldness in stigmatising the honour of Franceschini as sullied by his wife, by saying that as soon as Guido had ascended the stairs in company with his fellows, armed to commit this execrable murder, he looked about upon those walls, which were all full of his insults, as if the said silent stones had known how to make contrivances of foolish thoughts to foment his inhumanity for so horrible a murder. Because for this he can give no other proof than that he was writing fancifully without any foundation. For Guido was indeed willingly dishonoured; because to his other dishonours he added these disgraces also, even by his own wrongdoing. For it is made very clear above that the cause for which he committed the crime was not to repair his honour, which had been injured by his wife. But it was his unmasked tricks, the hoped-for lucre, which had vanished, and the lawsuits still pending.

And why can he not bring some other no less convincing proof, if honour urged Franceschini thereto? And was not that honour sufficiently avenged by the death of his wife? Why imbrue himself straightway with the blood of Violante and Pietro, who were not accomplices in the pretended dishonour? And why should he lay such plots through many days to procure the death of that kindly benefactor, because the latter had been moved by pity and had ministered to their aid in the said lawsuits? Upon that one there has never fallen a suspicion prejudicial to Guido's honour. For while the wife was in Arezzo he was staying at Rome. And when she was first married she was not fully thirteen years old, and after her flight, when she had returned to Rome, we know that she continued under guard in prison, or in the nunnery, and then in the home of her parents, and at this time she was very near her confinement. Hence one can conclude truly that the motive of this murder was other than that of honour, and that it was his greed, as was said, and the lawsuits, as Franceschini himself confesses in his cross-examination.

Nor ought the declaration made by the said wife in the face of death be despised, since in the presence of many priests and persons who are quite trustworthy, even while she was constantly suffering from such severe wounds, she maintained and professed with greatest frankness that she had always lived chaste and faithful to her husband. And with a heart in fullest resignation to the Divine Mercy, she prayed pardon for every mistake she had committed to the disgrace of her husband.

Nor in such a matter is it to be presumed that the one dying lies, at the risk of the eternal safety of her soul. A person should also reflect that in this deed there occurs a special favour from the hand of the very Omnipotent, who caused the wife to survive for a few days, in order that she might make clear her own innocence and throw light upon the murderers; for without this the crimes would have gone unpunished. For during the same crime Franceschini had repeatedly commanded his companions to see if she were quite dead. And when they had taken her by the tresses and had lifted her from the ground where she lay, they believed she was dead; because the poor wife, by natural instinct, knew how to feign it by her relaxation, as the delinquents confessed. And this mark of divine favour all the more verifies the declaration of the wife, which has been proved by the confession of those guilty of the crime.

I have left it for the last to discuss and refute what the said Writer pretends concerning Abate Paolo. But if he had to speak the truth, he might reasonably affirm that the Abate had been the whole foundation of this scandal. For he had urged Guido on to the murders, and he had woven the whole plot, inasmuch as it was he who, from the beginning, wished to attain, by dint of industry and trickiness, the marriage of the said Francesca Pompilia. It was he who had sustained the suits, both civil and criminal, and he who, under the name of a grandee, and by boasting of their word of honour, had tried to extort a judgment by means of fine insinuations, by subterfuge, and by trickery; which was not right. It was he, who was very sensible of having been proved to be the man of guile, who had been deluded by his own trick. Therefore this Writer had good reason to say that the faces of others served the Abate as mirrors by which to read his own evil courses, and not the lost honour of his brother.

I forbear to respond to what the Anonymous Writer has tried to have believed to the praise of Abate Paolo Franceschini, to excite greatly our pity; since the intention of the author of the present response is no other than to make clear the falsity of the suppositions against the honour of the poor wife and against the Comparini, and to serve the cause of justice. And he leaves the judgment of it to those who have full knowledge of it. From the same consideration I pa.s.s over responding to many another impropriety, which has been advanced uselessly and without any point by the said Writer.

And I close my response with the example of Samson, alleged by him.

When he saw himself exposed to the public scoffs of the people, he gave a shove to the pillars of the palace, causing it to fall that he might die with the rest under its ruins, and might cease to be longer the scorn of that people. So lest the said Franceschini may be ridiculed for his tricks, it is fitting that he and his companions pay the penalty merited by their crime. For these are pernicious to the State and to that peace and security which litigants in the Courts of Rome ought to enjoy, if we would maintain what the vigilance of the Supreme Pontiff Alexander VII., and his successors, has provided. For they have published a Const.i.tution as to that, and with it Banns, successively promulgated. The sacred order of such laws should be observed all the more willingly, inasmuch as Guido had chosen the judicial way to vengeance, and the appeals made to the Supreme Pontiff, who is most eager to do what is just, were sent back to his judges. Nor could Guido grieve for this without some pretended injury, as is evident; hence the Anonymous Writer wished to ascribe it to the aggravation by which the anger of Franceschini had been exasperated.

This clearly shows with what intent he had broken into such detestable excesses.

[File-t.i.tle of Pamphlet 16.]

_By the Most Ill.u.s.trious and Most Reverend Lord Governor of the City in Criminal Cases_:

_ROMAN MURDER-CASE._

_For Count Guido Franceschini and his a.s.sociates, Prisoners, against the Fisc._

_Reply as to law, by the Honourable Advocate of the Poor._

_At Rome, in the type of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber, 1698._

ROMANA HOMICIDIORUM

[PAMPHLET 16.]

Most Ill.u.s.trious and Most Reverend Lord:

I omit further discussion with my Lord Advocate of the Fisc about the communication of his allegations, because the time is brief, and I have professed great reverence for him since my youth. Let me also pa.s.s over the claim that when one is arguing about death inflicted by a husband upon his wife, not in the act of taking her in adultery, but after an interval, mere suspicion, however strong, is not sufficient to redeem him from the ordinary penalty of the Cornelian law, but that the clearest proof of the adultery is required, as is claimed by our opponents. Yet we have proved the contrary in our former argument, -- _quamquam ad hoc_. And Dondeus, Sanfelicius, and Muta, who were not cited there, hold that it is quite enough if the couple be found alone in some retreat; and No. 3 says especially if the wife be beautiful.

[Citation.] See the word of Ovid: "Great is the strife of modesty with beauty, And man keeps eagerly craving it." [_Heroides_, Paris to Helen.] So in the present case, according to the same author: "By this young and pa.s.sionate man is she supposed to have been returned still a virgin?" [_Heroides_, 5, 109.]

At present, we are dealing with a case not merely of clearest proof, but also of notorious fact; because we have a decree of this very Tribunal by which such adultery was declared. Although the words of this decree have been given in the present information, -- _Absque eo quod_, yet I wish to repeat them here, because they are so clear: "Giuseppe Maria Caponsacchi, of Arezzo, for complicity in the flight of Francesca Comparini, and for criminal knowledge of the same, is banished for three years to Civita Vecchia."

But I cannot pa.s.s over what is still claimed--that this decree was revoked--because, as I have said in my information, the truth is quite the contrary; for we have only the fact that in the mandate for imprisoning the sinning Canon the repet.i.tion of the whole decree, as given above, was omitted, and it was said: "For the cause, concerning which in the suit." These words are so far from showing a revocation that they rather offer confirmation of the said decree, as we have affirmed in our information, -- _Nec verum est_. The same should be said of the like words furnished by the notary in the bond which Francesca Pompilia executed to keep the home of her father as a prison. This was when she was brought there from the nunnery, where she had been staying securely, on the grounds of her supposed infirmity, but I may say more truly that it was because of her pregnancy, which she wished to hide by some evil deed.

[Our claim is all the more true] because this pretended revocation of the decree could not be made when the other side had not been heard, as I have said in my information, -- _Eoque magis_.

Likewise I cannot pa.s.s over what is said as to the Canon having been condemned only to the penalty of banishment because of defect of proof of adultery. For if such proof had not existed, how could my Lords Judges express in the decree that they condemned him for criminal knowledge of the same Francesca Pompilia? It is the truth that the judges held that the said adultery was most conclusively proved, and that the said Canon was convicted of the same, since in the prosecution nothing is wanting but the taking of them in the foul act; and this is not necessary to prove adultery. [Citations.]